SELECTED  QUOTATIONS 
ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 


COMMISSION  ON 
CHRISTIAN  EDUCATION 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


FROM  THE  LIBRARY  OF 
FRANK  J.  KLINGBERG 


SELECTED   QUOTATIONS 
ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 


WITH  ESPECIAL  REFERENCE  TO  A  COURSE  OF  LESSONS 

ON 

INTERNATIONAL  PEACE,  A  STUDY 
IN  CHRISTIAN  FRATERNITY 

INCLUDED  IN  THIS  VOLUME 


COMPILED  AND  PUBLISHED 

BY  THE 

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CHRIST  IN  AMERICA 

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^ 


Copyright,  1915,  by 
COMMISSION  ON  CHRISTIAN  EDUCATION 

OF   THK 

FEDERAL  COUNCIL  OF  THE  CHURCHES  OF 
CHRIST  IN  AMERICA 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

LIST  OF  AUTHORS  QUOTED vii 

CONCERNING  CONTENTS  AND  PURPOSE xi 

I.  THE  CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  WORLD-WIDE  FRATERNITY 1 

Common  Fatherhood  and  Common  Brotherhood 1 

The  Essential  Worth  of  a  Human  Being 10 

The  Ideal  Standpoint 11 

Service  for  the  Brotherhood 18 

II.  DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM 21 

False  and  True  Patriotism 21 

Individual  and  National  Standards 32 

National  Dangers  and  National  Defense 39 

Militarism 43 

National  Neighborliness 50 

Brotherhood — Good  Samaritan 53 

III.  THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR 56 

What  is  War?     (Denned) 56 

What  is  War?     (Described  Rather  Than  Defined) 57 

What  is  Peace? 57 

Suggestive  Points  for  Discussion 60 

Characteristics  of  War 61 

Can  War  be  Right? 65 

Common  Fallacies  in  Regard  to  Armaments 73 

Some  Causes  of  War 79 

Signs  of  Progress 91 

IV.  THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR 93 

Cost  of  War  in  Life,  Property  and  Prosperity 93 

Proportionate  National  Expenditures 99 

Consequences  to  the  Individual  Soldier  and  to  the  Com- 
munity    102 

War  Dangerous  to  the  Race , 106 

Battle  Cry  of  the  Mothers 108 

War  Retards  Human  Progress 110 

War  Results  in  Loss  of  Energy 113 

War  Breaks  Down  the  Moral  Code 115 

War  a  Means — Not  an  End 118 

The  Warlike  Nation — the  Decadent  Nation 119 

Unnatural  and  Irrational  Selection  Through  War 122 

iii 


2232292 


ir  CONTENTS 

PAGB 

V.  THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR 126 

Changing  Ideals 126 

A  New  Heroism 130 

A  Progressive  Attitude 131 

The  Battle  on  Higher  Ground 134 

Living  for  Country 135 

Heroic  Living 136 

Substitutes  for  Military  Virtues 139 

The  Right  Use  of  Force 149 

Moral  Equivalents 150 

VI.  PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR,  ARBITRATION 159 

Arbitration  a  Possibility  and  a  Necessity 159 

Successful  Arbitration 163 

The  Development  of  Arbitration 166 

Syllabus  on  the  Development  of  International  Arbitra- 
tion   173 

Historic  Steps  in  Arbitration 180 

Hindrance  to  Arbitration 185 

Arbitration  vs.  Armaments 188 

Work  of  the  Peace  Conferences 191 

Permanent  Tribunal 194 

VII.  THE  INTERDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  NATIONS 206 

Interdependence — a  Reality  To-day 206 

The  Growth  of  Interdependence  Desirable 210 

Changing  Conditions 214 

International  Cooperation 221 

Cooperation  a  Law  of  Life 229 

The  Coming  Day 231 

VIII.  THE  PRESENT  NEED  OF  INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND 

GOOD  WILL 234 

The  Fatherland 234 

Better  Racial  Understanding 235 

Appreciation  of  the  Japanese  and  Chinese 245 

Respect  for  Other  Races 258 

Universal  Race  Congress 265 

Christian  Obligations 267 

IX.  WORLD  FEDERATION,  A  MEANS  OF  INTERNATIONAL  JUSTICE.  273 

Justice  Necessary  to  Peace 273 

Justice  and  Friendship 281 


CONTENTS  v 

PAGE 

The  Meaning  of  World  Federation 289 

International  Organizations 294 

The  Need  of  International  Law 296 

The  World  Court 300 

International  Brotherhood 302 

International  Union 305 

A  League  of  Peace 310 

X.  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES.  . . .  312 

The  Education  of  the  People 312 

The  Teaching  of  Heroism 320 

The  Teaching  of  History 327 

The  Intercollegiate  Peace  Association 330 

The  Cosmopolitan  Clubs 332 

The  Christian  Students'  Federation 334 

The  Development  of  the  Peace  Movement 334 

A  Union  of  the  Peace  Press 351 

Literature  of  the  Peace  Movement 353 

XI.  THE  SOCIALIZING  OP  CHRISTIANITY;  THE  SPIRIT  OP  CHRIST 

PERMEATING  THE  NATIONS 356 

The  Influence  of  the  People 356 

The  Social  Life  of  the  Nations 370 

Social  Influence  of  Christianity 377 

Social  Responsibility 385 

Strong  Enough  to  Do  Right 387 

XII.  THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OP  THE  CHRISTIAN 392 

A  Psalm  of  the  Helpers 392 

Each  Man's  Responsibility 393 

Individual  Freedom 399 

Ideals  Made  Real 400 

A  Higher  Individual  Standard 406 

Consecration  to  a  Great  Cause 409 

XIII.  CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  BASIS  AND  ASSURANCE  OP  PER- 
MANENT INTERNATIONAL  GOOD  WILL 412 

The  Call  to  the  Church 412 

The  Call  to  Ministers 416 

The  Bible  and  Peace 422 

The  Responsibility  of  the  Church 425 

The  History  of  the  Church  in  Relation  to  Peace 437 

Resolutions  of  Churches 441 

The  Song  of  Peace 443 


CONTENTS— THE  STUDIES 

LESSON  PAGE 

AUTHOR'S  PREFACE 447 

I.  THE  CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  WORLD-WIDE  FRATERNITY.  . .  451 

II.  DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM 458 

III.  THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR 465 

IV.  THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR 471 

V.  THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR 479 

VI.  PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR 486 

VII.  THE  INTERDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  NATIONS 492 

VIII.  THE  PRESENT  NEED  OF  INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND 

GOOD   WILL 499 

IX.  WORLD  FEDERATION  A  MEANS  OF  INTERNATIONAL  JUS- 
TICE    506 

X.  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  .  513 

XI.  THE    SOCIALIZING    OF   CHRISTIANITY;    THE    SPIRIT    OF 

CHRIST  PERMEATING  THE  NATIONS 520 

XII.  THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN 527 

XIII.  CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  BASIS  AND  ASSURANCE  OF  PER- 
MANENT INTERNATIONAL  GOOD  WILL.  .  533 


VI 


LIST  OF  AUTHORS  QUOTED 

Abbott,  Lyman  184,  185,  274,  288 

Addams,  Jane  111,  127,  139,  241,  262,  285,  436 

Adler,  Felix  12,  212,  270,  395,  402 

Ainslie,  Peter  50,  100 

Angell,  Norman  34,  36,  132,  199,  210,  213,  215,  216,  225,  357,  400 

Asquith,  H.  H.  427 

Baldwin,  Simeon  E.  200,  301,  356 

Barlow,  Hon.  Lady  4,  359 

Baty,  T.  305 

Beals,  Charles  E.  390 

Beecher,  Henry  Ward  313 

Birney,  Lauress  J.  267 

Bloch,  Jean  de  99,  101 

Boardman,  George  Dana  13,  131 

Bourne,  Randolph  L.  175,  186 

Bracq,  Jean  C.  67 

Bradford,  Amory  H.  1,  11,  14,  19,  166,  379 

Brewer,  David  J.  43,  267,  360 

Bridgman,  Raymond  L.  3,  6,  211,  293,  300,  425 

Brooks,  Phillips  134 

Broido,  Louis  165 

Brown,  Charles  R.  75,  425 

Browning,  E.  B.  130 

Bruce,  Sir  Charles  407 

Bryan,  William  J.  137,  312 

Burke,  Edmund  394 

Burton,  Ernest  D.  248 

Butler,  Nicholas  Murray  18,  188,  198,  283,  284 

Caldecott,  Alfred  268 

Call,  Arthur  Deerin  349 

Capen,  Samuel  B.  96,  387 

Carnegie,  Andrew  61,  65,  102,  104,  162,  187,  303,  387 

Channing,  William  Ellery  10,  84,  88,  102,  274,  357,  399 

Chittenden,  Hiram  M.  299 

Clifford,  John  328,  436 

Constant,  Baron  d'Estournelles  de  269 

Courtney,  Lord,  of  Penwith  274 

Crosby,  Ernest  H.  59,  105 

Davids,  T.  W.  Rhys  18 
Derby,  Earl  302 
Dodge,  David  Low  396 

Dole,  Charles  F.  359,  371 
Ede,  W.  Moore  432 

vii 


viii  LIST  OF  AUTHORS  QUOTED 

Ellis,  Havelock  277,  292 
Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo  28 

Faunce,  W.  H.  P.  206,  229 

Ferrero,  Guglielmo  385 

Fiske,  John  406 

Fitzpatrick,  Sir  Charles  164,  195 

Fried,  Alfred  H.  351 

Foster,  John  W.  160 

Gannett,  William  C.  201,  308 

George,  Henry  274 

George,  Lloyd  101 

Gibbons,  Cardinal  4,  163 

Gilbert,  George  Holley  19,  420,  422 

Gilder,  Richard  Watson  136 

Ginn,  Edwin  314,  395 

Gladden,  Washington  1,  13 

Gordan,  George  A.  1 

Gould,  F.  J.  321 

Grane,  William  Leighton  27,  29,  61,  148,  164,  212,  289,  384,  389, 

408,  414,  416,  421 
Grant,  Ulysses  S.  301 
Greer,  David  H.  412 
Grey,  Sir  Edward  161,  183 
Gulick,  Sidney  L.  254,  420 

Haldane,  Viscount,  of  Cloan  364 

Harris,  George  53,  208 

Hart,  Albert  Bushnell  318,  329 

Henderson,  Charles  Richmond  356,  374,  393 

Hirst,  Francis  W.  91,  135,  167,  197 

Hobson,  J.  A.  79 

Holt,  Hamilton  298,  310 

Howard,  Rowland  B.  65,  72 

Hoyt,  John  W.  4 

Hugo,  Victor  231 

Hull,  William  I.  302 

Hunter,  Dorothy  M.  407 

James,  William  150 

Jefferson,  Charles  E.  39,  44,  73 

Jefferson,  Thomas  213 

Jones,  Augustine  90,  346 

Jones,  Jenkin    Lloyd  157,  320,  410 

Jordan,  David  Starr  61,  70,  105,  113,  119,  240,  254,  289,  394 

Kellogg,  Vernon  L.  106,  263 
King,  Henry  Churchill  1,  237,  263 
Knox,  Philander  C.  217 
Krehbiel,  Edward  Benjamin  173 

Ladd,  George  Trumbull  245,  389 
La  Fontaine,  Henri  334 


LIST  OF  AUTHORS  QUOTED  ix 

Lammasch,  Heinrich  175 

Lawrence  W.  261 

Lecky,  W.  E.  H.  87 

Lee,  Robert  E.  135 

Lochner,  Louis  P.  330,  332,  334 

Lodge,  Oliver  113,  206 

Low,  Seth  235 

Lowell,  J.  R.  61,  126,  234 

Lubin,  David  221,  222 

Lynch,  Frederick  21,  138,  180,  230,  276,  370,  378 

Mabie,  Hamilton  Wright  10,  50,  412 

Macdonell,  Sir  John  242,  258,  266,  269,  323 

Mackenzie,  J.  S.  4 

Malcolm,  Howard  43 

Mann,  H.  99 

Markham,  Edwin  11 

Mathews,  Shailer  257,  278,  394,  413,  415,  428 

Mead,  Edwin  D.  46,  63,  319,  324,  342,  343,  353 

Mead,  Lucia  Ames  41,  78,  80,  91,  99,  219,  265,  327,  347 

Merrill,  P.  M.  38 

Moneta,  E.  T.  57,  70 

Moore,  56 

Morgan,  Angela  108 

Morley,  John  Lord,  of  Blackburn  80,  395 

Morris,  Victor  327,  396,  398 

Muzzey,  David  Saville  21,  23 

Myers,  Denys  P.  159,  191,  203,  376 

Myers,  Philip  Van  Ness  176,  236,  264,  302 

Nabuco,  Joaquin  260 

Neill,  Charles  Patrick  97,  98 

Newman,  T.  P.  221 

Novicow,  Jacques  68,  97,  107,  112,  118 

Osborne,  John  Ball  218,  223,  224 

Paish,  Sir  George  214,  215 

Penn,  William  301 

Perry,  A.  L.  97 

Pezet,  Senor  Don  Federico  Alfonso  304 

Politis,  N.  196 

Pratt,  Hodgson  317 

Pratt,  Sereno  S.  Ill 

Ralston,  Jackson  H.  30,  71,  283 

Rauschenbusch,  Walter  259,  280,  359,  377,  381,  387,  406 

Reinsch,  Paul  S.  296 

Remensnyder,  Junius  B.  434 

Richards,  Henry  436 

Richter,  Adolph  76,  189 

Richter,  Jean  Paul  412 

Roberts,  E.  S.  422 


x  LIST  OP  AUTHORS   QUOTED 

Roberts,  George  E.  422 

Rogers,  Henry  Wade  181 

Root,  Elihu  80,  83,  273,  282,  283,  313 

Root,  Robert  C.  328 

Roots,  L.  H.  318 

Rowe,  L.  S.  261,  262 

Rowley,  Francis  H.  428 

Ruskin,  John  90,  318,  364 

Russell,  Lord  162 

Schermerhorn,  M.  K.  443 

Schucking,  Walter  171 

Scott,  James  Brown  194,  196 

Seligman,  Isaac  N.  110 

Sergi,  Giuseppe  262 

Sharpless,  Isaac  150 

Smith,  Paul  135 

Speer,  Robert  E.  6 

Stead,  William  T.  273,  307,  318 

Stobart,  M.  A.  112 

Stratton,  George  M.  37,  129 

Sumner,  Charles  23,  32,  138,  390,  394,  421 

Sumner,  William  Graham  122 

Suttner,  Baroness  von  274 

Taft,  William  Howard  186 

Teggio,  Victor  165 

Tennyson,  Alfred  117 

Thomas,  Reuen  136,  149,  397,  409 

Thorndike,  Edward  L.  141 

Tolstoi,  Leo  N.  54 

Trueblood,  Benjamin  F.  3,  96,  167,  177,  179,  208,  307,  335,  379 

Tryon,  James  L.  294 

Van  Dyke,  Henry  19,  392 

Walsh,  Walter  115,  116,  117,  329,  385,  431 

Warner,  H.  E.  28,  33,  130 

Washington,  George  281 

Webster,  N.  63 

Weisman,  Russell  163 

Wheeler,  E.  J.  126 

Wilson,  William  E.  11,  51,  181,  379,  437 

Wilson,  Woodrow  206,  228 

Worcester,  Noah  93 


CONCERNING  CONTENTS  AND  PURPOSE 

The  literature  on  peace  and  war  has  multiplied  rapidly 
during  the  recent  past.  In  consequence,  only  a  few  organiza- 
tions especially  interested  in  the  promulgation  of  peace  prin- 
ciples have  attempted  to  keep  in  close  touch  with  all  the  sig- 
nificant utterances  on  the  subject  that  have  appeared  in 
print.  Among  these  few  the  Church  Peace  Union,  at  New 
York  City,  and  the  World  Peace  Foundation,  at  Boston,  are 
noteworthy  examples,  the  library  and  record  files  of  both 
organizations  being  among  the  most  complete  archives  of 
current  peace  literature  in  this  country.  To  the  rich  fund  of 
source  materials  at  the  disposition  of  these  two  organizations 
the  Commission  on  Christian  Education  of  the  Federal  Coun- 
cil of  Churches  is  largely  indebted  for  the  Selected  Quota- 
tions on  Peace  and  War  contained  in  this  volume.  A  brief 
statement  regarding  the  contents  and  purpose  of  the  compi- 
lation will  make  evident  its  value  as  a  permanent  reference 
volume  for  pastors,  teachers,  and  thoughtful  students. 

More  than  a  year  ago  the  Commission  on  Christian  Educa- 
tion, cooperating  with  the  Church  Peace  Union  and  with  the 
educational  committees  and  publishing  houses  of  the  various 
denominations  affiliated  with  the  Federal  Council  of  Churches, 
entered  upon  a  campaign  of  education  on  the  subject  of 
world-wide  peace,  basing  its  appeal  on  the  Christian  ideal  of 
the  universal  brotherhood  of  man  and  the  world- wide  scope 
of  Christ's  kingdom.  This  cooperative  educational  effort  re- 
sulted in  the  preparation  of  a  connected  series  of  brief  studies 
on  the  Christian  principles  involved  in  interracial  sympathy 
and  good  will,  such  as  are  fundamental  to  a  permanent  world 
peace.  The  studies  are  intended  especially  for  adult  Bible 

zi 


Xil  CONCERNING  CONTENTS  AND  PURPOSE 

classes,  young  people's  societies,  missionary  and  fraternal 
organizations,  and  other  interested  adult  groups.  Their 
simultaneous  publication  (during  October  to  December  of 
1915)  in  the  various  senior  and  adult  Sunday-school  periodi- 
cals and  other  church  publications  of  the  cooperating  denom- 
inations has  resulted  in  assuring  for  this  particular  course  of 
lessons  wide  publicity  and  an  actual  circulation  of  more  than 
two  millions. 

The  task  of  writing  these  lessons  was  entrusted  by  the 
Commission  to  Professor  Norman  E.  Richardson,  of  Boston, 
in  collaboration  with  a  special  committee  on  peace  instruc- 
tion appointed  by  the  Commission  and  consisting  of  Nor- 
man E.  Richardson,  Chairman ;  Francis  E.  Clark,  B.  S.  Win- 
chester, Charles  H.  Levermore,  Wilbur  K.  Thomas,  P.  H.  J. 
Lerigo,  Charles  S.  Macfarland,  and  the  undersigned.  Miss 
Frederica  Beard  served  as  special  assistant  to  Professor 
Richardson,  while  to  Denys  P.  Myers,  Librarian  of  the  World 
Peace  Foundation,  was  entrusted  the  task  of  preparing  a 
selected  bibliography  covering  the  various  subjects  presented 
in  the  peace  studies.  The  publication  of  this  bibliography  in 
connection  with  the  lesson  titles  and  Scripture  references  of 
the  lessons  on  "International  Peace — A  Study  in  Christian 
Fraternity,"  resulted  in  a  widespread  demand  for  the  litera- 
ture indicated  in  the  bibliography.  The  effort  to  make  the 
more  significant  utterances  included  in  the  sources  cited  in 
this  bibliography  available  to  the  general  public  resulted  in 
the  preparation  of  this  volume  of  selected  quotations. 

For  the  actual  work  of  arranging  the  material  under  the 
running  titles  used  in  this  volume  credit  is  due  to  Miss  Beard, 
while  the  responsibility  for  a  critical  editorial  supervision  has 
been  borne  by  Professor  Richardson  in  cooperation  with  Dr. 
Winchester,  acting  for  the  Commission  on  Christian  Educa- 
tion. The  quotations  in  this  volume,  while  chosen  primarily 
with  reference  to  the  course  of  lessons  on  International 


CONCERNING  CONTENTS  AND  PURPOSE  xiii 

Peace,  to  which  reference  has  been  made,  have  nevertheless 
been  extensively  supplemented  by  quotations  from  more  re- 
cent discussions  which  have  appeared  in  print  since  the  work 
of  writing  these  lessons  was  completed.  For  purposes  of 
reference  and  study  the  lessons  referred  to  have  been  included 
as  an  appendix  to  this  volume.  The  book,  however,  will  have 
a  value  independent  of  the  lessons  as  a  source-book  of  expres- 
sions from  noted  thinkers  on  peace  and  war,  especially  as 
viewed  from  the  Christian  standpoint. 

HENRY  H.  MEYER, 
Secretary,     Commission     on     Christian     Education, 

Federal  Council  of  Churches. 
New  York,  September,  1915. 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  WORLD-WIDE 
FRATERNITY 

We  believe  in  the  Universal  human  Brotherhood.  The 
crusade  of  Brotherhood  is  the  most  remarkable  and  prophetic 
of  all  the  social  movements  of  the  modern  world. 

— AMORY  H.  BRADFORD. 

COMMON  FATHERHOOD  AND  COMMON  BROTHERHOOD 

Humanity  is  here  and  God  is  here  and  the  glory  of  Jesus 
Christ  lies  in  the  light  that  he  has  poured  upon  both.  He  has 
taught  us  that  the  final  truth  about  man  is  life  in  the  fellow- 
ship of  love ;  he  has  taught  us  that  this  fellowship  on  earth  is 
possible  because  of  the  ineffable  fellowship  of  love  in  God. 

In  the  presence  of  God's  world-plan  all  men  are  one.  We 
are  one  in  origin,  in  fortune,  and  in  destiny. 

— GEORGE  A.  GORDON. 

I  wish  we  might  take  home  to  ourselves  this  one  thought 
that  God  is  our  Father  and  that  we  are  his  children.  Our 
Father — the  Father  of  us  all!  ...  The  Father  not  only  of 
patriarchs  and  prophets,  of  saints  and  martyrs,  of  the  holy 
and  excellent  of  the  earth,  but  the  Father  of  publicans  and 
sinners,  of  heathen  men  and  criminals,  of  the  vilest  and  the 
worst  just  as  truly  as  of  the  purest  and  the  best.  It  is  the 
one  word  that  we  have  to  speak  to  all  sorts  and  conditions  of 
men — the  one  message  which  every  messenger  of  God  has  to 
deliver — God  is  your  Father,  you  are  all  his  children. 

— WASHINGTON  GLADDEN,  Present  Day  Theology,  p.  36. 

The  thought  of  God  as  Father,  or,  in  ethical  terms,  of  love 

1 


2     SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

at  the  heart  of  the  world,  is  the  basic  assumption  in  the  entire 
Sermon  on  the  Mount,  and  permeates  its  teaching  throughout, 
explicitly  recurring,  again  and  again.  .  .  . 

God  is  Father.  Love  cannot  be  partial.  Therefore,  also, 
life  is  a  marvelous  unity,  and  sin  is  its  own  worst  punishment 
and  love  its  own  best  reward.  The  power  of  a  consistent  love 
is  ours.  .  .  . 

God  is  Father.  Therefore  every  man  is  a  child  of  God, 
like  us,  knit  up  in  life  with  us.  The  power  of  a  gracious  love 
is  ours.  God  is  Father.  And  love  is  life.  Love,  infinite  and 
eternal,  is  at  the  heart  of  things.  We  can  think  and  still  live 
at  the  same  time,  because  it  is  given  us  to  start  from  this 
primal  faith  in  the  love  of  God.  The  power  of  a  godlike  love 
is  ours.  .  .  . 

It  seems  to  Jesus  to  be  an  inevitable  inference  from  the 
thought  that  God  is  Father — that  is,  that  there  is  love  at  the 
very  heart  of  the  world — that  men  should  necessarily  think 
of  one  another  as  brothers,  all  alike  children  of  the  Father, 
and  to  be  treated  and  loved  as  such.  The  motive  is  not  the 
less  powerful  that  it  seems  with  Jesus  so  incidental ;  rather  is 
it  incidental  because  it  carries  inevitable  force  with  it. 

If  I  am  to  love  men,  then,  I  need  to  believe  that  they  are 
my  brothers,  that  is  (1)  that  the  life  of  every  man  is  knit  up 
indissolubly  with  my  own;  (2)  that  he  is  like  me;  and  (3) 
that  in  some  true  sense  he  has  a  sacred  and  priceless  per- 
sonality in  Jesus's  thought — is  a  child  of  God.  Then  I  cannot 
wish  to  kill  or  hate  or  despise  or  condemn  him.  .  .  . 
Summary : 

1.  The  lives  of  men  are  indissolubly  knit  up  together — 
"members  one  of  another" — inevitably,  desirably,  indispen- 
sably. 

2.  The  other  man  is  very  like  us — in  all  the  great  essentials 
of  nature,  in  cherishing  some  ideals,  with  like  limitations,  and 
temptations  and  struggles. 


CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OP  WORLD-WIDE  FRATERNITY       3 

3.  The  other  man  has  like  us  a  personality — sacred  and 
infinitely  valuable  (a  child  of  God),  worthy  of  patient,  long- 
suffering,  self-sacrificing  love. 

— HENRY  CHURCHILL  KING,  The  Ethics  of  Jesus, 
pp.  243-254.     (The  Macmillan  Co.,  Publishers.) 

God  "made  of  one  every  nation  of  men  to  dwell  on  all  the 
face  of  the  earth."  The  oneness  of  origin  and  descent  of  the 
various  peoples  of  the  globe  is  now  established  with  practical 
certainty  on  purely  scientific  grounds.  The  race  is  one  race 
also  in  constitution.  The  human  body,  of  black  or  white,  of 
red  or  yellow,  is  the  same  in  structure,  in  purpose  and  in 
needs,  the  world  over.  The  human  mind  is  everywhere  built 
on  the  same  pattern.  The  highest  man  and  the  lowest  man 
can  learn  each  other's  language  and  commune  with  each  other 
intellectually.  Human  feelings  in  all  individuals  and  in  all 
races  are  the  same  feelings,  however  they  may  vary  in  degree 
or  manner  of  expression.  Pleasure  and  pain,  joy  and  grief, 
hope  and  fear,  love  and  hate,  are  the  same  affections  wherever 
experienced.  The  power  of  moral  determination,  though 
varying  widely  in  its  range  of  activity,  is  operative  in  all  men, 
and  the  capacity  for  the  same  moral  ideals  is  likewise  every- 
where found.  This  constitutional  unity  of  the  race  is  prac- 
tically meaningless  on  any  other  theory  than  that  of  coopera- 
tion and  mutual  service  in  working  out  the  destiny  of  each 
and  all. 

— BENJAMIN  F.  TRUEBLOOD,  The  Federation  of  the 
World,  pp.  7,  8. 

For  practical  purposes,  for  the  truth  as  to  the  fitness  of 
men  to  work  and  to  live  together,  for  the  truth  regarding 
their  mutual  rights  and  duties,  for  a  sound  position  regarding 
their  fundamental  equality  as  individual  free  wills,  it  is  safe 
to  proceed  on  the  theory  that  mankind  is  one  in  origin,  and 


4     SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

that  the  unity  into  which  the  individuals  are  created  is  a 
stronger  centralizing  force  than  any  diversity  caused  by  color, 
climate,  language,  religion,  or  social  condition. 

— KAYMOND  L.  BRIDGMAN,  World  Organization,  p.  3. 

Above  all  nations  is  humanity. 

— PLATO. 

The  essential  likeness  of  various  races  and  classes  is  evident 
in  spite  of  superficial  difference.  Such  points  of  difference 
may  generally  be  shown  to  be  largely  the  results  of  diverse 
physical  and  social  conditions;  and  an  attempt  should  be 
made  to  bring  out  and  emphasize  this  fact.  The  study  of  the 
history  and  literature  of  different  countries  helps  powerfully 
toward  this  recognition  of  a  common  humanity  under  a  great 
variety  of  forms.  It  is  one  of  the  chief  arguments  for  the 
retention  of  Latin  and  Greek  in  our  schools,  not  indeed  as 
universally  compulsory  subjects,  but  as  important  elements 
in  a  liberal  education. 

Different  people,  different  classes,  have  each  a  distinct  type 
of  personality  with  a  distinct  value  of  its  own.  The  study 
of  history  calls  attention  to  the  solid  excellences  by  which 
great  peoples,  such  as  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  have  been 
characterized,  and  also  brings  out  the  fact  that  those  who 
are  politically  subject  are  not  always  inferior  in  some  im- 
portant human  qualities  that  win  our  admiration.  The 
Greeks  are  not  the  only  race  who,  in  one  way  or  another,  have 
conquered  their  conquerors.  It  would  be  easy  to  show  that 
England  may  learn  much  from  her  dependencies  in  India, 
Africa,  and  elsewhere.  Indeed,  it  is  in  the  attempt  to  educate 
and  assimilate  subject-races  that  the  emphasis  on  funda- 
mental qualities  of  character  becomes  specially  important. 

Identity  and  comprehensive  character  of  the  human  ideal 
as  evolved  in  a  number  of  different  forms  may  le  pointed  out 


CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  WORLD-WIDE  FRATERNITY      5 

by  showing  that  the  ideals  of  every  race  are  tentative  and 
partial,  and  thus  become  enriched,  completed,  unified,  and 
purified  by  mutual  help  and  mutual  criticism.  Among  other 
things,  the  study  of  the  great  religions  of  the  world,  in  out- 
ward appearance  so  diverse,  may  be  used  to  show  that  they  all 
contain  the  same  fundamental  truths  in  more  or  less  imper- 
fect forms. 

— J.  S.  MACKENZIE,  Inter-Eacial  Problems, 
pp.  433-439. 

Brotherhood  is  the  great  truth  which  has  come  from  above, 
the  sublime  and  beautiful  truth  which  Christ  gave  to  the 
world  and  upon  which  He  founded  his  religion,  a  religion 
which  has  often  been  perverted  with  followers  devoted  to  the 
teaching  of  dogmas  to  the  neglect  of  these  broad  truths  of 
humanity.  It  is  well  for  us  to  take  up  anew  and  come  back 
to  this  great  central  truth  in  the  interest  of  mankind.  "Ye 
have  heard  it  has  been  said,  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbor  and 
hate  thine  enemy,  but  I  say  unto  you,  Love  your  enemies ;  love 
thy  neighbor  as  thyself." 

— JOHN  W.  HOYT,  in  Report  of  the  Fifth 
Universal  Peace  Congress,  p.  226. 

The  Word  of  Jesus:  "One  is  your  Father,  all  ye  are 
brethren." 

—Matt.  23 :  9,  8. 

Behind  all  arguments  lies  the  fundamental  truth  that  every 
human  being,  regardless  of  class  and  color  and  sex,  is  the 
living  temple  of  the  Spirit,  and  therefore  we  dare  not  lay 
hands  in  violence  upon  one  another. 

— HON.  LADY  BARLOW. 

Religion,  I  hold,  is  the  only  solid  basis  of  society.    Religion 


6     SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

is  to  society  what  cement  is  to  a  modern  building;  it  makes 
all  parts  compact  and  coherent.  The  social  body  is  composed 
of  individuals  who  have  constant  relations  with  one  another, 
and  the  very  life  and  preservation  of  society  demand  that 
the  members  of  the  community  discharge  toward  one  another 
various  and  complex  duties.  Eeligion  teaches  me  that  we  are 
all  children  of  the  same  Father,  brothers  and  sisters  of  the 
same  Eedeemer,  and,  consequently,  members  of  the  same 
family.  It  teaches  me  the  brotherhood  of  humanity. 

— CARDINAL  GIBBONS. 

Eeligion,  science,  art — exponents  of  the  good  and  the  true, 
the  beautiful — all  affirm  unity  of  mankind. 

— E.  L.  BBIDGMAN. 

If  one  were  asked  to  name  in  a  single  word  for  each  one 
of  the  great  religions  of  the  world  its  central  and  essential 
principles,  he  would  not,  perhaps,  have  any  great  difficulty 
in  the  case  of  Confucianism.  A  question  like  this  was  once 
addressed  to  Confucius  and  he  is  said  to  have  replied  with 
the  counter-question,  as  to  whether  "reciprocity"  was  not 
such  a  word.  And  perhaps  it  would  not  be  difficult  in  the 
case  of  Buddhism,  where  most  Buddhists  themselves,  I  im- 
agine, would  recognize  at  once  the  word  "Nirvana"  as  sum- 
ming up  their  central  principle  and  desire — the  word  that  we 
might  translate  best  in  English,  perhaps,  by  our  word  "rest" 
or  even  "extinction."  Perhaps  also  Mohammedans  would  not 
find  this  a  difficult  task.  I  presume  most  of  them  would 
reply  in  the  term  which  they  apply  to  their  own  religion, 
"Islam,"  which  may  be  weakly  translated  into  English  by 
the  word  "submission"  or  "surrender."  Doubtless  it  would 
be  more  difficult  in  the  case  of  Hinduism,  but  I  presume  a 
great  majority  of  Hindus  would  answer  without  much  hesi- 
tation with  the  word  "Karma,"  or  "fate,"  or  "destiny," 


CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  WORLD-WIDE  FRATERNITY      7 

although  there  might  be  some  who  would  disagree  and  prefer 
some  other  term. 

Certainly,  in  the  case  of  Christianity,  one  would  meet 
a  great  variety  of  answers  from  Christian  men.  But,  for  my 
part,  I  should  have  no  hesitation  whatever,  in  determining 
the  central  word ;  I  should  say  that,  in  place  of  reciprocity,  or 
rest,  or  surrender,  or  destiny,  the  central  and  essential 
principle  of  Christianity  would  be  defined  by  the  word  unity, 
at-one-ment.  As  we  turn  back  and  look  at  our  Lord's  life 
and  listen  to  His  teaching,  that  seems  to  me  to  have  been 
His  central  message.  His  own  life  was  a  unity.  Set  over 
against  the  jarring  disharmony  of  men's  lives,  His  life  made 
one  perfect  music.  The  great  purpose  of  His  coming,  as  He 
said,  was  to  draw  men  together  into  oneness — to  show  that  it 
was  possible  for  a  man  to  live  a  united  life  with  God  and  to 
draw  all  men  together  unto  Himself.  His  great  prayer  was 
that  men  might  be  united — so  that  His  disciples  and  all  other 
peoples  throughout  the  world  might  become  one,  even  as  He 
and  His  Father  were  one.  So  that  if  we  desire  to  know,  in 
one  single  word,  what  was  the  heart  of  His  message,  what 
the  purpose  of  His  coming,  and  what  to  be  the  result  of  His 
mission,  I  think  we  should  find  it  best  in  this  single  word 
"unity." 

Jesus  Christ  came  with  this  message  of  unity  regarding 
man  and  God:  offering  to  every  man  the  sweetness  of  an 
unbroken  and  cloudless  fellowship  with  His  Father  who  is 
also  ours.  Our  Lord  never  addressed  God  in  any  other  term 
than  Father,  barring  once,  when  in  the  anguish  of  death  He 
quoted  a  verse  from  the  forty-second  Psalm,  "My  God!  My 
God!  Why  hast  thou  forsaken  me?"  Every  other  time 
that  Jesus  spoke  to  God  He  called  him  Father:  Father,  my 
Father,  righteous  Father,  and  He  taught  men  that  they  were 
to  speak  to  God  and  of  God  just  as  He  had  spoken,  and  that 
a  man  might  think  of  God  as  his  own  Father,  and  that  when 


8     SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

he  was  alone  he  might  talk  with  God  just  as  he  would  talk  to 
his  father. 

The  gospel  of  Christ  was  a  message  of  unity  also  between 
man  and  man.  The  first  thing  that  our  Lord  did,  when 
He  began  His  work  on  earth,  was  to  establish  friendship,  to 
invite  men  to  come  and  join  His  companionship.  He  drew 
men  near  to  Him  and  thus  nearer  to  one  another.  The  or- 
ganized company  of  apostles  was  a  loving  and  intimate 
brotherhood  and  the  last  great  commandment  that  He  gave 
them  was,  what?  "That  ye  also  love  one  another  even  as  I 
have  loved  you."  Our  religion  began  as  a  relationship  of 
love  among  men,  the  bringing  together  of  men  of  different 
affiliations,  different  types  of  character,  different  tempera- 
ments, into  one  "beloved  community,"  on  united  brotherhood. 
And  when  our  Lord  had  gone  away  that  was  what  He  left 
behind  him.  He  was  not  zealous  to  leave  a  ritual ;  He  had  no 
anxiety  to  organize  a  society;  He  never  formally  called  the 
little  band  He  left  behind  a  church;  all  that  He  did  was  to 
gather  together  a  company  of  men  who  were  joined  together 
as  a  brotherhood,  and  they  constituted  a  community  into 
whose  hands  He  passed  on  His  work  and  His  mission  when 
He  was  gone.  And  the  fundamental  reality  regarding  the 
Christian  church,  as  this  community  came  to  be  called,  was, 
that  it  was  a  true  and  united  social  fellowship. 

It  has  been  said  by  a  German  ethnologist  that  the  deepest 
saying  of  Saint  Paul  had  reference  to  these  very  things.  You 
remember  that  word  of  his  in  which  he  declared  that  in 
Christ  Jesus  the  three  great  lines  of  cleavage  were  all 
obliterated — the  line  of  sex,  the  line  of  race,  and  the  line  of 
class.  In  Jesus  Christ  there  was  universal  citizenship,  no 
native  and  foreigner,  no  male  and  female,  no  bond  and  free, 
but  all  were  to  be  one  in  Him.  These  differences  are  pre- 
cisely the  cause  of  the  great  problems  in  our  modern  world : 
racial  prejudice  and  injustice,  inequality  of  right  and  privi- 


CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  WORLD-WIDE  FRATERNITY       9 

lege  between  men  and  women,  alienation  between  poor  and 
rich,  hatred  and  cleavage  between  class  and  class.  I  remind, 
you  that  it  was  the  indisputable  fact  regarding  the  life  of 
the  early  Christian  church  that  every  one  of  these  three  great 
lines  of  cleavage  that  God  hates  and  that  have  cursed  human 
life  was  wiped  out  by  Jesus  Christ,  and  that  He  came  into 
the  world  to  strike  out  these  lines  of  cleavage,  even  to  the 
very  end  of  the  age  and  the  uttermost  bounds  of  the  world. 

If  you  think  I  am  overdrawing  this  element  of  unity  as 
characteristic  of  Christianity  in  the  early  beginning  and  in- 
tended to  dominate  through  time,  let  me  quote  to  you  the 
statement  of  Paul  in  the  second  chapter  of  Ephesians :  "Now 
in  Christ  Jesus  ye  that  once  were  far  off  are  made  nigh  in 
the  blood  of  Christ.  For  he  is  our  peace,  who  made  both 
one,  and  brake  down  the  middle  wall  of  partition,  having 
abolished  in  his  flesh  the  enmity,  even  the  law  of  command- 
ments contained  in  ordinances;  that  he  might  create  in 
himself  of  the  two  one  new  man,  so  making  peace,  and  might 
reconcile  them  both  in  one  body  unto  God  through  the  cross, 
having  slain  the  enmity  thereby;  and  he  came  and  preached 
peace  to  you  that  were  far  off,  and  peace  to  them  that  were 
nigh,  for  through  him  we  both  have  our  access  in  one  Spirit 
unto  the  Father." 

I  say  again  that  the  message  that  Jesus  Christ  brought 
into  the  world  was  a  message  of  unity  to  the  individual  man, 
a  message  of  unity  in  man's  relationship  to  God,  and  a  mes- 
sage of  unity  as  to  man's  relationship  to  his  brother.  Every 
organization  inside  our  universities  that  abridges  brother- 
hood, that  denies  unity,  is  alien  to  the  mind  and  spirit  of 
Jesus  Christ.  Every  prejudice  and  class  partisanship  and 
narrowness  of  view  and  of  sympathy  in  our  nation  between 
class  and  class,  race  and  race,  between  black  man  and  white 
man,  between  capitalist  and  laborer,  between  poor  man  and 
rich  man — every  such  separation  and  prejudice  is  a  direct 


10   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

affront  and  repudiation  of  the  spirit  of  the  gospel  of  Jesus 
Christ.  Every  chasm  across  humanity  that  separates  a  Hindu 
brother  from  me,  every  chasm  in  the  world  that  divides  any 
race  from  any  other  race  by  barriers  of  disunion  and  preju- 
dice and  hatred — every  such  chasm  and  barrier  is  a  denial  of 
the  mind  and  spirit  of  Jesus  Christ. 

Was  there  ever  a  day  in  the  history  of  the  world  when 
men  needed  to  see  this  more  clearly  than  to-day,  to  realize 
what  the  mission  of  Christianity  in  the  world  really  is  ?  The 
issue  of  Christianity  is  not  an  optional  matter  for  a  man  to 
be  interested  in,  or  to  pass  by  as  he  shall  please.  It  is  the 
whole  issue  of  the  unity  of  his  life,  of  his  right  relationship 
with  God,  which,  as  Jesus  Christ  said,  is  life,  and  of  the 
solution  of  the  central  problem  of  the  modern  world. 

— EGBERT  E.  SPEER,  Address  on  International  Peace. 

THE  ESSENTIAL  WORTH  OF  A  HUMAN  BEING 

"Unto  me  hath  God  showed  that  I  should  not  call  any  man 
common  or  unclean/' 

On  the  faces  of  his  sorrowing,  toiling  fellow  workers,  he 
saw  the  image  of  God  slowly  dawning  like  a  glorious  morn- 
ing out  of  mist  and  darkness  as  they  touched  the  stuff  of 
mortality  with  the  power  and  beauty  of  the  immortal. 

— HAMILTON  MABIE,  Parables  of  Life,  p.  80. 
(The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

A  new  reverence  for  man  is  essential  to  the  cause  of  social 
reform.  There  can  be  no  spirit  of  brotherhood,  no  true  peace, 
any  farther  than  men  come  to  understand  their  affinity  with 
and  relation  to  God  and  the  infinite  purpose  for  which  He 
gave  them  life.  None  of  us  can  conceive  the  change  of  man- 
ners, the  new  courtesy  and  sweetness,  the  mutual  kindness, 
deference,  and  sympathy,  the  life  and  energy  of  efforts  for 
social  melioration,  which  are  to  spring  up,  in  proportion  as 


CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  WORLD-WIDE  FRATERNITY     11 

man  shall  penetrate  beneath  the  body  to  the  spirit,  and  shall 
learn  what  the  lowest  human  being  is.  Then  insults,  wrongs, 
and  oppressions,  now  hardly  thought  of,  will  give  a  deeper 
shock  than  we  receive  from  crimes  which  the  laws  punish 
with  death.  Then  man  will  be  sacred  in  man's  sight,  and 
to  injure  him  will  be  regarded  as  open  hostility  toward  God. 
— WILLIAM  ELLERY  CHANNING,  Discourses  on  War,  p.  3. 

"The  crest  and  crowning  of  all  good,  life's  final  star  is  brother- 
hood; 

For  it  will  bring  again  to  Earth  her  long-lost  Poesy  and  Mirth; 

Will  send  new  light  on  every  face,  a  kingly  power  upon  the  race. 

And  till  it  come,  we  men  are  slaves,  and  travel  downward  to 
dust  of  graves. 

Come,  clear  the  way,  then,  clear  the  way;   blind  creeds  and 
kings  have  had  their  day. 

Break  the  dead  branches  from  the  path:   our  hope  is  in  the 
aftermath. 

Our  hope  is  in  heroic  men,  star-led  to  build  the  world  again. 

To  this  event  the  ages  ran:  Make  way  for  Brotherhood — make 
way  for  man." 

— EDWIN  MABKHAM. 

Before  prejudice  will  disappear  and  brotherhood  will  be 
regnant  and  enduring  there  must  come  into  commerce  and 
industry,  as  well  as  into  philosophy  and  theology,  a  larger 
and  truer  conception  of  the  value  of  man. 

— AMORY  H.  BRADFORD. 

THE  IDEAL  STANDPOINT 

I  suppose  if  one  were  asked  for  an  epitome  of  Christ's 
teaching  one  would  read  aloud  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount; 
its  keyword  is  for  the  nations,  peace;  for  the  individual, 
love.  .  .  . 

Christ  at  His  coming  into  the  world  brought  peace  with 
Him,  so  at  His  departure  He  left  peace  as  an  everlasting 


12    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

legacy.  God  the  Father  has  chosen  to  call  Himself  the  king 
and  father  of  peace,  His  kingdom  the  kingdom  of  peace,  His 
servants  the  sons  of  peace. 

The  ideal  set  before  us  by  Jesus  Christ  is  high,  but  that 
must  neither  be  a  cause  for  despair  nor  a  reason  for  lowering 
the  standard.  For  Jesus  Christ  did  not  set  before  us  the 
ideal  without  Himself  making  it  real  in  His  own  life.  And 
the  power  by  which  He  lived  is  at  the  disposal  of  every  one 
of  His  followers.  We  are  not  expected  to  live  the  Christian 
life  without  the  Christian  power.  The  spirit  of  Jesus  is 
able  to  transform  the  world,  but  it  cannot  do  this  while  the 
people  through  whom  it  ought  to  work,  the  followers  of 
Christ,  acquiesce  in  a  lower  ideal  than  that  which  He 
showed  us.  .  .  . 

— WILLIAM  E.  WILSON,  Christ  and  War,  p.  52. 

We  desire  peace  with  the  Brotherhood,  but  why?  This  is 
the  most  pertinent  question  of  all.  Is  it  for  the  multiplica- 
tion of  the  sources  of  material  enjoyment?  Is  it  for  the  de- 
velopment of  culture? — and  if  so,  is  it  for  the  development 
of  a  single  type  of  civilization — Western  civilization,  for  in- 
stance? And  is  this  to  be  extended  universally,  suppressing 
every  other  type? 

The  appeal  of  sympathy  alone  will  not  suffice.  Sympathy 
is  in  its  nature  fluctuating,  and  in  larger  groups  of  men 
as  well  as  in  individuals,  it  is  apt  to  alternate  with  the  hardest 
kind  of  selfishness,  nor  will  the  waste  of  war  and  the  im- 
poverishment that  follows  in  its  train  serve  as  a  deterrent. 
In  moments  of  passion,  a  kind  of  frenzy  is  apt  to  be 
generated;  all  considerations  of  advantage  are  apt  to  be 
thrown  to  the  winds;  and  all  the  arguments  that  an  enlight- 
ened selfishness  can  produce  are  addressed  to  deaf  ears.  Nor 
will  the  growth  of  democracy  prove  a  sufficient  safeguard 
against  the  plague  of  war.  On  the  contrary,  a  novel  peril 


CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  WORLD-WIDE  FRATERNITY     13 

appears  in  the  contagious  rapidity  with  which  emotional  ex- 
citement is  propagated  among  crowds.  A  stronger  motive  is 
needed;  one  that  will  appeal,  not  so  much  to  ephemeral  feel- 
ing or  to  the  baser  selfish  instincts  as  to  the  most  permanent 
and  the  loftiest  of  human  interests.  Not  peace  itself,  but 
the  ends  which  peace  is  to  subserve,  should  be  held  up  to 
view. 

— FELIX  ADLER,  The  Fundamental  Principle  of  Inter- 
Eacial  Ethics  in  Inter-Racial  Problems,  p.  263. 

We  shall  never  get  beyond  Saint  Paul's  fundamental  con- 
ception of  the  ideal  society,  to  wit,  this:  "WE  AEE  MEM- 
BEES  ONE  OF  ANOTHER/'  Accordingly,  what  mankind 
needs  is  the  sense  of  what  our  French  brothers  call  esprit  de 
corps.  And  this  esprit  de  corps,  this  sense  of  mankind,  comes 
to  mankind  only  through  the  avenue  and  in  the  sphere  of  the 
Christian  incarnation,  or  the  embodiment  of  God  in  Jesus 
of  Nazareth. 

— GEORGE  DANA  BOARDMAN,  in  Eeport  of  Fifth  Uni- 
versal Peace  Congress,  p.  220. 

We  are  told,  in  the  Book  of  Genesis,  that  man  is  made  in 
the  image  of  God;  and  the  doctrine  of  the  Fatherhood  of 
God,  on  which  the  entire  teaching  of  Jesus  rests,  is  but  a 
stronger  statement  of  the  same  truth.  It  is  true  that  we 
find  human  nature,  as  yet,  for  the  most  part,  in  very  crude 
conditions;  its  divine  qualities  are  not  clearly  seen.  It  does 
not  yet  appear  what  we  shall  be.  But  we  have  learned,  in 
our  evolutionary  studies,  that  no  living  thing  ought  to  be 
judged  in  the  earlier  stages  of  its  development ;  we  must  wait 
to  see  the  perfected  type  before  we  can  make  up  our  minds 
about  it.  The  eaglet  just  hatched  does  not  give  us  the  right 
idea  of  the  eagle,  nor  does  the  infant  in  his  swaddling  clothes 
reveal  to  us  the  man.  So  it  is  with  species  and  races;  if 


14    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

they  are  undergoing  a  process  of  development,  we  must  wait 
for  the  later  stages  of  the  process  before  we  judge.  The 
apple  is  not  the  crab,  but  the  Northern  Spy;  the  horse  is  not 
the  mustang,  but  the  Percheron  or  the  German  roadster.  In 
estimating  any  living  thing,  you  take  into  consideration  its 
possibilities  of  development ;  the  ideal  to  which  it  may  attain 
must  always  be  in  sight. 

In  the  same  way  when  we  think  of  man,  we  do  not  take  the 
Patagonian  as  the  type,  but  the  best  specimens  of  European 
or  American  manhood. 

If,  then,  we  are  taught  to  believe  that  man  is  a  child  of 
God,  we  should  be  compelled  to  believe  that  it  is  the  most 
perfectly  developed  man  who  most  resembles  God.  "We  have 
some  conception  of  the  ideal  man.  Our  conceptions  are  not 
always  correct,  but  they  are  constantly  improved,  as  we  strive 
to  realize  them.  And  in  the  ideal  man  we  see  reflected  the 
character  of  God. 

— WASHINGTON  GLADDEN,  The  Church  and  Modern 
Life,  pp.  23,  24. 

MY  BROTHEK— A  DIALOGUE 

MISANTHROPOS 
PHILANTHEOP08 

Mis. — Do  you  not  think  that  there  is  a  great  deal  of  non- 
sense in  the  current  talk  of  platform  and  pulpit  about  Brother- 
hood? We  are  getting  it  ad  nauseam  from  a  certain  class 
of  sentimental  speakers  and  writers — chiefly  from  those  who 
lack  courage  to  declare  themselves  as  Socialists — but  who 
wish  to  win  the  favor  of  the  multitude.  For  my  part,  I 
think  that  that  young  man  was  right  who  denounced  Brother- 
hood as  a  failure.  .  .  . 

Phil. — You  take  too  gloomy  a  view  of  current  conditions. 
I  cannot  at  all  agree  with  you.  Instead  of  interpreting  events 


CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  WORLD-WIDE  FRATERNITY     15 

as  you  do,  I  believe  that  the  spirit  of  Brotherhood  is  penetrat- 
ing and  pervading  the  whole  social  order.  We  must  begin  by 
defining  terms.  Will  you  tell  me,  my  dear  Misanthropes, 
what  you  mean  by  Brotherhood? 

Mis. — By  Brotherhood  I  mean  the  relation  of  mutual  love 
and  service.  The  word  was  never  better  defined  than  by 
Jesus  in  the  so-called  Golden  Rule.  Men  who  do  unto  one 
another  as  they  would  be  done  by  are  brothers.  Jesus,  at 
another  time  said,  "A  new  commandment  I  give  unto  you, 
That  ye  love  one  another;  as  I  have  loved  you,  that  ye  also 
love  one  another/'  The  apostle  John  also  wrote,  "He  that 
loveth  not  his  brother" — that  is,  his  fellow  man — "whom  he 
hath  seen,  how  can  he  love  God  whom  he  hath  not  seen?" 
The  Christian  teaching  defines  Brotherhood  as  the  recog- 
nition of  the  obligation  of  mutual  love  and  service.  It  offers 
a  beautiful  but  utterly  impracticable  ideal. 

Phil. — And  do  you  mean  to  say,  my  dear  Mis.,  that  you 
think  that  Brotherhood  is  impossible ;  and  that  it  is  not  only 
making  no  headway,  but  that  it  has  little  recognition  any- 
where ? 

Mis. — Exactly!  It  has  existence  in  words,  and  in  them 
alone.  It  is  a  dream.  It  never  has  been  realized,  and  never 
can  be  realized.  .  .  . 

Phil. — It  would,  of  course,  be  folly  to  claim  that  the 
human  race  is  now,  or  ever  has  been,  dominated  by  brotherly 
feeling;  but  even  a  cursory  study  of  history  shows  that  those 
feelings  have,  year  by  year,  gained  a  larger  place  in  the  affairs 
of  men.  There  has  been  a  growing  appreciation  of  the  value 
of  man  as  man.  Laws  have  become  more  humane ;  the  death 
penalty  is  now  inflicted  for  only  a  few  crimes,  and  is  difficult 
of  infliction  because  even  the  courts  hesitate  to  put  an  accused 
person  beyond  the  reach  of  self-justification.  In  the  old 
days  hospitals  and  asylums  were  unknown,  and  weakness  was 
regarded  as  a  disgrace  rather  than  as  a  misfortune,  but  now 


16    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

even  monarchies  like  Germany  and  Great  Britain  have  in- 
augurated comprehensive  schemes  of  old-age  pensions.  Com- 
munism, socialism,  nihilism  are  more  or  less  frantic  efforts 
on  the  part  of  the  masses  of  the  people  to  realize  what  they 
believe  to  be  the  true  human  condition — one  in  which  the 
welfare  of  man  shall  be  secured.  Every  Thanksgiving  Day 
and,  still  more,  every  Christmas  Day  are  wonderful  revela- 
tions of  the  progress  of  humanity  toward  the  realization  of 
Brotherhood.  .  .  . 

Mis. — Suppose  you  are  correct:  and  suppose  the  tide  of 
Brotherhood  is  rising  and  will  become  resistless — to  what  do 
you  ascribe  this  new  movement  in  human  history?  Do  you 
think  that  it  is  exclusively  a  Christian  movement  ? 

Phil. — I  should  much  rather  call  it  a  cosmic  movement. 
The  causes  of  humanity  surely  received  a  new  impetus  from 
the  life  and  teaching  of  Jesus;  but  even  he  had  no  monopoly 
of  Brotherhood.  Its  finest  fruits  and  richest  growths  are  no 
doubt  found  in  lands  nominally  Christian,  but  rather  than 
call  it  exclusively  a  Christian  movement  I  would  say  that  it 
is  the  result  of  evolution,  because  it  may  be  seen  in  a  greater 
or  lesser  degree  in  nearly  every  land.  By  evolution,  as  I 
have  said  before,  I  mean  the  working  out  of  a  divine  plan 
under  the  influence  of  the  providence  of  God.  The  greatest 
single  force  in  the  upward  progress  of  the  race  has  been  the 
gracious  presence,  the  beneficent  teaching,  the  glorious  ex- 
ample of  the  Elder  Brother ;  but  humane  feelings  have  been 
from  the  beginning.  They  were  stimulated  by  Jesus;  they 
were  not  created  nineteen  hundred  years  ago.  Possibly  the 
world  has  not  before  been  ready  for  the  rule  of  Brotherhood ; 
but  that  it  is  now  I  am  sure.  It  is  a  rising  tide  and  hencefor- 
ward nothing  can  long  resist  its  onward  movement.  .  .  . 

Democracy  is  that  form  of  government  which  secures  to 
each  individual  his  political  rights.  It  presumes  that  those 
rights  are  the  same  for  all  men,  but  Brotherhood  is  a  matter 


CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  WORLD-WIDE  FRATERNITY     17 

of  character,  and  has  to  do  with  the  proper  use  of  rights. 
Democracy  may  be  consistent  and  still  be  the  rule  of  a  mob ; 
but  where  Brotherhood  prevails  each  man  will  seek  the  wel- 
fare of  every  other  and  mobs  will  be  impossible.  Democracy 
may  be  organized  selfishness;  Brotherhood  is  the  spirit  of 
universal  good-will. 

Socialism  is  an  effort,  often  most  commendable,  to  secure 
better  social  conditions  by  law ;  Brotherhood  insists  that  until 
men  love  one  another  efforts  to  secure  better  conditions  will 
be  futile.  Socialism  administered  by  selfishness  may  be  as 
tyrannical  as  the  worst  oppression  by  the  "money  power." 
Brotherhood  will  always  be  unselfish. 

The  conflict  between  labor  and  capital  will  never  be  settled 
until  the  employer  sees  in  his  employees  his  brothers;  nor, 
on  the  other  hand,  until  the  laboring  man  sees  in  his  employer 
a  human  being  like  himself,  with  complex  problems  to  solve 
and  bearing  heavy  burdens.  The  labor  battle  results  from 
capitalists  thinking  of  workmen  as  commodities  rather  than 
as  men  working;  and  from  the  workers  regarding  all  who 
administer  capital  as  tyrants.  The  solution  of  the  problem 
is  simple.  When  both  classes  love  one  another  as  brothers 
there  will  be  no  problem. 

The  same  is  true  of  international  strife.  Most  wars  are 
the  result  of  national  selfishness.  What  is  called  patriotism 
is  often  only  selfishness  in  its  larger  relations.  Patriotism, 
which  is  love  of  country  for  its  ideals,  for  the  virtue  of  its 
people,  for  its  mountains  and  valleys,  its  rivers  and  lakes, 
is  one  of  the  holiest  emotions  which  ever  thrill  a  human 
heart;  but  "patriotism"  which  seeks  to  exalt  one  nation  at 
the  expense  of  another,  or  which  is  willing  to  sacrifice  thou- 
sands of  lives  and  break  tens  of  thousands  of  hearts  to  avenge 
what  is  regarded  as  an  aspersion  on  national  honor,  is  be- 
neath contempt.  The  remedy  for  war  is  Brotherhood. 
Brotherhood  recognizes  its  kindred  in  all  lands  and  among  all 


18    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

races;  and  is  always  willing  to  surrender  its  own  interests 
that  those  of  the  larger  number  may  be  enhanced.  .  .  . 

It  is  always  best  to  believe  the  best.  In  the  absence  of 
positive  proof  to  the  contrary,  the  best  interpretation  of  life 
and  history  should  always  be  accepted  as  the  true  one;  and 
nothing  better  could  be  asked  for  man  on  this  earth  than  the 
realization  of  Brotherhood.  That  will  be  the  ideal  social 
state.  Yes,  I  am  an  optimist ;  and  I  believe  that  deep  in  your 
heart  you  are  also  one.  Some  time  I  hope  not  only  to  believe 
but  to  feel  that  every  man  is  my  brother.  Then  I  shall  be  a 
better  man;  and  when  all  men  are  possessed  by  that  feeling 
this  will  be  a  better  world. 

— AMORY  H.  BRADFORD,  My  Brother,  Extracts 
from  pp.  3-20. 

SERVICE  FOR  THE  BROTHERHOOD 

The  great  movement  in  which  we  are  engaged  is  all  part 
and  parcel  of  a  new  way  of  life.  It  means  that  we  must  enter 
with  fullness  of  appreciation  into  the  activities  and  interests 
of  peoples  other  than  ourselves;  that  we  must  always  and 
everywhere  emulate  the  best  they  have  to  teach  us  and  shun 
the  worst ;  that  we  must  answer  in  no  uncertain  tones  that  we 
are  our  brothers'  keepers;  and  that,  as  with  men  so  with 
nations,  the  path  of  justice,  of  integrity,  and  of  fair  dealing 
is  the  true  path  of  honor.  Let  us  see  to  it  that  we  Americans 
tread  steadily  in  it. 

— NICHOLAS  MURRAY  BUTLER,  The  International  Mind, 
p.  66.  (Used  by  Permission  of  Charles  Scribner's  Sons.) 

The  questions:  "What  shall  I  do  to  be  saved?"  and  "What 
shall  I  do  to  be  of  service?"  may  both  be  accounted  as  reli- 
gious, but  only  the  latter  makes  essentially  and  entirely  for 
solidarity.  The  former  question  has  at  times  found  its  solu- 


CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  WORLD-WIDE  FRATERNITY     19 

tion  in  a  life  of  solitude  and  withdrawal  from  sharing  in  the 
common  lot. 

— T.  W.  RHYS  DAVIDS,  in  Inter-Racial 
Problems,  p.  63. 

"What  means  the  Voice  of  Life?"    She  answered,  "Love"! 
For  love  is  life,  and  they  who  do  not  love 
Are  not  alive.    But  every  soul  that  loves 
Lives  in  the  heart  of  God  and  hears  him  speak." 

— HENBY  VAN  DYKE — Extract  from  poem  "Vera." 

The  Bible  at  its  highest,  which  means  Jesus  and  His  gospel, 
is  for  peace,  because  it  teaches  a  religion  grounded  in  the 
fatherly  character  of  God,  and  because  it  teaches  brotherhood 
as  the  supreme  law  of  human  society.  The  Bible  has  pro- 
moted peace,  and  will  continue  to  promote  peace  through 
single  individuals,  who  have  been  inspired  by  the  beauty  and 
the  strength  of  its  religion,  as  it  has  also  promoted  war,  and 
may  yet  again  promote  war,  through  the  influence  of  indi- 
viduals who  draw  from  the  lowest  levels  of  the  Bible;  but 
not  until  the  leaders  of  the  Church  stand  forth  in  their  might 
— the  might  of  conscience,  the  might  of  united  endeavor,  the 
might  of  their  high  calling — will  the  Bible  have  that  master 
influence  in  realizing  the  vision  of  universal  peace  which  of 
right  belongs  to  it. 

— GEORGE  HOLLEY  GILBERT,  The  Bible  and  Uni- 
versal Peace,  p.  205. 

Brotherhood  has  progressed  among  the  nations  with 
startling  swiftness.  Think  of  Moslems  falling  on  the  necks 
of  Christians  and  kissing  them  and  calling  them  brothers! 
Think  of  Jews  fraternizing  with  Mohammedans !  Think  of 
the  power  which  the  common  people  are  getting  in  all  lands ! 
Think  of  the  progress  of  Socialism  in  England,  Germany,  and 
Russia!  Socialism  is  a  long  way  this  side  of  Brotherhood, 
but  it  is  a  station  on  the  road. 


20    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Think  of  the  White  Cross  Society,  the  Bed  Cross  Society, 
the  Consumers'  League,  the  Tuberculosis  Congress,  and  The 
Hague  Conference.  Think  of  the  men  and  women,  good  and 
true,  who  were  fighting  the  battle  of  the  children,  of  the  poor, 
of  the  insane,  and  of  the  outcast,  of  those  who  are  cleansing 
prisons  and  building  hospitals!  There  are  crime,  disease, 
oppression,  social  enormities,  but  these  are  not  multiplying. 
There  are  also  love,  service,  brotherhood,  and  these  are  swiftly 
increasing.  The  crusade  of  Brotherhood  is  the  most  remark- 
able and  prophetic  of  all  the  social  movements  of  the  modern 
world. 

— AMOEY  H.  BRADFORD,  My  Brother,  pp.  35,  36. 


CHAPTER  II 
DANGERS  IN  MODERN"  NATIONALISM 

Let  us  take  thought  in  guarding  our  coasts,  how  we  guard 
our  ideals. 

What  folly  it  would  be  in  us  if,  just  at  the  moment  when 
we  had  the  opportunity  to  spread  our  ideal  of  justice  and 
peace,  we  should  abandon  or  deny  our  faith ! 

— DAVID  S.  MOZZEY. 

FALSE  AND  TRUE  PATRIOTISM 

The  patriotism  of  most  Americans  to-day  consists  of  a  some- 
what sentimental  devotion  to  one's  country,  exemplified 
mostly  in  saluting  the  flag  and  singing  national  hymns,  and 
in  times  of  war  a  willingness  to  die  for  one's  country.  Even 
to-day,  patriotism  in  most  people's  minds  is  associated  with 
war.  The  patriot  is  one  who  has  died  on  the  field  of  battle. 
The  monuments  are  mostly  built  to  soldiers.  Our  patriotic 
hymns  gather  about  war.  Our  two  patriotic  occasions  are 
Independence  Day  and  Memorial  Day.  Our  histories  and 
orations  have,  until  quite  recently,  praised  only  the  soldier 
as  a  patriot.  We  welcome  under  triumphal  arches  and  with 
mighty  acclamations  those  returning  from  the  wars  as  our 
great  children. 

In  reaction  from  this  false  and  primitive  patriotism  it  is 
not  necessary  to  go  to  the  extremes  of  Tolstoy  or  nerve"  or 
Moscheles,  although  it  is  natural  enough  that  these  men 
should  have  come  to  dread  the  very  word,  seeing,  as  they  have, 
how  this  perverted  form  of  it  has  stood  in  the  way  of  that 
growth  of  humanity  as  a  whole  which  is  greater  than  the 

21 


22    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

fancied  welfare  of  any  nation;  and  seeing  as  they  have,  how 
it  has  always  emphasized  a  nation's  rights  instead  of  her 
duties  (which  principle,  when  applied  to  individuals,  is  con- 
sidered unchristian  by  this  same  people).  But  inherently, 
there  is  no  more  reason  why  a  proper  love  of  one's  country 
should  interfere  with  a  devotion  to  humanity  any  more  than 
a  love  of  one's  home  should  proscribe  one's  devotion  to  his 
native  land.  Where  all  of  these  writers  are  probably  right, 
however,  is  in  their  contention  that  most  love  of  country  is  a 
manufactured,  artificial  thing.  Even  the  old-fashioned 
patriotism  did  not  spring  spontaneously  from  childlike  hearts, 
but  was  an  expression  of  passions  along  avenues  previously 
prepared  for  it. 

The  contention  that  most  countries  have  never  done 
enough  for  their  people  to  elicit  any  natural  affection  is  prob- 
ably true  in  many  instances.  But  where  nations  are  striving 
to  care  for  their  people,  as  some  are  to-day,  there  is  no  reason 
why  there  should  not  be  an  affection  for  them,  and  likewise 
there  is  no  reason  why  this  affection  should  not  assume  such 
form  as  to  be  not  only  beautiful  and  commendable,  but  of 
genuine  service  to  all  humanity,  just  as  a  man's  love  for  his 
home  may  be  the  most  helpful  asset  of  the  community. 

There  are  many  signs  that  this  "new  patriotism"  is  rising 
upon  the  souls  of  men.  It  is  running  like  a  thread  of  light 
through  much  of  our  best  literature  and  poetry.  It  is  seen  in 
the  utterances  of  our  greatest  statesmen — those  who  feel  the 
movements  of  this  century  and  can  sense  their  high  direction. 
It  appears  in  all  this  sudden  international  organization  of 
churches,  societies,  and  institutions,  and  in  the  innumerable 
world  congresses  being  held.  The  remarkable  spread  of  the 
peace  movement  in  recent  years  is  but  a  manifestation  of  it. 
The  Hague  Conferences  are  an  outgrowth  of  it.  The  rising 
of  the  gospel  of  the  brotherhood  of  man  has  gone  on  beside  it. 
The  cooperative  instinct  everywhere  observed  among  the 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM  23 

laboring  men  of  Europe,  regardless  of  nationality,  is  a  pro- 
nounced flowering  of  it.  Instead  of  this  false  and  primitive 
patriotism  we  find  signs  of  a  development  of  a  patriotism 
"whose  courage  is  of  life,  not  death."  It  is  a  heroism  of 
service  and  not  of  destruction.  It  is  love  of  country  which, 
while  true  to  the  highest  in  one's  own  nation,  at  the  same 
time  blesses  every  other.  It  is  a  national  devotion  which  is 
stripped  of  all  that  selfishness  that  makes  it  exclusive  and 
provincial.  It  is  a  patriotism  in  which  all  nations  will  re- 
joice with  the  nation  which  holds  it. 

— FREDERICK  LYNCH,  What  Makes  a  Nation 
Great,  pp.  43-46. 

The  true  grandeur  of  nations  is  in  those  qualities  which 
constitute  the  greatness  of  the  individual. 

— CHABLES  SDMNER. 

It  behooves  us  at  this  critical  moment  to  ask  what  patriot- 
ism is:  what  it  is  that  we  honor  and  love  under  the  name 
of  country  and  flag;  what  it  is  for  which  we  are  willing  to 
risk  our  life  and  fortunes;  what  it  is  for  which  we  must 
sacrifice  our  fair  young  manhood  on  the  field  of  battle,  and 
inflict  upon  the  women  who  have  borne  them  the  still  sharper 
pang  of  a  lingering  death  in  life  in  mourning  for  them? 
Waving  the  flag  must  not  blind  our  eyes  to  the  light  of  reason, 
nor  hurrahs  drown  the  voices  of  justice  in  our  ears. 

Patriotism  literally  means  the  doctrine  of  country,  of 
fatherland,  or  patria.  But  actually  the  word  is  always  used 
in  the  sense  of  philo-patriotism,  or  the  love  of  the  fatherland. 
What  is  it  that  we  love  as  fatherland  ?  Is  it  the  approximate 
rectangle  of  earth  bounded  by  the  two  oceans  east  and  west 
and  by  the  Canadian  land  on  the  north  and  the  Mexican 
land  and  gulf  on  the  south?  Not  quite  so  literally  father- 


24    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

land  as  that,  you  say.  It  is  not  the  actual  soil,  with  its  rocks 
and  rills,  its  woods  and  templed  hills,  that  we  love.  Mountain 
for  mountain,  we  do  not  love  Mount  Baker  on  the  American 
side  of  the  border  any  better  than  Mount  Nelson  on  the 
Canadian  side.  The  Ehine  does  not  cease  to  be  noble  and 
become  ignoble,  or  cease  to  be  ignoble  and  become  noble,  when 
it  leaves  German  territory  and  enters  Dutch  territory.  It  is 
not  the  particular  area  over  which  the  American  flag  flies,  I 
imagine,  that  men  love.  For  our  flag  flies  over  the  Philip- 
pines and  Porto  Rico. 

Or  is  the  feeling  of  patriotism  rather  a  sense  of  political 
allegiance,  the  love  of  the  American  national  state?  The 
majesty  of  the  state  inspires  awe.  There  is  something  that 
makes  one  thrill  with  pride  in  the  mere  sight  of  the  great 
public  buildings  at  Washington,  the  Capitol,  the  White  House, 
the  Library  of  Congress,  the  Treasury.  A  dignified  cere- 
monial attends  the  movements  of  high  official  personages. 
The  gravity  of  the  Supreme  Court  is  imposing.  The  eagle 
is  emblazoned  over  the  public  portals,  emblem  of  power, 
strength  and  swiftness,  unconquerable,  and  majestic.  All  this 
is  awe-inspiring.  But  is  it  what  we  love  as  patriots?  We 
have  but  to  remember  that  pomp  and  ceremony  have  been 
the  accompaniments  of  despotism  in  all  ages,  and  that  it  has 
been  one  of  the  favorite  and  craftiest  occupations  of  the 
tyrant  to  deceive  the  people  by  this  dumb  show  into  thinking 
that  they  were  receiving  their  due  as  citizens. 

Ah,  no,  you  say,  it  is  not  the  awe  and  majesty  of  the  state 
that  we  love  as  patriots,  any  more  than  the  actual  soil  and 
views.  It  is  rather  an  ideal  of  human  association  guaranteed 
and  protected  by  all  the  power  that  there  is  in  this  land 
over  which  our  flag  waves,  and  over  whose  portals  the  eagle 
emblem  is  emblazoned — an  ideal  which  informs  and  inspires 
all  the  majesty  of  state.  The  flag  per  se  is  a  piece  of  colored 
cloth,  the  land  per  se  is  dirt,  the  public  buildings  are  heaps 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM        25 

of  stone,  and  the  officials  as  men  from  the  President  down  are 
"forked  radishes"  like  you  and  me.  It  is  an  ideal  of  a  democ- 
racy of  justice,  on  which  our  nation  was  founded. 

The  menace  of  patriotism,  as  I  see  it,  is  this,  that  it  shall 
lend  its  powerful  name  to  sanction  the  battle  for  some  lower 
ideal  than  this  ideal  of  justice — for  the  extension  of  territory, 
of  the  increased  power  of  the  state,  or  the  multiplication  of 
engines  of  war,  or  even  the  defense  of  our  coasts.  The  danger 
is  that  a  conception  of  nationality  shall  prevail  which  is 
static,  even  retrograde,  the  very  denial  of  the  higher  ideal  of 
humanity.  There  is  such  an  ideal  of  nationality  fighting 
to-day  with  the  might  of  the  mightiest  army  the  world  has 
ever  seen.  There  are  apologists  for  this  ideal  of  defiant 
nationality  who,  in  cynical  language,  scout  the  idea  of  any- 
thing worth  striving  for  beyond  the  national  state,  declaring 
that  a  man's  "be-all  and  end-all"  is  to  be  a  member  of  a 
triumphant  nationality,  and  ridiculing  the  devotion  to  an 
ideal  humanity  beyond  as  moonshine.  They  talk  of  the  medi- 
ation of  their  civilization  to  all  the  world,  even  if  it  has  to 
be  forced  on  the  world  at  the  point  of  the  sword.  This  is 
nothing  less  than  the  purely  arbitrary  and  gratuitous  assump- 
tion that  the  present  form  of  national  state  which  humanity 
in  its  long  development  has  reached  is  the  end  of  that  de- 
velopment, and  that  there  is  no  hope  of  any  expansion  beyond. 
To  announce  such  an  ideal,  and  especially  to  announce  it  in 
the  name  of  idealism,  is  to  show  the  gravest  misconception 
of  the  course  of  history  and  the  greatest  blindness  to  ethical 
principle.  For  it  needs  but  the  most  superficial  glance  at 
history  to  see  how  through  the  ages  the  allegiance  of  men  has 
ever  been  painfully  won  for  ever  higher  and  more  inclusive 
units  of  political  and  social  organization. 

How  can  one  be  so  blind  to  the  evolution  of  history  and 
so  dull  to  the  vision  of  ethical  idealism  as  to  say  the  process 
has  stopped,  and  that  the  expansive  power  of  brotherhood 


26    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

and  sympathy  has  found  its  limit  in  the  national  state  ?  How 
dare  one  maintain  that  the  same  spirit  of  humanity  that  has 
broken  down  the  enmity  of  family  for  neighboring  family, 
of  city-state  for  neighboring  city-state,  of  feudal  jurisdiction 
for  neighboring  feudal  jurisdiction,  must  now  stop  and  leave 
the  state  the  eternal  and  implacable  enemy  of  neighboring 
states  ?  What  right  has  anyone  to  say  that  the  angel  of  peace 
shall  not  fly  across  a  frontier  without  danger  of  being  brought 
down  by  a  sharp-shooter?  What  right  has  anyone  to  say 
that  these  nations  must  go  on  piling  up  against  each  other 
engines  of  destruction,  and  glowering  at  each  other  over 
borders  bristling  with  cannon  and  fortresses,  because,  for- 
sooth, they  speak  a  different  tongue,  and  have  come  from 
different  origins? 

Call  this  idealism  if  you  please — I  confess  it.  Call  it  a 
dream — every  step  in  human  progress  has  been  a  dream,  a 
scouted,  pitied,  despised  dream.  We  know  the  type  of  answer 
that  men  who  call  themselves  hard-headed  (but  are  rather 
steel-hearted)  make  to  such  a  doctrine.  We  know  the  scorn 
with  which  they  treat  such  ideas,  as  something  like  the 
vagaries  of  plausible  pamphleteers  who  cannot  make  both 
ends  meet.  But  still  we  say,  Shame  on  the  Bernhardis  and 
men  of  their  like,  of  every  country,  who  call  humanity  a 
sapping,  demoralizing,  Utopian  nightmare,  and  who  add 
blasphemy  to  inhumanity  by  declaring  that  their  cause  of 
defiant  nationality  is  the  cause  of  God !  .  .  . 

The  menace  of  our  patriotism  is  that  the  ghost  of  Caesar 
shall  stalk  before  the  Capitol  at  Washington  and  the  banking 
houses  of  New  York.  We  are  not  the  inheritors  of  the  Ro- 
man tradition  in  America.  We  are  not  aspirants  for  Empire. 
When  our  forefathers  broke  with  Old  World  traditions  and 
repudiated  kings  and  aristocracies  and  priesthoods,  basing 
the  fabric  of  our  government  on  the  virtues  and  energies  of 
the  common  man,  with  a  sublime  confidence  in  the  uncommon 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM        27 

possibilities  in  his  common  clay,  they  substituted  a  patriotism 
of  bold  faith  in  the  future  for  a  patriotism  of  glorious 
memories  of  carnage  in  the  past.  .  .  . 

Now  the  ideal  of  the  American  Republic  is  put  to  the  test. 
We  must  hold  it  bravely  in  the  face  of  the  world.  For  what 
folly  it  would  be  in  us  if,  just  at  the  moment  when  we  had 
the  opportunity  to  spread  our  ideal  of  justice  and  peace,  we 
should  abandon  or  deny  our  faith!  What  an  irreparable 
calamity  for  the  cause  of  human  progress  if  just  at  the  mo- 
ment when  the  nations  were  chastened  by  unparalleled  mis- 
fortune to  a  point  where  they  might  listen  to  the  entreaties 
for  disarmament,  our  country  should  be  found  absorbed  in 
the  business  of  increasing  its  battalions,  its  fleets,  and  its 
guns!  Let  us  take  thought  in  guarding  our  coasts  how  we 
guard  our  ideals.  .  .  . 

Our  danger  from  a  foreign  foe  is  hypothetical.  The  danger 
from  our  own  infidelity  to  the  ideals  of  justice  and  peace  is 
imminent.  .  .  . 

I  for  one  say:  Better  go  down  to  defeat  with  the  flag  of 
American  idealism  flying,  if  invasion  should  come,  than  win 
under  a  banner  besmirched  with  the  blood  of  men  sacrificed 
to  the  ambition  of  a  defiant  nationalism. 

— DAVID  SAVILLE  MUZZEY,  The  Menace  of  Patriotism, 
in  The  Standard,  February,  1915,  pp.  169-174. 

The  problem  of  the  true  relation  between  the  ideals  of 
Patriotism  and  Peace  is  one  which  cannot  be  avoided,  and 
which  urgently  demands  more  careful  and  less  prejudiced 
treatment  than  it  has  usually  received.  The  civilized  world 
stands  now  at  the  parting  of  the  ways,  where  a  right  or 
wrong  choice  may  be  affected  in  no  small  degree  by  a  wise 
or  unwise  handling  of  the  great  patriotic  tradition. 

If  what  sociologists  call  our  "tribal  conscience"  is  to  grow 
naturally  into  the  consciousness  of  the  paramount  supremacy 


28    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

of  the  needs  of  civilized  humanity  as  a  whole,  it  is  plain  that 
some  evolutionary  change  in  the  patriotic  instinct  is  called 
for.  .  .  . 

But  does  it  therefore  follow  that  Patriotism  is  to  be  ac- 
counted the  enemy  of  Peace?  I  cannot  think  so.  I  am 
perfectly  convinced  that  nothing  which  the  word  Patriotism 
properly  connotes  need  be  regarded  as  an  obstacle  to  progress, 
or  as  an  element  of  hesitation  in  taking  "the  next  step."  .  .  . 

Let  no  man  think  that  he  serves  the  cause  of  progress,  or 
of  peace,  by  trampling  the  great  Ideal  of  Patriotism  in  the 
mud.  The  cause  of  international  amity  is  the  cause  of  Love 
freed  from  the  limitations  imposed  by  the  earlier  stages  of 
the  world's  evolution.  And  as  the  flower  of  mankind  has 
already  solved  the  preliminary  difficulty  of  conflicting  affec- 
tion in  the  case  of  Home  and  Country,  with  positive  gain 
to  both  ideals,  so  may  the  greater  problem  find  solution,  when 
the  full  glory  is  realized  of  that  larger  life  into  which  it  is 
the  destiny  of  the  patriotic  impulse  to  be  translated  and  trans- 
figured.— W.  L.  GRANE,  The  Passing  of  War,  pp,  87,  96,  97. 
(The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

We  hesitate  to  employ  a  word  so  much  abused  as  patriotism, 
whose  true  sense  is  almost  the  reverse  of  the  popular  sense. 
We  have  no  sympathy  with  that  boyish  egotism,  hoarse  with 
cheering  for  one  side,  for  one  state,  for  one  town;  the  right 
patriotism  consists  in  the  delight  which  springs  from  con- 
tributing our  peculiar  and  legitimate  advantages  to  the 
benefit  of  humanity.  — EMEESON. 

Patriotism  will  no  longer  relate  to  our  particular  patria — 
the  United  States,  let  us  say,  or  the  State  of  Ohio,  or  the 
city  of  Washington — and  it  will  not  be  called  patriotism,  but 
something  higher.  Let  us  call  it  fellowship,  if  you  please, 
brotherhood,  humanism,  enthusiasm  of  humanity,  civilization, 
Christianity  for  it  will  be  the  fruition  of  that  Christianity 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM  29 

taught  by  the  Master.  It  will  mark  the  final  substitution  of 
right  reason  for  brute  courage.  Just  as  the  latter  lost  its 
ferocity  and  was  transfused  into  mental  and  moral  qualities 
as  the  old  individual  antagonisms  gave  way,  and  finally  found 
its  chief  field  not  in  war  but  in  the  arts  of  peace,  so  the  new 
patriotism  will  look  upon  the  old  glorification  of  war,  the 
fierce  delight  in  slaughter  and  destruction,  as  wild  deliriums 
of  fever,  the  ghastly  and  haggard  nightmares  of  a  night  that 
is  past. 

To  this  hope,  to  this  ideal,  let  us  yield  our  admiration, 
our  reverence,  our  obedience,  our  love.  Toward  it  let  us 
strive,  though  we  may  not  attain.  Sometime,  somewhere, 
man  will  realize  that  for  which  we  vainly  yearn.  Humanity 
will  cast  away  its  cruel  and  foolish  burden  of  jealousy  and 
antagonism,  and  with  light  heart  and  mutual  encouragement 
climb  the  long  spirals  of  progress  which  seem,  indeed,  ever 
to  return  upon  themselves,  but  still  rise  forever  skyward. 
Whether  there  is  a  goal  of  perfection  we  cannot  say,  but  surely 
the  spiral  will  rise  to  clear  skies  and  a  broad  horizon,  from 
which  it  will  look  back  upon  what  we  call  civilization  with 
the  same  wonder  and  repugnance  with  which  we  regard  that 
geological  period  when  "a  monstrous  eft  was  of  old  the  lord 
and  master  of  life." 

— H.  E.  WARNER,  The  Ethics  of  Force,  pp.  63,  64. 

The  desire  of  an  exclusive  good  for  one's  own  nation  is  not 
of  the  essence  of  patriotism  at  all.  And  it  is  bad  logic  to 
describe  sour  milk  and  then  argue  from  the  description  that 
therefore  all  milk  is  bad.  I  may  love  my  own  garden  better 
than  my  neighbor's,  and  may  even  be  specially  pleased  with 
certain  plants  which  give  it  distinction,  but  I  do  not  grudge 
my  neighbor  the  precisely  similar  love  and  similar  pleasure, 
as  natural  to  him  as  to  myself.  But  it  would  appear  that  I 
cannot  genuinely  love  my  garden  unless  I  am  always  schem- 


30    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

ing  to  prevent  my  flowers  being  grown  by  other  people — which 
is  absurd.  But  it  is  no  less  absurd  to  maintain  that  a  peculiar 
love  for  one's  own  land  involves  ill-will  to  every  other.  There 
is  no  sort  of  necessity  for  such  a  consequence.  The  patriotic 
Englishman  is  no  traitor  to  Wordsworthshire  because  he  loves 
the  Lakes  and  Mountains  of  Italy  and  Switzerland;  nor  do 
Ehine  Castles  and  Thuringian  Forests  seem  sinister  because 
the  castles  are  not  at  Warwick,  or  at  Edinburgh,  or  even  at 
Carnarvon,  and  because  the  German  forests  can  produce  no 
Stone  of  Rufus,  no  ghost  of  Robin  Hood,  no  vivid  memories 
of  Shakespeare.  The  patriotic  American  can  celebrate  the 
Fourth  of  July,  and  boast  Niagara  and  the  Rockies,  no  less 
cordially  for  his  pious  pilgrimage  to  Stratford,  his  wonder  in 
Westminster  Abbey,  and  his  joy  in  the  antiquities  of  the 
Tower. 

Now  this  extended  appreciation,  this  modern  cosmopolitan 
instinct,  is  typical  of  exactly  what  is  called  for  in  the  sphere 
of  personal  and  national  relations.  The  widening  sense  of 
community  of  interest  in  all  things  human,  which,  partly  in 
consequence  of  phenomenal  facilities  of  intercourse,  is  charac- 
teristic of  modern  life,  in  no  way  interferes  with  particular 
affection  and  regard.  It  is  certain  that  no  man  loves  his 
home  less  for  loving  his  country;  then  why  should  love  of 
country  be  incompatible  with  love  to  all  mankind?  Concen- 
tration of  particular  affection,  as  the  love  of  child  and  parent 
or  of  husband  and  wife,  involves  no  hostility  to  those  outside 
the  family  circle.  And  so  it  conies  to  pass,  as  Maurice  truly 
taught,  that  "he  is  most  just,  on  the  whole,  to  every  other 
nation,  who  has  the  strongest  feeling  of  attachment  to  his 
own."— W.  L.  GRANE,  The  Passing  of  War,  pp.  94,  95. 
(The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

As  yet  we  are  but  children  and  have  the  ways  of  children. 
Between  the  childish  disputes,  "It  is,"  "It  isn't,"  or  "I  want 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM        31 

to  swing,"  "No,  I  won't  let  you  swing,"  and  the  average 
difference  between  nations  leading  to  war,  there  is  in  essence 
no  distinction — nothing  save  the  age  and  number  of  the  dis- 
putants and  the  consequent  variance  in  the  objects  which 
interest  them.  Relatively,  the  contest  is  unchanged,  and 
equally  it  should  be  adjusted  without  killing  and  without 
the  slow  sapping  away  of  life  through  taxation. 

But  if  you  tell  me  that  such  doctrines  as  I  have  tried  to 
set  out  are  opposed  to  patriotism,  let  me  say  to  you  that 
patriotism  is  not  a  fixed,  but  a  growing  term.  When  the  first 
Englishmen  planted  themselves  on  the  borders  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  their  patriotism  was  bounded  by  the  fringe  of 
woods  concealing  Indian  enemies.  Later  it  meant  a  special 
sense  of  duty  to  those  within  the  widening  boundaries  of  the 
province.  Yet  a  few  years,  and  with  the  birth  of  a  new 
nation,  all  who  lived  within  the  bounds  of  the  thirteen 
original  states  were  recognized  as  their  brothers.  Then,  by 
leaps  and  bounds,  it  came  to  pass  that  the  teeming  millions 
of  human  beings  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  represented 
the  solidarity  of  the  country,  and  all  were  recognized  as 
brothers  under  a  common  flag,  and  between  such  brothers  war 
was  a  crime,  and  all  troubles  to  be  determined  in  a  peaceful 
manner. 

But  one  step  is  left.  We  have  to  recognize  the  brotherhood 
of  the  human  race  and  the  infinite  crime  of  bloody  contests 
between  members  of  a  common  family.  When  the  day  of 
such  recognition  arrives  we  shall  love  our  immediate  neigh- 
bors no  less,  and  for  them  reserve  the  special  offices  that 
our  finite  strength  limits  us  to  giving  to  the  relatively  few, 
while  the  narrower  features  of  the  patriotism  of  to-day  will 
be  swallowed  up  in  a  broad  consideration  for  the  rights  of 
humanity,  and  all  men  will  be  brothers. 

— JACKSON  H.  RALSTON,  Some  Supposed  Just  Causes 
of  War,  p.  10. 


32    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Not  that  I  love  country  less,  but  Humanity  more,  do  I 
now  and  here  plead  the  cause  of  a  higher  and  truer  patriotism. 
I  cannot  forget  that  we  are  men  by  a  more  sacred  bond  than 
we  are  citizens — that  we  are  children  of  a  common  Father 
more  than  we  are  Americans. 

— CHARLES  SUMNER,  Addresses  on  War,  p.  71. 

INDIVIDUAL  AND  NATIONAL  STANDARDS 

Alas !  upon  our  own  heads  be  the  judgment  of  barbarism 
which  we  pronounce  upon  those  that  have  gone  before!  At 
this  moment,  in  this  period  of  light,  while  to  the  contented 
souls  of  many  the  noonday  sun  of  civilization  seems  to  be 
standing  still  in  the  heavens,  as  upon  Gibeon,  the  dealings 
between  nations  are  still  governed  by  the  odious  rules  of  brute 
violence  which  once  predominated  between  individuals.  The 
Dark  Ages  have  not  passed  away;  Erebus  and  black  Night, 
born  of  Chaos,  still  brood  over  the  earth ;  nor  can  we  hail  the 
clear  day,  until  the  hearts  of  nations  are  touched,  as  the 
hearts  of  individual  men,  and  all  acknowledge  one  and  the 
same  Law  of  Right. 

What  has  taught  you,  0  man !  thus  to  find  glory  in  an  act, 
performed  by  a  nation,  which  you  condemn  as  a  crime  or  a 
barbarism,  when  committed  by  an  individual  ?  In  what  vain 
conceit  of  wisdom  and  virtue  do  you  find  this  incongruous 
morality  ?  Where  is  it  declared  that  God,  who  is  no  respecter 
of  persons,  is  a  respecter  of  multitudes?  Whence  do  you 
draw  these  partial  laws  of  an  impartial  God?  Man  is  im- 
mortal; but  Nations  are  mortal.  Man  has  a  higher  destiny 
than  Nations.  Can  Nations  be  less  amenable  to  the  supreme 
moral  law?  Each  individual  is  an  atom  of  the  mass.  Must 
not  the  mass,  in  its  conscience,  be  like  the  individuals  of 
which  it  is  composed  ?  Shall  the  mass,  in  relations  with  other 
masses,  do  what  individuals  in  relations  with  each  other  may 
not  do  ?  As  in  the  physical  creation,  so  in  the  moral,  there  is 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM       33 

but  one  rule  for  the  individual  and  the  mass.  It  was  the  lofty 
discovery  of  Newton,  that  the  simple  law  which  determines 
the  fall  of  an  apple  prevails  everywhere  throughout  the  uni- 
verse— ruling  each  particle  in  reference  to  every  other 
particle,  large  or  small — reaching  from  earth  to  heaven,  and 
controlling  the  infinite  motions  of  the  spheres.  So,  with 
equal  scope,  another  simple  law,  the  Law  of  Right,  which 
binds  the  individual,  binds  also  two  or  three  when  gathered 
together — binds  conventions  and  congregations  of  men — 
binds  villages,  towns,  and  cities — binds  states,  nations,  and 
races — clasps  the  whole  human  family  in  its  sevenfold  em- 
brace; nay,  more,  it  binds  the  angels  of  Heaven,  Cherubim, 
full  of  knowledge,  Seraphim,  full  of  love ;  above  all,  it  binds, 
in  self-imposed  bonds,  a  just  and  omnipotent  God. 

— CHARLES  SUMNER,  Addresses  on  War,  pp.  45,  46. 

If  patriotism  is  a  duty — and  under  my  conception  of  it  I 
hold  it  to  be  so — it  must  somehow  be  brought  within  the 
system  of  ethics.  Its  basis  must  not  be  sought  in  a  senti- 
ment, but  in  laws  of  right  and  wrong.  It  is  not  an  isolated 
virtue,  but  a  part  of  character.  It  is  not  a  theory,  but  a 
question  of  conduct.  "Love  of  country"  cannot  be  satisfied 
by  a  froth  of  enthusiasm,  the  clapping  of  hands,  the  blubber- 
ing of  vulgar  sentimentality,  nor  even  by  enlistment  in  the 
army.  "Devotion  to  its  interests"  will  not  be  evidenced  by 
the  blind  applause  of  every  proposed  action  by  the  govern- 
ment, right  or  wrong,  wise  or  foolish.  It  will  be  shown 
rather  by  the  patient  effort  to  determine,  first  of  all,  what  is 
the  rational  and  proper  action.  If,  unfortunately,  a  different 
one  has  been  determined  upon,  it  will  endeavor,  so  far  as 
possible,  to  make  the  error  manifest  and  to  urge  another 
course.  When  the  true  one  has  been  found,  then  it  will  be 
manifest  by  a  willingness  to  make  sacrifices  and  bear  hard- 
ships, if  need  be,  to  accomplish  the  end  sought.  It  will  there- 


34    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

fore  involve  the  exercise  of  the  soundest  judgment  and  the 
coolest  reason. 

— H.  E.  WARNER,  The  Ethics  of  Force,  pp.  42,  43. 

The  one  distinctive  advance  in  civil  society  achieved  by 
the  Anglo-Saxon  world  is  fairly  betokened  by  the  passing 
away  of  this  old  notion  of  a  peculiar  possession  in  the  way 
of  honor  which  had  to  be  guarded  by  arms.  It  stands  out 
as  the  one  clear  moral  gain  of  the  nineteenth  century.  And, 
when  we  observe  the  notion  resurging  in  the  minds  of  men, 
we  may  reasonably  expect  to  find  that  it  marks  one  of  those 
reversions  in  the  on-going  of  moral  development  which  so 
often  occur  in  the  realm  of  mind  as  well  as  in  that  of  organic 
forms. 

The  second  respect  in  which  national  vanity  strikes  a  lower 
note  than  personal,  is  not  less  suggestive.  The  crude  rivalry 
of  material  possession  which  is  one  of  the  ear-marks  of 
patriotism,  has  no  counterpart  among  civilized  adult  indi- 
viduals. The  average  man  has  not  a  fit  of  spleen  upon  hear- 
ing that  another  has  had  an  accession  of  fortune.  He  likes 
to  get  what  he  can  for  himself,  but  it  is  not  gall  and  worm- 
wood to  him  if  some  one  else  gets  more.  Still  less  do  indi- 
viduals boast  of  their  wealth,  their  acreage.  ...  It  has  been 
well  said  that,  if  for  this  reason  alone,  the  men  of  the  lesser 
states,  basing  their  national  credit  upon  better  things  than 
bigness  of  acreage,  tend  to  become  ethically  our  superiors. 

The  analogy  between  personal  and  national  conduct  needs, 
however,  some  qualification.  It  may  be  asked,  Are  we  to 
have  no  pride  of  race,  to  find  no  joy  in  national  achievement, 
to  indulge  no  thrill  of  great  tasks  accomplished  ? 

A  reference  to  the  rule  universally  accepted  as  just,  if  not 
universally  adhered  to  between  civilized  men  and  women 
in  their  personal  relations,  at  once  indicates  the  answer  to 
the  question.  The  crass  pride  of  material  possession,  the 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM        35 

boast  of  acres  and  wealth,  the  subordination  of  morality  and 
all  regard  for  others,  to  their  acquisition,  the  display  of 
power  over  others,  crude  brag  of  superiority  to  the  rest  of  the 
world,  and  the  general  shaping  of  conduct  on  the  assumption 
that  where  the  ideas  of  others  differ  from  our  own  they  must 
be  false  ideas — such  behavior  the  world  over  is  a  sure  indica- 
tion of  moral  shortcoming.  Yet  some  such  attitude,  it  must 
be  acknowledged,  is  indistinguishable  from  nine  tenths  of 
current  patriotism.  In  the  individual  it  is  not  merely 
obnoxious  from  the  point  of  view  of  feeling,  but  necessarily 
implies  a  defect  of  character  which,  if  widespread  in  the  com- 
munity, must  involve  social  decay.  It  is  in  the  true  sense, 
that  pride  which  goeth  before  a  fall.  Vanity  of  this  character 
is  disastrous  in  its  final  material  outcome.  It  represents  the 
social  type  which  is  characteristic  of  decadent  groups :  it  was 
characteristic  of  later  Eoman  society  as  it  is  to-day  of  much 
Oriental. 

Yet  in  the  social  sphere  it  is  easy  to  distinguish  the  point 
at  which  mere  vanity  becomes  self-respect :  the  point  at  which 
pride  of  wealth  and  power  is  subordinated,  not  necessarily 
abandoned,  to  pride  of  character.  Such  pride  becomes  a 
motive  as  fruitful  of  beneficent  progress  as  the  other  is  of 
decay.  The  material  progress  of  civilization  is  marked  by 
the  improvement  of  the  personal  ideal  in  this  respect.  In  its 
final  form  the  proposition  becomes  a  mere  truism:  Society 
is  corrupt  to  the  degree  to  which  character  is  overlooked,  and 
the  acquisition  of  wealth  and  power  by  any  means  whatsoever 
considered  justifiable.  It  is  as  evident  that  national  conduct 
must  suffer  to  a  corresponding  degree  if  the  patriotic  ideal  be 
one  which  overlooks  the  morality  of  all  acts  so  long  as  they 
make  for  national  aggrandizement. 

It  will  be  argued  that  in  the  very  nature  of  the  case  per- 
sonal and  national  intercourse  do  not  stand  upon  the  same 
plane,  that  any  attempt  to  establish  an  absolute  analogy 


36    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

between  them  must  break  down;  that  nations  are  trustees 
not  entitled  to  allow  nice  considerations  to  weigh  in  the 
consideration  of  their  wards'  interests. 

The  answer  to  this  does  but  reenforce  my  general  conclu- 
sion, that  from  the  purely  utilitarian  point  of  view,  vanity 
as  a  national  motive  is  condemned  even  more  severely  than 
as  a  personal  one. 

— NORMAN  ANGELL,  Patriotism  Under  Three  Flags, 
pp.  48-50.    (G-.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  Publishers.) 

Just  as  national  relations  are  less  controlled  by  rationalism 
than  are  individuals,  so  is  national  vanity  of  a  distinctly  lower 
order  than  the  vanity  which  obtains  between  civilized  indi- 
viduals. This  is  shown  prominently  in  two  ways:  by  the 
survival  among  nations  of  the  morality  of  the  duel,  with  its 
archaic  notions  of  an  arm-defended  honor,  notions  long  since 
abandoned  between  at  least  English-speaking  individuals ;  and 
the  distinctly  cruder  type  of  that  barbaric  boastfulness  which 
vaunts  mainly  bigness  of  territory  and  greatness  of  wealth — 
a  type  of  vanity  which  in  this  crude  form  has  quite  disap- 
peared in  the  intercourse  of  all  civilized  individuals — Saxon, 
Celt,  or  Latin. 

The  survival,  where  national  prestige  is  concerned,  of  the 
standards  of  the  code  duello  is  daily  brought  before  us  by 
the  rhetoric  of  the  patriots.  Our  army  and  our  navy,  not 
the  good  faith  of  our  statesmen,  are  the  "guardians  of  our 
national  honor."  Like  the  duellist,  the  patriot  would  have 
us  believe  that  a  dishonorable  act  is  made  honorable  if  the 
party  suffering  by  the  dishonor  be  killed.  The  patriot  is  care- 
ful to  withdraw  from  the  operation  of  possible  arbitration  all 
questions  which  could  affect  the  "national  honor."  An  "insult 
to  the  flag"  must  be  "wiped  out  in  blood."  Small  nations, 
which  in  the  nature  of  the  case  cannot  so  resent  the  insults  of 
great  empires,  have  apparently  no  right  to  such  a  possession 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM        37 

as  "honor."  It  is  the  peculiar  prerogative  of  world-wide 
empires.  The  patriots  who  would  thus  resent  "insults  to  the 
flag"  may  well  be  asked  how  they  would  condemn  the  conduct 
of  the  German  lieutenant  who  kills  the  unarmed  civilian  in 
cold  blood,  "for  the  honor  of  the  uniform." 

It  does  not  seem  to  have  struck  the  patriot  that  as  personal 
dignity  and  conduct  has  not  suffered,  but  been  improved  by 
the  abandonment  of  the  principle  of  the  duel,  there  is  little 
reason  to  suppose  that  international  conduct,  or  national 
dignity,  would  suffer  by  a  similar  change  of  standards. 

The  whole  philosophy  underlying  the  duel  where  personal 
relations  are  concerned,  excites  in  our  day  the  infinite  derision 
of  all  Anglo-Saxons.  Yet  these  same  Anglo-Saxons  maintain 
it  as  vigorously  as  ever  in  the  relations  of  states. 

It  may  be  worth  while  in  passing,  as  an  answer  to  those 
who  still  regard  as  chimerical  any  hope  that  rationalism  will 
ever  dominate  the  conduct  of  nations  in  these  matters,  to 
point  out  how  rapidly  the  duel  has  disappeared  from  the 
personal  relations  of  our  society.  But  two  generations  since 
this  progress  toward  a  national  standard  of  conduct  would 
have  seemed  as  unreasonable  as  do  the  hopes  of  international 
peace  in  our  day. 

— NORMAN  ANGELL,  Patriotism  Under  Three  Mags, 
pp.  45,  46.     (G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  Publishers.) 

It  is  a  puzzling  fact  that  international  conduct  is  so  often 
judged  by  far  lower  standards  than  are  the  acts  of  individuals. 
We  have  here  a  strange  doubling  of  the  criterion  of  honor, 
analogous  to  that  double  standard  of  truth,  which  was  de- 
fended in  mediaeval  schools.  Violence,  lying,  and  bribery, 
that  occur  only  among  individuals  without  the  pale,  are 
found  among  the  established  means  of  intercourse  with 
honored  nations.  Men  who  would  not  think  of  assaulting 
another  to  gain  an  end — who  would  indeed  suffer  great  loss, 


38    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

and  be  proud  to  suffer  it,  rather  than  obtain  their  rights  by 
such  a  method — feel  that  a  nation  should  be  ever  ready  to 
assert  its  claims  by  blows.  A  peace  that  would  be  the  height 
of  honor  with  an  individual  is,  when  presented  in  national 
form,  at  once  proclaimed  shameful  and  unrighteous. 

— GEORGE  M.  STRATTON,  The  Double  Standard,  in  Re- 
gard to  Fighting,  p.  3,  in  Documents  of  The  Ameri- 
can Association  for  International  Conciliation,  1912. 

There  is  need  just  now  that  Christians  in  America  should 
do  all  that  in  them  lies  to  see  that  this  country  stands  before 
the  world  committed  to  the  Servant-ideal,  rather  than  to  the 
King-ideal,  to  meekness  rather  than  to  might.  In  his  last 
message  to  Congress  the  President  spoke  words  which  glowed 
with  the  spirit  we  should  feel  and  show.  We  may  differ  as  to 
his  policies,  we  may  disagree  as  to  the  need  of  inquiry  into 
the  efficiency  of  our  military  and  naval  defenses ;  good  citizens 
and  true  Christians  do  differ  as  to  these  matters.  But  on  the 
supreme  issue  we  must  be  one  with  him,  in  holding  that,  above 
all,  America  must  just  now  manifest  moral  might,  must  pro- 
claim and  defend  her  ideals  of  friendship  and  peace,  and  must 
jealously  hold  aloof  from  anything,  however  innocent,  which 
might  jeopardize  her  reputation  for  friendliness  and  confi- 
dence toward  other  nations,  and  her  desire  to  act  as  peace- 
maker when  the  time  comes.  Those  are  right  who  insist  that, 
if  we  are  to  have  an  army  and  navy,  these  departments  of  gov- 
ernment should  be  kept  efficient  and  strong,  as  all  departments 
of  government  should  be.  But  the  supreme  need  just  now,  to 
which  all  other  desires  and  aims  must  yield,  is  that  the  na- 
tional spirit  and  conscience  should  be  set  and  kept  in  order 
for  the  great  task  of  peace  making  in  which  America  will  have 
the  opportunity  to  play  a  great  part. 

— WILLIAM  PIERSON  MERRILL,  Might  or  Meekness, 
pp.  13,  14. 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM  39 

NATIONAL    DANGERS    AND    NATIONAL    DEFENSE 

Mr.  Cortelyou  has  called'  our  attention  to  the  fact  that 
while  in  thirty  years  we  have  increased  our  population  by 
85  per  cent,  and  our  wealth  by  185  per  cent,  we  have  increased 
our  national  expenses  by  400  per  cent. 

It  is  within  those  thirty  years  that  we  have  spent  one  billion 
dollars  on  our  navy.  And  the  end  is  not  yet.  The  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  has  recently  asked  for  twenty-seven  additional 
vessels  for  the  coming  year,  four  of  which  are  battleships  at 
ten  million  dollars  each,  and  he  is  frank  to  say  that  these 
twenty-seven  are  only  a  fraction  of  the  vessels  to  be  asked  for 
later  on.  We  have  already,  built  or  building,  thirty-one  first- 
class  battleships,  our  navy  ranking  next  to  Great  Britain, 
Germany  standing  third,  France  fourth,  and  Japan  fifth; 
but  never  has  the  naval  lobby  at  Washington  been  so  voracious 
and  so  frantic  for  additional  safeguards  of  the  peace  as  to-day. 

The  militarists  are  peace-at-any-price  men.  They  are 
determined  to  have  peace  even  at  the  risk  of  national  bank- 
ruptcy. Everything  good  in  Germany,  Italy,  Austria,  Eng- 
land, and  Prussia  is  held  back  by  the  confiscation  of  the  pro- 
ceeds of  industry  carried  on  for  the  support  of  the  army  and 
navy.  In  the  United  States  the  development  of  our  resources 
is  checked  by  this  same  fatal  policy.  We  have  millions  of 
acres  of  desert  land  to  be  irrigated,  millions  of  acres  of  swamp 
land  to  be  drained,  thousands  of  miles  of  inland  waterways 
to  be  improved,  harbors  to  be  deepened,  canals  to  be  dug, 
and  forests  to  be  safeguarded  and  yet  for  all  these  works  of 
cardinal  importance  we  can  afford  only  a  pittance.  We  have 
not  sufficient  money  to  pay  decent  salaries  to  our  United 
States  judges,  or  to  the  men  who  represent  us  abroad.  We 
have  pests,  implacable  and  terrible,  like  the  gypsy  moth,  and 
plagues  like  tuberculosis,  for  whose  extermination  millions 
of  money  are  needed  at  once. 

On  every  hand  we  are  hampered  and  handicapped  because 


40    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

we  are  spending  two  thirds  of  our  enormous  revenues  on 
pensions  for  past  wars,  and  on  equipment  for  wars  yet  to 
come.  The  militarists  begrudge  every  dollar  that  does  not  go 
into  army  or  navy.  They  believe  that  all  works  of  internal 
improvement  ought  to  be  paid  for  by  the  selling  of  bonds, 
even  the  purchase  of  sites  for  new  post  offices  being  made 
possible  by  mortgaging  the  future.  They  never  weary  of 
talking  of  our  enormous  national  wealth,  and  laugh  at  the 
niggardly  mortals  who  do  not  believe  in  investing  in  guns. 
Why  should  we  not  spend  as  great  a  proportion  of  our  wealth 
on  military  equipment  as  the  other  nations  of  the  world? 
This  is  their  question,  and  the  merchants  and  farmers  will 
answer  it  some  day. 

This  delusion  threatens  to  become  as  mischievous  as  it  is 
expensive.  Every  increase  in  the  American  navy  strengthens 
the  militarists  in  London,  Berlin,  and  Tokyo.  The  difficulty 
of  finding  a  reason  for  an  American  navy  increases  the  mis- 
chief. Why  should  the  United  States  have  a  colossal  navy? 
No  one  outside  of  the  militarists  can  answer.  Because  there 
is  no  ascertainable  reason  for  this  un-American  policy,  the 
other  American  countries  are  becoming  frightened.  Brazil 
has  just  laid  down  an  extravagant  naval  program,  for  the 
proud  Republic  of  the  South  cannot  consent  to  lie  at  the 
mercy  of  the  haughty  Eepublic  of  the  North.  The  new  de- 
parture of  Brazil  has  bewitched  Argentina  from  the  vision 
which  came  to  her  before  the  statue  of  Christ,  which  she 
erected  high  up  amid  the  Andes,  and  has  fired  her  with  a 
desire  to  rival  in  her  battleships  her  ambitious  military  neigh- 
bor. We  first  of  all  have  established  militarism  in  the 
Western  world,  and  are  by  our  example  dragging  weaker 
nations  into  foolish  and  suicidal  courses,  checking  indefinitely 
the  development  of  two  continents. 

Our  influence  goes  still  further.  It  sets  Australia  blazing, 
and  shoves  Japan  into  policies  which  she  cannot  afford.  But 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM       41 

we  cannot  harm  foreign  nations  without  working  lasting 
injury  on  ourselves.  The  very  battleships  which  recently 
kindled  the  enthusiasm  of  children  in  South  America,  Aus- 
tralia, and  Japan,  also  stirred  the  hearts  of  American  boys 
and  girls  along  our  Atlantic  and  Pacific  seaboards,  strengthen- 
ing in  them  impulses  and  ideals  of  an  Old  World  which 
struggled  and  suffered  before  Jesus  came.  It  is  children  who 
receive  the  deepest  impressions  from  pageants  and  celebra- 
tions, and  who  can  measure  the  damage  wrought  upon  the 
world  by  the  parade  of  American  battleships  ?  Children  can- 
not look  upon  symbols  of  brute  force,  extolled  and  exalted 
by  their  elders,  without  getting  the  impression  that  a  nation's 
power  is  .measured  by  the  caliber  of  its  guns,  and  that  its 
influence  is  determined  by  the  explosive  force  of  its  shells. 
A  fleet  of  battleships  gives  a  wrong  impression  of  what 
America  is,  and  conceals  the  secret  which  has  made  America 
great.  Children  do  not  know  that  we  became  a  great  world- 
power  without  the  assistance  of  either  army  or  navy,  building 
ourselves  up  on  everlasting  principles  by  means  of  our  schools 
and  our  churches.  The  down-pulling  force  of  our  naval 
pageant  was  not  needed  in  the  world  already  dragged  down 
to  low  levels  by  the  example  of  ancient  nations,  entangled 
by  degrading  traditions  from  which  they  are  struggling  to 
escape.  The  notion  that  this  exhibition  of  battleships  has 
added  to  our  prestige  among  men  whose  opinion  is  worthy 
of  consideration,  or  has  made  the  world  love  us  better,  is 
only  another  feature  of  the  militarist  delusion. 

— CHARLES  E.  JEFFERSON,  The  Delusion  of  Militar- 
ism, pp.  13-15,  in  the  Documents  of  The  Ameri- 
can Association  for  International  Conciliation, 
1909. 

Since  our  republic  was  founded,  it  has  never  been  attacked. 
We  ourselves  began  all  our  three  foreign  wars:  the  War  of 


42    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

1812,  which  would  probably  not  have  occurred  if  we  had  had 
an  Atlantic  cable  and  known  of  England's  concession  in  with- 
drawing the  Orders  in  Council  which  were  the  main  cause 
of  the  war;  the  Mexican  War,  which  was  primarily  fought  in 
the  interests  of  the  slave  power  and,  in  the  words  of  Hon. 
John  W.  Foster,  was  a  war  of  "conquest  and  injustice"; 
the  Spanish  War,  which  would  probably  not  have  opened, 
in  the  opinion  of  our  then  minister  to  Spain,  General  Wood- 
ford,  had  Congress  waited  forty-eight  hours.  In  all  these 
three  foreign  wars  combined,  including  the  Philippine  adjunct 
to  our  Spanish  War,  we  lost  less  than  fifteen  thousand  men 
by  foreign  bullets. 

It  was  once  our  pride  and  glory  that  we  need  npt  burden 
ourselves  with  the  millstone  of  militarism  that  the  great 
powers  of  Europe  have  hung  around  their  necks.  To-day, 
with  our  new  militarism  and  big-navy  craze  and  under  the 
clamor  of  certain  vested  interests  which  want  contracts  for 
military  equipments,  we  are  following  Old  World  methods 
and  follies  without  the  Old  World's  excuse.  A  spirit  of  vain 
emulation  has  been  goading  us  to  economic  madness.  Though 
we  are  comparatively  rich,  we  can  ill  afford  the  gigantic 
price  we  are  paying  for  this  either  real  or  assumed  new 
timidity  and  this  humiliating  scare  which  our  huge  navy 
implies.  Since  Washington's  time,  our  population  has  in- 
creased about  twenty-three  times  and  our  area  perhaps  three 
times;  we  have  increased  our  naval  expenses  alone  over  one 
hundred  and  twenty  times !  Our  armaments  have  increased 
five  times  as  fast  as  our  population.  .  .  . 

It  is  within  the  limits  of  possibility  that  Canada  will  burn 
Detroit,  that  our  troops  will  sack  Quebec,  that  New  York 
will  be  wiped  out  by  a  tidal  wave  and  an  earthquake;  a 
million  things  may  be  possible,  not  one  of  which  is  in  the 
least  probable.  Galveston  was  wiped  out  by  a  tidal  wave,  but 
shall  we  therefore  spend  one  hundred  million  dollars  in 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM  43 

putting  a  high  wall  of  reenf orced  cement  around  Manhattan  ? 
No  sane,  strong  people  like  ourselves  can  be  pardoned  if  we 
focus  attention  on  mere  possibilities  of  danger,  when  definite, 
certain  evils  daily  threaten  us  within  our  midst,  against  which 
we  are  grossly  unprepared. 

— LUCIA  AMES  MEAD,  Swords  and  Plough- 
shares, pp.  25,  27,  46-47. 

MILITARISM 

As  illustrating  the  effort  to  develop  the  naval  and  military 
spirit,  it  is  not  strange  that  the  chief  of  staff  of  the  American 
army  has  affirmed  that  we  are  wasting  time  in  seeking  arbi- 
trations, and  that  the  only  true  course  for  us  to  pursue  is  to 
make  our  military  and  naval  strength  so  great  as  to  be  beyond 
danger  of  attack.  Nor  is  it  strange  that  the  gallant  admiral 
who  started  in  command  of  our  fleet  on  its  tour  around  the 
world  is  reported  to  have  said  that  the  fewer  statesmen  and 
the  more  ironclads  there  were,  the  less  would  be  the  danger 
of  war.  In  other  words,  if  we  had  more  guns  and  fewer 
people  unwilling  to  use  them  there  would  be  less  shooting. 
Such  logic  as  that,  as  Mark  Twain  would  say,  is  simply  un- 
answerable. It  might  as  well  be  said  that  to  stop  personal 
quarrels  and  prevent  shooting,  the  law  should  require  every 
man  to  carry  a  loaded  pistol  in  his  hip  pocket. 

— JUSTICE  BREWER,  The  Mission  of  the  United  States 
in  the  Cause  of  Peace. 

Survey  an  army  prepared  for  battle.  See  the  cannons, 
muskets,  mortars,  swords,  drums,  trumpets,  and  flags.  Do 
these  men  look  like  Christians?  Do  they  talk  like  followers 
of  the  meek  and  lowly  Son  of  God?  Are  they  prepared  to 
act  like  the  friends  of  the  human  race,  and  like  followers  of 
God,  as  dear  children,  seeking  to  bring  all  men  to  the  knowl- 
edge of  him? 


44    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

The  whole  structure  of  an  army  is  in  violation  of  New 
Testament  precepts.  What  absolute  despotism!  What 
division  of  rank  by  nice  gradations!  "Condescending  to 
men  of  low  estate"  would  spoil  discipline.  "Esteeming  others 
better  than  themselves"  would  degrade  the  officers.  Instead 
of  humanity,  must  be  gay  trappings.  Instead  of  Christ's  law 
of  love,  must  be  man's  rule  of  honor. 

— HOWARD  MALCOLM,  The  Absurdities  of  Militarism, 
p.  2  Publications  of  the  American  Peace  Society. 

Let  me  state  what,  in  my  judgment,  is  the  fundamental 
cause.  The  war  is  the  result  of  a  false  philosophy  of  national 
life,  a  philosophy  which  maintains  that  the  foundation  of  all 
power  is  physical  force,  and  that  greatness  is  to  be  computed 
in  terms  of  brute  strength.  It  is  a  barbaric  philosophy  which 
has  been  driven  from  one  field  to  another  because  of  the  havoc 
it  wrought,  and  we  now  see  its  operations  in  a  realm  in  which 
it  is  working  its  ruin  on  a  scale  vast  and  appalling.  Out  of 
this  philosophy  there  develops  a  policy — the  policy  of  armed 
peace,  the  policy  which  bases  peace  on  the  fear  which  is  in- 
spired by  deadly  weapons.  The  policy  was  long  tried  in  the 
realm  of  individual  life.  Men  went  daily  armed  to  the  teeth 
to  protect  themselves  against  one  another.  The  practice  led  to 
interminable  brawls,  and  feuds,  and  duels,  until  at  last  it  was 
given  up.  Only  rowdies  now  carry  knives  and  guns.  The 
policy  was  then  adopted  by  cities.  Cities  preserved  the  peace 
by  arming  themselves.  Every  city  had  its  wall,  its  moat,  its 
drawbridges.  Its  armed  forces  were  always  held  in  leash  ready 
for  either  defense  or  attack.  The  history  of  those  days  is  a 
disgusting  record  of  deadly  rivalries,  rapine  and  slaughter. 
The  policy  was  at  last  banished  from  the  realm  of  interurban 
life.  Cities  situated  within  narrow  limits  bound  themselves 
together  into  leagues,  and  numerous  small  states  took  their 
place  on  the  European  map.  These  provinces  adopted,  how- 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM  45 

ever,  the  policy  of  armed  peace,  and  the  result  was  constant 
jealousies  and  bickerings  and  frequent  bloody  collisions.  The 
little  states  grew  sick  at  last  of  the  exhausting  strife  and 
rolled  themselves  into  great  states  which  became  known  as 
world  powers.  But  the  old  policy  of  armed  peace  which  the 
common  sense  of  men  had  banished  from  the  realm  of  indi- 
vidual, and  interurban,  and  interprovincial  life,  was  retained 
in  the  realm  of  international  life.  Men  knew  that  little  states 
could  not  wisely  adopt  it,  but  they  supposed  that  large  states 
could.  They  banished  it  from  the  administration  of  little 
powers,  and  retained  it  in  the  scheme  of  the  great  powers. 
The  result  is  a  great  war. 

Militarism  is  the  absolute  negation  of  Christianity.  The 
one  exhibits  a  mailed  fist,  the  other  shows  you  a  hand  that  is 
pierced.  The  one  carries  a  big  stick,  the  other  carries  the 
cross  on  which  the  Prince  of  Glory  died.  The  one  declares 
that  might  makes  right,  the  other  affirms  that  right  makes 
might.  The  one  says  that  the  foundation  of  all  things  is 
force,  the  other  says  that  the  foundation  of  all  things  is  love. 
Militarism  is  materialism  in  its  deadliest  manifestation.  It 
is  atheism  in  its  most  brutal  and  blatant  incarnation.  It  is 
the  enemy  of  God  and  man.  It  must  be  overthrown.  Every 
nation  which  becomes  its  devotee  is  doomed.  Militaristic 
nations  are  broken  to  pieces  like  potters'  vessels.  So  did  the 
Almighty  break  Nineveh  and  Babylon,  Persia,  and  Greece, 
and  Eome,  and  so  unless  they  repent  will  he  break  in  frag- 
ments the  so-called  great  powers  of  Europe.  He  will,  if  neces- 
sary, convert  the  capitals  of  our  modern  world  into  dust 
heaps  like  those  of  Thebes  and  Memphis,  and  begin  the  world 
anew.  He  will  overturn  and  overturn,  until  he  whose  right 
it  is,  shall  reign.  He  that  hath  an  ear,  let  him  hear  what 
the  Spirit  is  saying  to  the  churches — and  to  the  nations ! 

— EEV.  CHARLES  E.  JEFFERSON,  The  Causes  of 
the  War,  pp.  44,  45. 


46    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Discussions  of  national  defense  by  "chiefs  of  staff"  are 
usually  unedifying  and  almost  always  superfluous.  They  are 
superfluous  because  we  always  know  in  advance  what  these 
gentlemen  will  say.  They  are  the  last  people  in  the  world 
for  reasonable  republics  to  listen  to  for  advice  about  the  size 
of  their  armies  and  navies.  Men  might  as  well  ask  their 
tailor  whether  they  should  have  a  new  coat  or  their  architect 
for  his  opinion  whether  a  bigger  and  costlier  house  is  in 
order.  Since  time  began  there  was  no  head  of  a  country's 
military  establishment  who  did  not  call  for  more  soldiers  and 
military  machinery.  The  German  army  to-day  is  not  big 
enough  to  suit  "the  staff,"  and  the  British  navy  is  not  big 
enough  to  suit  the  Admiralty.  Our  own  army  is  not  big 
enough  to  suit  General  Leonard  Wood,  its  chief  of  staff.  We 
could  mobilize  only  105,000  men;  and  for  the  war  which  we 
shall  "probably  have  in  the  not  distant  future"  we  must  have 
600,000.  -Therefore,  young  college  men  especially  should  get 
busy,  so  that  when  the  war  comes  they  can  be  the  officers. 

This  was  actually  preached  by  General  Leonard  Wood  at 
the  Harvard  Union  to  an  audience,  we  read,  of  five  hundred 
students.  It  was  certainly  not  so  bad  as  his  last  public  preach- 
ment. That  was  at  Saint  Louis,  where  he  went  into  his 
glowing  panegyric  upon  the  universal  military  service  in 
Germany,  and  wished  that  we  might  out-German  Germany 
in  this  sort  of  thing.  Many  serious  men  cannot  fail  to  ask 
themselves  as  they  read  the  report  whether  it  is  not  perilously 
close  to  an  impropriety  for  "chiefs  of  staff"  and  other  such 
executive  agents  in  the  government's  military  service  to  take 
the  platform  for  discussions  of  public  policy  involving  mili- 
tary issues.  The  peril  lies  in  the  fact  that  while  these  gentle- 
men are  supposedly  experts  on  questions  of  how  to  fight,  they 
are  as  such  the  last  persons  in  the  world  to  go  to  for  counsel 
as  to  whether  to  fight  or  to  get  into  the  fighting  attitude; 
while  the  uncritical  and  superficial  crowd  is  constantly  apt 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM        47 

to  think  them  experts  in  the  larger  question,  which  is  a  ques- 
tion of  statesmanship.  The  most  foolish  thing  ever  said  by 
Fighting  Bob  Evans  was,  at  a  time  when  Congress  was  dis- 
cussing the  naval  appropriations,  that  what  the  country 
needed  was  "fewer  statesmen  and  more  battleships."  His 
slur  was  upon  the  statesmen ;  but  he  is  to  be  thanked  at  least 
for  pointing  a  good  antithesis  and  reminding  us  that  the  two 
stand  in  opposition,  and  that  the  more  we  have  of  one  the 
less  we  shall  have  of  the  other.  The  question  for  this  republic 
is  at  the  moment  which  kind  of  ship — battleship  or  states- 
manship— it  means  to  make  its  ship  of  state. 

The  worst  part  of  General  Leonard  Wood's  plea  before  the 
Harvard  students  for  bigger  armaments  was  the  ground  upon 
which  he  based  it.  "We  are  the  only  nation  which  stands 
for  definite  policies  which  are  almost  certain  to  bring  us  into 
conflict  with  other  nations  which  are  expanding.  The  Monroe 
Doctrine  and  our  policy  of  not  allowing  even  commercial 
coaling  stations  of  other  powers  in  American  waters  are  prac- 
tically sure  to  cramp  foreign  nations  at  some  time/'  and  force 
us  into  war  with  them;  hence,  let  us  have  betimes  600,000 
soldiers.  Hence,  the  rational  man  would  surely  say,  overhaul 
these  exceptional  and  offensive  policies  of  ours,  and  see  if  they 
stand  the  test  of  reason  and  of  the  world's  growing  inter- 
dependence and  cooperation,  or  whether  they  belong  to  the 
selfish  survivals  of  international  policies  which  we  ought  long 
ago  to  have  outgrown.  "If  you  are  prepared  for  war,"  says 
the  chief  of  staff,  "you  will  find  that  the  best  guard  against 
war."  The  best  guard  against  war  is  the  policy  which  does 
not  invite  war,  which  does  not  foolishly  and  groundlessly 
offend  other  nations,  but  makes  them  our  friends  and  assures 
them  that  we  are  their  friends.  "Turkey  is  being  defeated," 
he  says,  "principally  because  of  her  lack  of  preparation." 
Would  he  be  glad  to  see  her  so  well  "prepared"  that  she  could 
crush  the  Balkan  states  in  their  struggle  for  their  rights? 


48         SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Turkey  is  being  defeated,  not  because  she  ought  to  have  more 
soldiers,  but  because  she  misgoverned  her  provinces  of  Mace- 
donia and  Albania,  and  these  in  the  crisis  became  inevitably 
and  properly  her  enemies  and  not  her  friends,  a  source  of 
weakness  and  doom  instead  of  defense  and  strength.  This  is 
the  thing  for  the  inheritors  and  spokesmen  of  the  world's 
outgrown  military  regime  to  remember  in  this  modern  world ; 
and  the  business  of  generals  and  admirals  and  the  rest  of  us 
— and  it  would  be  easy  and  grateful  to  name  some  of  the 
generals  and  admirals  who  are  as  conspicuous  as  anybody  else 
in  declaring  it — is  to  devote  ourselves  not  to  the  organization 
of  bigger  armies  and  navies,  but  to  the  organization  of  the 
international  justice  which  will  make  these  gradually  un- 
necessary. 

"When  a  nation  becomes  large  and  rich  and  inert,"  the 
chieftain  continues,  "it  is  certain  of  annihilation  by  other 
powers";  and  the  intimation  is  that  we  are  inert  because  we 
do  not  raise  our  force  of  regulars  from  105,000  to  600,000, 
build  up  a  great  reserve  force,  and  turn  our  colleges  into 
schools  for  compulsory  military  drill.  The  whole  argument 
is  an  argument  that  our  Canadian  brothers  on  the  north,  who 
devote  their  energies  to  industry  and  useful  pursuits,  are 
inert,  and  that  our  Venezuelan  brethren  at  the  south,  who  so 
chronically  maintain  what  Colonel  Roosevelt  calls  the  "fight- 
ing edge,"  are  the  more  alert  for  true  progress,  a  strong 
national  life,  and  the  uplift  of  the  world.  .  .  . 

"Our  commercial  growth,"  says  the  chief  of  staff,  "must 
be  accompanied  by  military  growth."  The  answer  to  this 
mischievous  and  foolish  dictum  was  effectually  given  in  Bos- 
ton by  the  International  Congress  of  Chambers  of  Commerce, 
when  unanimously  and  with  the  greatest  enthusiasm  mani- 
fested during  its  memorable  session  it  declared  that  the 
world's  commercial  growth  must  be  accompanied  by  the 
banishment  of  militarism,  which,  with  its  enormous  burdens, 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM  49 

is  the  chief  menace  to  the  industry  and  trade  of  the  modern 
interdependent  family  of  nations,  and  that  the  commercial 
leaders  of  the  world  must  work  together  to  put  an  end  to  the 
atrocities  of  war  and  organize  the  nations  for  the  settlement 
of  their  differences  by  international  arbitration  and  inter- 
national courts.  I  think  that  this  greatest  commercial  or- 
ganization of  the  world,,  thus  declaring  itself  in  the  most 
important  and  representative  commercial  congress  ever  held, 
would  impatiently  brook  the  tuition  in  the  conditions  of 
commercial  growth  now  proffered  it  by  our  American  "chief 
of  staff." 

General  Wood  could  not  have  brought  his  anachronistic 
preachment  to  a  worse  place  than  Harvard  University.  "I  am 
sorry,"  he  said,  "that  there  is  no  military  instruction  here 
at  Harvard  College";  and  he  held  up  for  emulation  to  the 
young  men  gathered  in  the  Harvard  Union  the  "many  col- 
leges which  have  compulsory  military  drill,"  and  are  thus 
fitting  themselves  for  leadership  in  the  supposedly  inevitable 
war  to  which  our  offensive  policies  are  calculated  to  bring  us 
with  the  foreign  nations  "cramped"  by  them!  It  is  the 
glory  of  Harvard  University  that  it  has  contributed  more 
leaders  than  any  other  higher  institution  of  learning,  not  only 
in  America,  but  in  the  world,  to  the  commanding  movement 
to  put  a  period  to  "inevitable  wars"  and  to  supplant  the  war 
system  by  the  system  of  international  law  and  reason.  It 
was  a  great  Harvard  scholar,  Charles  Sumner,  who  said  that 
the  greatest  service  which  the  Springfield  arsenal  ever  ren- 
dered this  country  was  in  inspiring  the  lofty  verse  of  Long- 
fellow, a  great  Harvard  professor,  upon  the  impeachment  of 
our  civilization  presented  by  the  fact  that,  two  millenniums 
after  Christ,  we  still  maintain  such  arsenals  for  the  storage 
and  manufacture  of  our  chief  tools  for  settling  international 
disputes.  To  Harvard  University,  when  he  died,  Charles 
Sumner  left  provision  for  an  annual  prize  for  the  best  dis- 


50    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

sertation  by  any  Harvard  student  on  the  methods  by  which 
war  can  be  permanently  superseded,  the  first  provision  of  its 
kind  in  human  history.  William  Ladd,  Channing,  Emerson, 
Parker,  Lowell,  Phillips  Brooks,  Edward  Everett  Hale, 
Joseph  Choate  and  a  score  of  other  great  names  illustrate 
Harvard's  preeminent  service  in  the  true  method  of  settling 
international  differences. 

— EDWIN  D.  MEAD. 

Merely  to  avow  one's  belief  in  Christianity  is  an  uncertain 
thing.  Constantine  did  this  and  bound  together  the  Cross  and 
the  sword.  Centuries  followed  his  example  with  accumulating 
disaster  and  scandal.  Now  to  wrench  the  Cross  from  the 
sword  is  a  difficult  task.  But  it  must  be  done.  The  Church 
must  clear  herself,  however  costly  it  may  be.  Christ  and  the 
Antichrist  must  separate.  The  temptation  of  the  wilderness 
is  not  over.  The  siege  is  long.  Faith  still  looks  for  triumph, 
because  of  her  resting  on  the  arm  of  Christ,  who  cannot  "fail 
nor  be  discouraged."  Lines  of  thought  that  lead  to  force  must 
be  abandoned.  As  said  the  late  Pope :  "We  must  think  peace." 
Against  the  long  lines  of  thoughts  of  war,  to  think  peace  is  a 
costly  revolution,  upsetting  many  sacred  traditions  and  set- 
ting us  to  the  rewording  of  our  prayers.  Only  in  thinking 
peace  after  the  thought  of  Christ  will  we  be  able  to  find  in 
Him  the  Prince  of  Peace. 

— PETEK  AINSLIE,  The  Scourge  of  Militarism,  p.  9. 

NATIONAL  NEIGHBORLINESS 

In  any  given  decade  the  movement  toward  neighborliness 
may  seem  stationary,  but  substitute  the  perspective  of  a 
century  for  the  narrow  view  of  ten  years,  and  the  forward 
stride  takes  on  gigantic  proportions.  In  these  globe-measure- 
ments the  daily  newspaper  hinders  rather  than  helps,  because 


51 

it  is  surrendered  to  this  morning's  news,  and  the  meaning  of 
that  news  must  often  be  sought  twenty  years  back.  The 
historian  is  often  more  up-to-date  than  the  news  editor;  at 
this  moment  the  real  question  in  Mexico  is  not  what  this  man 
or  that  man  is  doing,  but  what  are  the  vital  conditions  of  the 
country  developed  during  the  last  fifty  years. 

The  significant  fact  in  the  history  of  the  last  century  has 
been  the  widening  of  the  neighborhood  and  the  spread  of  the 
neighborly  spirit;  in  view  of  the  bearing  of  this  aspect  of  prog- 
ress on  advance  in  other  fields,  and  as  an  evidence  not  only  of 
more  civilization,  but  of  a  higher  quality  of  civilization,  it  may 
appear  a  little  later  that  it  was  the  most  significant  fact  in  the 
history  of  the  last  century.  The  neighborhood  long  ago  ceased 
to  be  a  matter  of  physical  proximity;  a  score  of  scientific 
agents,  methods,  and  instruments  have  made  it  a  matter,  not 
of  space,  but  of  time,  feeling,  imagination.  The  other  day  the 
East  Indian  was  so  remote  from  our  knowledge,  so  strange  to 
our  thought,  so  alien  to  our  intellectual  world,  that  he  was  like 
a  man  from  Mars;  to-day  he  receives  the  Nobel  prize  for 
literature,  and  his  poetry  moves  us  because  it  is  so  deeply 
and  beautifully  human.  The  other  day  we  were  "foreign 
devils"  in  China;  to-day  the  prime  minister  of  that  far- 
away country  with  his  own  hands  lays  the  corner  stone  of  the 
new  Y.  M.  C.  A.  building  in  Peking.  The  other  day  the 
gates  of  Japan  had  been  bolted  against  the  world  for  two 
hundred  and  seventy  years;  to-day,  when  an  irritating  inter- 
national situation  was  created  by  the  action  of  a  State  legis- 
lature, a  man  of  great  personal  dignity,  now  Premier,  called 
a  conference  of  representative  Japanese  and  Americans  at  his 
house,  and  in  a  few  but  impressive  words  told  them  that  such 
difficulties  could  be  settled  neither  by  law  nor  by  diplomacy; 
that  religion  alone  could  remove  the  causes  of  such  differences 
and  solve  the  problems  created  by  them.  It  was  a  striking 
appeal  for  neighborliness  in  a  country  which,  within  the 


62    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

memory  of  the  man  who  made  it,  imposed  the  death  penalty 
on  all  its  subjects  who  visited  or  had  any  relations  with  the 
rest  of  the  world. 

This  ultimate  coming  together  of  the  various  families  of 
men  was  predicted  in  the  far  beginnings  of  history.  For  men 
were  born  with  the  capacity  of  understanding  one  another 
because  they  were  born  with  organs  of  observation  and  of 
thought,  with  emotion  and  will;  at  any  given  moment  the 
variations  of  development  may  be  so  great  as  almost  to  con- 
stitute differences  of  kind;  but,  as  Dr.  Nitobe  has  said,  these 
differences  are  in  the  institutional,  not  in  the  human  mind. 
The  travelers  have  come  by  divergent  paths,  but  they  look 
with  eyes  and  hear  with  ears  made  in  the  same  fashion.  And 
when  they  reach  a  certain  stage  of  development  they  emerge 
into  a  world  which  they  hold  in  common.  A  famous 
Buddhist  abbot  defined  the  fundamental  idea  of  Buddhism 
as  the  endeavor  to  disperse  the  clouds  of  ignorance  by  the 
clear  shining  of  enlightenment.  "By  spiritual  enlighten- 
ment," he  said,  "I  mean  a  man's  becoming  conscious  through 
personal  experience  of  the  ultimate  nature  of  his  inner  being. 
This  insight  breaks,  as  it  were,  the  wall  of  intellectual  limita- 
tion and  brings  us  to  a  region  which  has  been  hitherto  con- 
cealed from  our  view."  "All  things  in  the  world  come  from 
one  root,"  wrote  a  Japanese  teacher  to  a  student,  "and  so  all 
men  in  the  four  seas  who  are,  so  to  speak,  its  branches,  must 
be  brethren  one  of  another."  Neither  the  four  seas  nor  the 
seven  seas  can  permanently  separate  them. 

— HAMILTON  W.  MABIE,  Ethics  and  the  Larger  Neighbor- 
hood, pp.  26-29.  (University  of  Penn.,  Publishers.) 

The  term  neighbor  embraces  every  man  regardless  of  racial 
barriers.  The  meaning  of  the  parable  of  the  Good  Samaritan 
is  this :  Brotherhood  is  not  confined  to  those  of  the  same  race 
or  to  those  of  the  same  religion.  It  embraces  all  men.  You 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM        63 

have  a  duty  as  neighbor  to  every  one  who  needs  your  help  and 
whom  you  can  help. 

— WILLIAM  E.  WILSON,  Christ  and  War,  p.  48. 

BROTHERHOOD— GOOD  SAMARITAN 

The  church,  more  than  commerce,  binds  the  nations  to- 
gether. The  Christian  church  is  the  best  ally,  as  it  was  the 
precursor,  of  democracy.  The  university  is  definitely  ex- 
pressed in  the  name  assumed  or  in  the  creed  recited.  The 
church  is  not  the  English,  or  American,  or  Greek,  or  Roman 
church.  It  is  the  Holy  Catholic  Church.  The  first  word  of 
the  creed  expresses  belief  in  God  the  Father  Almighty,  whose 
children  therefore  all  men  are.  The  Fatherhood  of  God 
implies  the  brotherhood  of  men.  Spontaneously  from  the 
beginning  Christians  call  one  another  brethren.  Beside  this 
principle  of  universal  brotherhood  differences  of  Protestant 
and  Catholic  polity  diminish  into  insignificance.  The  one 
may  exalt  the  organization  above  the  individual,  giving  the 
society  authority  over  the  person.  The  other  may  subordinate 
the  organization  to  the  individual,  exalting  private  judgment. 
The  one  may  regard  salvation  as  flowing  to  the  person  only 
through  the  church,  according  to  the  maxim :  Ubi  Ecclesia  ibi 
Spiritus.  The  other  may  regard  the  church  as  the  result  of 
personal  faith,  as  the  company  of  believers,  according  to  the 
maxim:  Ubi  Spiritus,  ibi  Ecclesia.  The  one  may  lean  too 
heavily  on  the  organization.  The  other  may  encourage  ex- 
cessive individualism.  Each  may  need  to  be  corrected  by  the 
other.  But  in  either  case,  the  church  is  the  society  of  univer- 
sal brotherhood,  the  institute  of  humanity. 

The  church  is  under  the  law  of  service  according  to  the 
needs  of  men  on  the  one  hand  and  ability  on  the  other  hand. 
To  the  question,  Who  is  my  neighbor  ?  the  answer  is  given  not 
by  locality,  nor  by  affinity  of  class,  nation,  or  culture,  but  by 


64    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

sympathy.  A  neighbor  is  one,  wherever  he  is,  and  whoever 
he  is,  who  needs  what  I  can  give,  or  can  give  what  I  need. 
The  church  enlists  strength  in  the  service  of  weakness,  wis- 
dom in  the  service  of  ignorance,  fortune  in  the  service  of 
misfortune,  the  saved  in  search  of  the  lost.  The  state  stands 
chiefly  for  the  protection  of  rights  on  the  basis  of  justice. 
The  church  stands  for  the  discharge  of  duties  on  the  basis 
of  love. 

— GEORGE  HARRIS,  Moral  Evolution,  pp.  377,  378. 

During  the  last  quarter  of  a  century  we  have  caught  a 
glimpse  of  a  new  national  honor.  It  is  the  belief  that  battle 
and  bloodshed,  except  for  the  immediate  defense  of  hearth 
and  home,  is  a  blot  on  the  'scutcheon  of  any  nation.  It  is  the 
creed  of  modern  men  who  rise  in  their  majesty  and  say :  "We 
will  not  stain  our  country's  honor  with  the  bloodshed  of  war. 
God-given  life  is  too  dear.  The  forces  of  vice,  evil,  and 
disease  are  challenging  us  to  marshal  our  strength  and  give 
them  battle.  There  is  too  much  good  waiting  to  be  done, 
too  much  suffering  waiting  to  be  appeased,  for  us  to  waste 
the  life-blood  of  our  fathers  and  sons  on  the  field  of  useless 
battle.  Here  do  we  stand.  We  believe  we  are  right.  With 
faith  in  our  belief  we  throw  ourselves  upon  the  altar  of  truth. 
Let  heaven-born  justice  decide."  Here  is  honor  unsmirched, 
untainted!  Here  is  pride  unhumbled!  Here  is  patriotism 
that  is  all-embracing,  that  makes  us  so  zealous  for  real  honor 
that  we  turn  from  the  horrors  of  war  to  combat  the  evils  that 
lie  at  our  very  doors. 

Jesus  taught  the  people  that  all  men  are  children  of  one 
Father,  and  that  therefore  the  whole  law  of  God  is  to  love 
God  and  one's  neighbor. 

And  one  lawgiver,  knowing  this,  and  wishing  to  catch  Jesus 
in  His  words,  and  to  show  Him  that  all  men  are  not  equal, 
and  that  men  of  different  nations  cannot  be  equally  the  sons 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM       55 

of  God,  asked  Jesus :  "You  teach  us  to  love  our  neighbor.  But 
who  is  my  neighbor  ?"  Jesus  answered  him  by  a  parable,  and 
said:  "There  was  a  rich  Jew;  and  it  happened  that  once,  as 
he  was  returning  home,  he  was  attacked  by  robbers,  who  beat 
him,  robbed  him,  and  left  him  by  the  roadside.  A  Jewish 
priest  passed  by,  and  saw  the  wounded  man,  but  passed  on 
without  stopping.  And  another  Jew,  a  Levite,  passed  and 
he  also  saw  the  wounded  man,  and  went  by.  Then  a  man  of 
another  nation,  a  Samaritan,  came  along  the  road,  and  he  saw 
the  wounded  man:  and — without  considering  that  the  Jews 
did  not  look  upon  Samaritans  as  neighbors,  but  as  foreigners 
and  enemies — he  pitied  the  Jew,  lifted  him  up,  and  took  him 
on  his  ass  to  an  inn.  There  he  washed  and  dressed  his 
wounds,  paid  the  innkeeper  for  him,  and  only  left  when  the 
Jew  could  do  without  him. 

"You  ask,  Who  is  one's  neighbor?"  said  Jesus.  "He  in 
whom  there  is  love  considers  every  man  his  neighbor,  no  mat- 
ter what  nation  he  may  belong  to."  (Luke  10:  25-37.) 

— LEO  TOLSTOI,  The  Teachings  of  Jesus. 


CHAPTER  III 
THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR 

War  is  the  trade  of  barbarians. 

— NAPOLEON. 

War  is  a  most  detestable  thing.  If  you  had  seen  but  one 
day  of  war  you  would  pray  God  you  might  never  see  another. 

— WELLINGTON. 

WHAT  IS  WAR?    (Defined) 

A  properly  conducted  contest  of  armed  public  forces.  ( See 
International  Law.  Wilson  and  Tucker.) 

War  is  not  the  mere  employment  of  forces  but  the  existence 
of  the  legal  condition  of  things  in  which  rights  are,  or  may 
be,  prosecuted  by  force. 

Thus,  if  two  nations  declare  war  one  against  the  other, 
war  exists,  though  no  force  whatever  may  as  yet  have  been 
employed.  On  the  other  hand,  force  may  be  employed  by  one 
nation  against  another,  as  in  the  case  of  reprisals,  and  yet 
no  state  of  war  may  arise.  In  such  a  case  there  may  be  said 
to  be  an  act  of  war,  but  no  state  of  war.  The  distinction  is 
of  the  first  importance,  since,  from  the  moment  when  a  state 
of  war  supervenes  third  parties  become  subject  to  the  per- 
formance of  the  duties  of  neutrality  as  well  as  to  all  the 
inconveniences  that  result  from  the  exercise  of  belligerent 
rights.  One  of  the  most  remarkable  illustrations  of  the  dis- 
tinction here  pointed  out  was  the  condition  of  things  in  China 

56 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  57 

in  1900,  when  the  armed  forces  of  the  allies  marched  to 
Peking  and  occupied  parts  of  the  country  without  any  re- 
sultant state  of  war. 

Cicero  says  that  war  is  a  contest  or  contention  carried  on 
by  forces.    But  usage  applies  the  term  not  only  to  the  action 
(a  contest)  but  to  the  state  or  condition,  and  thus  we  may 
say,  war  is  the  state  of  persons  contending  by  force  as  such. 
— International  Law  Digest — MOORE. 

WHAT  IS  WAR?     (Described  Rather  Than  Defined) 

War  is  cruelty. 
War  is  hell. 
War  is  a  game. 

War  is  a  disturbance  and  derangement  of  the  moral  and 
social  order. 

War  is  an  evil  that  can  be  avoided. 
War  not  an  unmistakable  evil. 
War  a  concentration  of  all  human  crimes. 
War  is  the  greatest  curse. 
War — a  good  thing  (?) 
War  the  common  enemy. 
War  an  awful  misfortune  even  for  the  victor. 
War  is  essential  (  ?). 
War  the  father  of  other  wars. 
War  not  established  by  God. 

WHAT  IS  PEACE? 

Public  tranquillity  and  obedience  to  law. 
Freedom  from  international  hostilities. 
(Webster's  Dictionary.) 
Peace  is  the  normal  relation  of  states. 
(International  Law — Wilson  and  Tucker.) 


68    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

War  is  a  profound  disturbance  and  derangement  of  the 
social  and  moral  order. 

The  fact  that  there  are  still  learned  people  who  think  war 
necessary  and  almost  beneficial,  and  that  we  are  not  here  to 
find  arguments  condemning  it,  is  the  most  evident  proof  of 
the  perversion  it  has  brought  into  the  feelings,  thoughts,  and 
doings  of  men. 

Who  was  ever  bound  to  prove  that  hemlock  seed  can 
produce  nothing  but  hemlock  ?  that  a  son  of  brigands,  brought 
up  and  living  among  brigands,  can  but  grow  to  be  a  brigand 
himself  ? 

Not  so  of  war ! 

Mankind  can  prosper  only  by  labor,  wealth,  justice,  liberty. 
War  stops  labor,  swallows  up  wealth,  tramples  upon  justice 
and  liberty. 

It  has  been,  alas!  imposed  sometimes  in  vindication  of 
that  which  was  sacred. 

A  nation  tired  of  long  oppression  rises  as  one  man  and  by 
dint  of  sacrifices  and  heroism  secures  her  liberty  by  force  of 
arms.  But,  before  the  spectacle  of  so  many  victims  in  the 
two  hostile  camps,  of  so  many  conflagrations,  ruins  and 
devastations;  thinking  of  the  brutal  instincts  awakened, 
strengthened,  and  even  honored  during  the  war,  and  of  the 
bitterness  it  entails  at  its  termination  upon  both  the  con- 
quered and  the  conquerors,  an  honest  man  must  feel  that 
war,  even  when  inevitable,  is  always  sad  and  miserable. 

And  yet,  it  is  surrounded  in  history  by  a  dazzling  halo  of 
poetry  and  of  glory ;  the  most  renowned  poems  in  all  ancient 
and  modern  literatures  are  hymns  to  war;  the  most  stately 
monuments  glorify  warriors,  and  even  now-a-days,  because 
we  want  to  suppress,  in  the  so-called  civilized  world,  this  relic 
of  barbarous  ages,  we  are  pointed  to  by  a  certain  class  of 
conceited  literati  and  politicians  as  half-witted  people  or 
visionaries.  The  apologists  of  war  repeating,  like  parrots, 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  59 

the  so  oft  confuted  sentences  of  Hobbes,  De  Maistre  and 
Hegel,  maintain  that  war  is  not  only  fatally  inherent  in 
human  nature,  but  also  beneficial,  being  an  instrument  of 
civilization,  fitted  alone  to  revive  in  men  the  virtues  of  heroic 
sacrifice  and  self-denial.  These  apologists  for  war  are,  un- 
consciously to  themselves,  the  strongest  argument  against  it, 
proving,  as  they  do,  that  from  the  intellectual  and  moral 
perversion  emanating  from  war  even  those  are  not  safe  who, 
because  of  their  talent  and  studies,  should  be  the  most  averse 
to  such  a  curse. 

The  position  of  these  theorists  is  well  known.  It  consists 
in  considering  events  that  have  happened  hitherto  as  if  they 
were  necessarily  to  be  repeated  forever,  and  in  drawing  from 
them  immutable  laws. 

— E.  T.  MONETA,  What  is  War?    In  Report  of  Fifth 
Universal  Peace  Congress,  p.  105. 

Yes,  war  is  hell,  as  General  Sherman  long  ago  told  us; 
but  he  did  not  go  on  to  tell  us  why.  There  is  only  one 
possible  reason.  Hell  is  not  a  geographical  term ;  it  is  merely 
the  expression  of  the  spiritual  condition  of  its  inhabitants. 
War  is  hell  because  it  transforms  men  into  devils.  And 
how  naturally  the  terminology  of  hell  accommodates  itself 
to  it!  In  different  columns  of  a  single  copy  of  the  New 
York  Herald,  describing,  I  think,  different  engagements,  I 
read  that  the  soldiers  "fought  like  demons/'  and  "yelled  like 
fiends."  It  is  all  so  natural  that  probably  no  one  noticed  it 
but  myself.  And  so  we  found  in  the  case  of  the  burning 
Spanish  ship  the  word  "inferno"  seemed  the  most  appro- 
priate. 

— ERNEST  H.  CROSBY,  War  from  the  Christian  Point 
of  View,  p.  5. 


60         SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

SUGGESTIVE  POINTS  FOR  DISCUSSION 

Law,  the  expression  of  right. 

Right,  the  best  way  of  doing  things  among  men,  that  which 

makes  for  strength,  happiness,  and  life. 
Peace,  the  duration  of  law;  the  absence  of  violence  in  social 
and  political  relations. 

"La  paix  est  la  duree  du  droit." — (Bourgeois.) 
War,  the  expression  of  "unreasoning  anger." 

Coordinated  and  legalized  violence  to  accomplish 
political  ends.    Meaning  of  battle,  riot,  brawl. 
Two  Kinds  of  Patriotism. 

The  old  patriotism — tribal  loyalty. 
The  new  patriotism — faith  in  humanity. 
Different  Kinds  of  Peace. 

Peace,  as  agreement  among  politicians. 
Peace  as  exhaustion. 

Peace  of  bankruptcy  armed  to  the  teeth.  "The 
beggar  crouching  by  the  barrack-door/' — 
(Gambetta.) 

Peace  of  mutual  respect  and  mutual  understanding. 
Considerations  of  War. 

War  as  an  impostor.  Courage,  self-restraint,  mag- 
nanimity, daring,  are  not  caused  by  war,  but 
shown  against  its  lurid  background.  Brave 
men  chosen  as  soldiers;  being  fighters  does  not 
make  men  brave.  Every  war  shows  cowardice, 
murder,  arson,  graft,  and  leaves  a  trail  of  per- 
sonal and  national  demoralization. 
War  as  illegal.  "Inter  arma  silent  leges."  Law  and 

truth  are  silent  when  war  is  on. 
The  righteous  cause  no  guarantee  of  success  at 

arms.    "God  on  the  side  of  strong  battalions." 
War  as  immoral.     That  killing  is  made  legal  by 
war  does  not  change  its  nature. 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  61 

"Ef  you  take  a  sword  an'  dror  it, 

An'  go  stick  a  feller  thru, 
Guv'ment  ain't  to  answer  for  it, 
God'll  send  the  bill  to  you." 

— LOWELL. 

War  as  a  counter-irritant  to  democracy. 
"Gild  the  dome  of  the  Invalides." 
War  for  glory,  for  territory,  for  plunder.     Gain 
through  war  no  longer  possible. — "The  Great 
Illusion." 

War  as  destructive  of  virility. 
Euthenics  and  eugenics  of  war. 
Eeversal  of  selection. 
Breeding  from  inferior  stock  the  primal  cause  of 

"the  drooping  spirit"  of  Europe. 
— From  a  Syllabus  of  Lectures  by  DAVID  STARR  JORDAN. 

"War,"  says  Colonel  Gadke,  "is  the  father  of  other  wars. 
The  more  we  think  of  our  own  power  and  ability,  the  oftener 
we  have  tasted  of  the  fruit  of  victorious  war,  the  more  are 
we  surrounded  by  the  evil  spirit  of  chauvinism  and  of  im- 
perialism. War  is  the  father  of  other  wars." 

— Syndicates  for  War,  p.  2. 

CHARACTERISTICS  OF  WAR 

Dr.  Johnson  laughed  much  over  Lord  Kaimes'  opinion  that 
war  was  a  good  thing  occasionally,  as  so  much  valor  and 
virtue  were  exhibited  in  it.  "A  fire,"  said  Johnson,  "might 
as  well  be  thought  a  good  thing;  there  is  the  bravery  and 
address  of  the  firemen  in  extinguishing  it;  there  is  much 
humanity  exerted  in  saving  the  lives  and  properties  of  the  poor 
sufferers;  yet  after  all,  who  can  say  a  fire  is  a  good  thing?" 

— Boswell's  "Life,"  quoted  in  The  Passing  of  War,  by  W.  L. 
GRANE,  p.  248.  (The  Macmillan  Co.,  Publishers.) 

Surely  no  civilized  community  in  our  day  can  resist  the 


62    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

conclusion  that  the  killing  of  man  by  man  as  a  means  of 
settling  international  disputes  is  the  foulest  blot  upon  human 
society  and  the  greatest  curse  of  human  life,  and  that  as  long 
as  men  continue  thus  to  kill  one  another  they  have  slight 
claim  to  rank  as  civilized,  since  in  this  respect  they  remain 
savages.  The  crime  of  war  is  inherent :  it  awards  victory  not 
to  the  nation  which  is  right  but  to  that  which  is  strong. 

In  man's  triumphant  upward  march  he  has  outgrown  many 
savage  habits.  He  no  longer  eats  his  fellows,  or  buys  and 
sells  them,  or  sacrifices  prisoners  of  war,  or  puts  vanquished 
garrisons  to  the  sword,  or  confiscates  private  property,  poisons 
wells,  or  sacks  cities.  .  .  . 

If  all  civilized  people  now  regard  these  former  atrocities 
of  war  as  disgraceful  to  humanity,  how  long  will  it  be  before 
their  successors  will  regard  the  root  of  these  barbarities,  war 
itself,  as  unworthy  of  uncivilized  men,  and  discard  it?  We 
are  marching  fast  to  that  day  through  the  reign  of  law  under 
which  civilized  people  are  compelled  to  live.  No  citizen  of  a 
civilized  nation  is  permitted  to-day  to  wage  war  against  his 
fellow  citizen  or  to  redress  his  own  wrongs,  real  or  fancied. 
Even  if  insulted,  he  can  legally  use  force  only  sufficient  to 
protect  himself;  then  the  law  steps  in  and  administers  pun- 
ishment to  the  aggressor  based  upon  evidence.  Hence,  if  a 
citizen  attempts  to  sit  as  judge  in  his  own  case  or  to  redress 
his  wrongs  in  case  of  dispute  with  another,  he  breaks  the  law. 
Now,  nations  being  only  aggregations  of  individuals,  why 
should  they  be  permitted  to  wage  war  against  other  nations, 
when,  if  all  were  classed  as  citizens  of  one  nation,  they  would 
be  denied  this  right  of  war  and  would  have  to  subject  them- 
selves to  the  reign  of  law?  Not  long  can  this  continue  and 
commend  itself  to  the  judgment  of  intelligent  men. 

— ANDREW  CARNEGIE,  Peace  Versus  War:  The  Presi- 
dent's Solution  in  Documents  of  the  American 
Association  for  International  Conciliation,  1910. 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  63 

It  is  an  awful  feature  in  the  character  of  war,  and  a 
strong  reason  why  it  should  not  be  countenanced,  that  it 
involves  the  innocent  with  the  guilty  in  the  calamities  it 
inflicts,  and  often  falls  with  the  greatest  vengeance  on  those 
who  have  had  no  concern  in  the  management  of  national 
affairs.  It  surely  is  not  a  crime  to  be  born  in  a  country 
which  is  afterward  invaded;  yet  in  how  many  instances  do 
war-makers  punish  or  destroy  for  no  other  crime  than  being 
a  native  or  resident  of  an  invaded  territory!  A  mode  of 
revenge  or  redress  which  makes  no  distinction  between  the 
innocent  and  the  guilty  ought  to  be  discountenanced  by  every 
friend  to  justice  and  humanity.  Besides,  as  the  rulers  of 
a  nation  are  as  liable  as  other  people  to  be  governed  by 
passion  and  prejudice,  there  is  as  little  prospect  of  justice  in 
permitting  war  for  the  decision  of  national  disputes  as  there 
would  be  in  permitting  an  incensed  individual  to  be,  in  his 
own  cause,  complainant,  witness,  judge,  jury,  and  executioner. 
In  what  point  of  view  then  is  war  not  to  be  regarded  with 
horror  ? 

That  wars  have  been  so  overruled  by  God  as  to  be  the 
occasion  of  some  benefits  to  mankind  will  not  be  denied;  for 
the  same  may  be  said  of  every  custom  that  ever  was  popular 
among  men.  War  may  have  been  the  occasion  of  advancing 
useful  arts  and  sciences,  and  even  of  spreading  the  gospel; 
but  we  are  not  to  do  evil  that  good  may  come,  nor  to  coun- 
tenance evil  because  God  may  overrule  it  for  good. 

— NOAH  WORCESTER,  A  Solemn  Eeview  of  the 
Custom  of  War,  p.  16. 

I  join  with  you  most  cordially  in  rejoicing  at  the  return 
of  peace.  I  hope  it  will  be  lasting,  and  that  mankind  will 
at  length,  as  they  call  themselves  reasonable  creatures,  have 
reason  enough  to  settle  their  differences  without  cutting 
throats;  for,  in  my  opinion,  there  never  was  a  good  war  or 


64    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

a  bad  peace.  What  vast  additions  to  the  conveniences  and 
comforts  of  life  might  mankind  have  acquired,  if  the  money 
spent  in  wars  had  been  employed  in  works  of  public  utility! 
What  an  extension  of  agriculture,  even  to  the  tops  of  the 
mountains;  what  rivers  rendered  navigable,  or  joined  by 
canals;  what  bridges,  aqueducts,  new  roads,  and  other  public 
works,  edifices  and  improvements,  rendering  England  a  com- 
plete paradise,  might  not  have  been  obtained  by  spending 
those  millions  in  doing  good,  which  in  the  last  war  have  been 
spent  in  doing  mischief — in  bringing  misery  into  thousands 
of  families,  and  destroying  the  lives  of  so  many  working 
people,  who  might  have  performed  the  useful  labors. 

I  agree  with  you  perfectly  in  your  disapprobation  of  war. 
Abstracted  from  the  inhumanity  of  it,  I  think  it  wrong  in 
point  of  human  providence.  For  whatever  advantages  one 
nation  would  obtain  from  another,  whether  it  be  part  of  their 
territory,  the  liberty  of  commerce  with  them,  free  passage 
on  their  rivers,  etc.,  etc.,  it  would  be  much  cheaper  to  pur- 
chase such  advantages  with  ready  money  than  to  pay  the 
expense  of  acquiring  it  by  war.  An  army  is  a  devouring 
monster,  and  when  you  have  raised  it  you  have,  in  order  to 
subsist  it,  not  only  the  fair  charges  of  pay,  clothing,  pro- 
vision, arms  and  ammunition,  with  numberless  other  contin- 
gent and  just  charges,  to  answer  and  satisfy,  but  you  have 
all  the  additional  knavish  charges  of  the  numerous  tribe  of 
contractors  to  defray,  with  those  of  every  other  dealer  who 
furnishes  the  articles  wanting  for  your  army,  and  takes 
advantage  of  that  want  to  demand  exorbitant  prices.  It 
seems  to  me  that  if  statesmen  had  a  little  more  arithmetic, 
or  were  more  accustomed  to  calculation,  wars  would  be  much 
less  frequent.  I  am  confident  that  Canada  might  have  been 
purchased  from  France  for  a  tenth  part  of  the  money  Eng- 
land spent  in  the  conquest  of  it.  And  if,  instead  of  fighting 
with  us  for  the  power  of  taxing  us,  she  had  kept  us  in  a  good 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  65 

humor  by  allowing  us  to  dispose  of  our  own  money,  and  now 
and  then  giving  us  a  little  of  hers  by  way  of  donation  to 
colleges  or  hospitals,  or  for  cutting  canals  or  fortifying  ports, 
she  might  easily  have  drawn  from  us  much  more  by  our  occa- 
sional voluntary  grants  and  contributions  than  ever  she  could 
by  taxes.  Sensible  people  will  give  a  bucket  or  two  of  water 
to  a  dry  pump  that  they  may  afterward  get  from  it  all  they 
have  occasion  for.  Her  Ministry  was  deficient  in  that  little 
point  of  common  sense;  and  so  they  spent  one  hundred 
millions  of  her  money,  and  after  all  lost  what  they  con- 
tended for. 

— EDWIN  D.  MEAD,  Extracts  from  Letters  of  Frank- 
lin, in  "Washington,  Jefferson,  and  Franklin  on 
War,"  pp.  8,  9. 

CAN  WAR  BE  RIGHT? 

Napoleon  declared  it  "the  trade  of  barbarians."  Welling- 
ton writes  Lord  Shaftesbury,  "War  is  a  most  detestable  thing. 
If  you  had  seen  but  one  day  of  war,  you  would  pray  God 
you  might  never  see  another."  General  Grant,  offered  a 
Military  Eeview  by  the  Duke  of  Cambridge,  declined,  saying 
he  never  wished  to  look  upon  a  regiment  of  soldiers  again. 
General  Sherman  writes  he  was  "tired  and  sick  of  the  war. 
Its  glory  is  all  moonshine.  It  is  only  those  who  have  neither 
fired  a  shot  nor  heard  the  shrieks  and  groans  of  the  wounded, 
who  cry  aloud  for  more  blood,  more  vengeance,  more  desola- 
tion. War  is  hell." 

— ANDREW  CARNEGIE,  A  League  of  Peace,  pp.  39,  40. 

Does  not  this  work  seem  too  like  that  of  wild  beasts  or  bull- 
dogs, and  prize-fighters?  Separate  the  military  hero  himself 
from  his  bloody  deeds;  forget  for  a  moment  the  cause  of  the 
war  in  which  he  fights — what  are  the  personal  motives,  im- 
pulses, and  passions  roused  into  life  and  energy  by  fighting? 


66    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

A  Christian  soldier  once  said  to  me  confidentially,  "I  cannot 
bear  to  go  into  the  presence  of  God  so  angry  as  I  always 
become  in  battle." 

— ROWLAND  B.  HOWAED. 

Mankind  generally  are  convinced  of  the  abstract  proposi- 
tion that  war  is  an  evil,  and  that  is  my  assumption.  But  I 
do  not  say  or  think  that  it  is  an  unmixed  evil ;  I  freely  admit 
that  some  good  (along  with  a  vast  preponderance  of  harm) 
has  come  from  wars.  It  would,  perhaps,  be  hard  to  find  an 
unmixed  evil  in  the  world.  Providence,  said  a  great  divine, 
brings  good  from  everything,  even  from  the  worst  sufferings 
and  most  atrocious  crimes.  "But  sufferings  and  crimes,"  he 
was  careful  to  add,  "are  not  therefore  to  be  set  down  among 
our  blessings."  Murder  may  shorten  a  tyrant's  career  of 
guilt;  robbery  may  circulate  the  useless  hoards  of  a  miser; 
despotism  may  be  the  means  of  suppressing  anarchy  and 
establishing  social  order,  just  as  anarchy  and  revolutionary 
violence  may  be  the  means  of  driving  despotism  into  consti- 
tutional courses.  But  we  do  not,  therefore,  bless  the  tyrant 
and  the  anarchist  or  canonize  robbery  and  murder.  There 
are  some  manufactures  whose  by-products  are  very  profitable. 
It  would  be  absurd  to  call  the  by-products  of  war  'profitable.' 
Its  apologists  claim  that  it  may  call  forth  an  indignant 
patriotism,  a  fervent  public  spirit,  generous  daring,  heroic 
self-sacrifice.  So  may  a  fire,  a  pestilence,  a  railway  accident, 
an  explosion  in  a  mine,  a  shipwreck.  But  do  we  pray  for 
these  catastrophes  or  welcome  them  when  they  come,  because 
they  call  forth  great  virtues,  and  testify,  as  it  were,  to  the 
inborn  greatness  of  human  nature?  On  the  contrary,  every 
man  with  a  grain  of  public  spirit,  every  government  with 
a  spark  of  humanity,  endeavors  to  prevent  and  mitigate  such 
catastrophes  as  these. 

There  is  another  and  more  intimate  view  of  war,  which 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  67 

should  lead  us  to  regard  it  as  a  far  greater  evil  than  any 
natural  calamity  or  any  series  of  natural  calamities,  that 
might  do  the  same  amount  of  damage  to  life  and  property. 
To  go  to  war  is  to  enthrone  force  and  defy  justice.  What 
distinguishes  war  is  not  death,  or  disease,  or  destruction,  or 
the  other  visible  woes  that  are  drawn  in  its  train.  What  dis- 
tinguishes war  and  makes  it  the  worst  of  all  evils  is  not  that 
man  is  thereby  slain  or  despoiled,  but  that  he  is  slain  and 
despoiled  by  the  cruelty,  treachery,  and  injustice  of  his 
fellows.  The  distinguishing  evil  of  war  is  moral  evil.  .  .  . 
"War,"  says  Dr.  Channing,  "is  the  concentration  of  all 
human  crimes.  Under  its  standard  gather  violence,  ma- 
lignity, rage,  fraud,  perfidy,  rapacity,  and  lust.  If  it  only 
slew  men  it  would  do  little.  It  turns  man  into  a  beast  of 
prey.  Here  is  the  evil  of  war  that  man,  made  to  be  the 
brother,  becomes  the  deadly  foe  of  his  kind ;  that  man,  whose 
duty  it  is  to  mitigate  suffering,  makes  the  infliction  of  suffer- 
ing his  study  and  end;  that  man,  whose  office  it  is  to  avert 
and  heal  the  wounds  which  come  from  nature's  powers,  makes 
researches  into  nature's  laws,  and  arms  himself  with  her  most 
awful  forces,  that  he  may  become  the  destroyer  of  his  race." 
— FRANCIS  W.  HIRST,  The  Arbiter  in  Council,  pp.  18-20. 

The  change  in  the  conception  of  war  is  a  very  great  one. 
We  had  for  a  long  time  the  mystical  conception  of  war — that 
it  was  a  divine  instrument,  and  that  frequently  war  was 
started  by  God.  Now  that  is  not  my  conception.  My  God 
does  not  make  war;  war  is  made  by  wicked  men  generally. 
Then  we  have  had  a  scientific  apology  for  war — the  man  who 
laid  a  good  deal  of  stress  upon  the  different  races,  the  strong 
and  noble  races,  the  superior  races  which  are  to  be  kept 
noble  and  superior  by  war  which  eliminates  the  weakest  ones ; 
but  the  latest  labors  of  ethnologists  and  anthropologists  have 
revealed  to  us  in  an  indisputable  manner  that  those  doctrines 


68    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

of  races  to-day  are  untenable,  that  men  are  brothers,  and 
that  God  made  of  one  blood  all  the  nations  of  the  world.  This 
is  not  simply  the  statement  of  one  noble  Hebrew  who  spoke 
in  Athens,  but  it  is  the  conception  of  scientists  who  are  deal- 
ing with  that  question.  There  was  also  taught  the  idea  that 
war  was  a  necessary  force  of  social  progress;  the  great  prog- 
ress of  the  race  was  attained  through  warfare.  I  am  very 
happy  that  in  my  own  country  at  present  the  newer  sociolo- 
gists, our  younger  men,  are  laying  stress  upon  what  they  call 
solidarity.  Formerly  it  was  taught  that  strength  came  from 
war;  now  they  teach  that  war  is  the  elimination  of  the 
strongest  and  of  the  best  and  of  the  noblest  men.  In  former 
times  it  was  thought  that  a  nation  in  order  to  be  strong  must 
do  all  that  it  can  do  to  weaken  its  neighbor.  Now  I  think 
that  in  recent  times  we  have  seen,  although  the  old  idea  still 
survives,  the  signs  of  something  better.  There  are  a  great 
many  things  that  I  would  like  to  say  on  this  subject.  I  think 
that  the  agreements  between  my  native  land  and  England 
indicate  a  new  departure.  What  has  taken  place  under  the 
administration  and  the  efforts  of  Delcasse,  the  agreement  in 
reference  to  Newfoundland  and  that  in  reference  to  Egypt, 
have  been  made  upon  a  new  basis;  the  basis  adopted  by  the 
two  governments  was,  We  must  give  up  the  things  that  mean 
most  for  the  other.  It  was  owing  to  this  new  international 
maxim  that  we  were  able  to  settle  that  many-sided  controversy 
in  reference  to  other  disputed  points. 

— JEAN  C.  BRACQ,  in  Reports  of  Lake  Mohonk  Con- 
ference on  International  Arbitration,  1905,  p.  154. 

Those  who  attribute  moral  benefits  to  war  are  guilty  of 
an  astonishing  fallacy.  They  think  merely  of  defense,  never 
of  attack. 

"It  is  necessary  to  overcome  some  repugnance,"  says  Sis- 
mondi,  "to  venture  to  say  that  war  is  necessary  to  humanity 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  69 

— that  even  those  private  battles  called  duels  preserve  some 
of  our  virtues.  Nevertheless,  we  have  seen  that  when  nations 
renowned  of  old  for  their  valor  have  been  freed  from  all 
danger,  when  they  have  been  forbidden  the  use  of  arms,  when 
they  have  lost  the  standard  of  honor  which  makes  them  brave 
death — we  have  seen  them  lose,  along  with  their  military 
courage,  the  very  strength  that  keeps  up  the  domestic  virtues. 
We  have  seen  them  debased  in  peace  by  the  very  cause  that 
exposed  them  to  defeat.  And  we  have  convinced  ourselves 
that  to  be  worthy  to  live  man  must  learn  to  brave  danger  and 
death." 

These  words  are  typical.  Without  doubt,  to  defend  one's 
rights  at  peril  of  death  is  a  most  generous  deed;  without 
doubt,  the  communities  unwilling  to  bring  themselves  to  do 
so  soon  fall  into  the  lowest  state  of  degradation;  only — we 
forget  the  other  side  of  the  question.  That  the  A's  should  be 
obliged  to  defend  their  rights  with  their  lives,  there  must 
perforce  be  B's  who  violate  those  rights  also  at  the  risk  of 
their  lives.  Defense  necessarily  involves  attack. 

Another  example :  "Max  Jahns  finds  nothing  to  say  against 
war  of  expansion,  but  the  wars  that  he  prefers  to  all  others 
are  those  waged  in  self-defense.  They  are  the  noblest  and 
most  glorious." 

Mr.  Jahns's  blindness  is  truly  surprising.  How  is  a  defen- 
sive war  possible  without  an  offensive  war?  The  weakest 
house  of  cards  will  not  fall  unless  it  is  blown  upon.  The 
timidest  man  in  the  world  can  live  in  tranquillity  if  nobody 
violates  his  rights ;  in  other  words,  if  nobody  attacks  him. 

Mr.  Jahns's  book  contains  another  pearl  of  one-sided 
reasoning.  He  justifies  war  on  the  ground  that  it  is  a  right. 
He  says,  "The  first  and  most  evident  right  of  all  is  the  right 
to  live."  Assuredly.  But  it  is  not  the  right  to  kill.  Now, 
without  murderers,  there  never  would  be  any  murdered.  .  .  . 

In  short,  to  risk  one's  life  in  defending  one's  rights,  to 


70    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

prefer  death  to  disgrace,  is  great,  beautiful,  generous.     But 

it  is  base  and  vile  to  violate  the  rights  of  others,  to  steal, 

pillage,  despoil,  and  tyrannize  over  people's  consciences.  Now, 

every  aggressor  of  necessity  commits  those  misdeeds.     Since 

there  can  be  no  war  without  an  aggressor,  war  is  one  of  the 

principal  causes  of  the  degradation  of  the  human  race. 

— J.  Novicow,  War  and  Its  Alleged  Benefits,  pp.  7-12. 

(Henry  Holt  &  Co.,  Publishers.) 

Ruskin  once  said  that  "war  is  the  foundation  of  all  high 
virtues  and  faculties  of  men."  As  well  might  the  maker  of 
phrases  say  that  fire  is  the  builder  of  the  forest,  for  only 
in  the  flame  of  destruction  do  we  realize  the  warmth  and 
strength  that  lie  in  the  heart  of  oak.  Another  writer,  Hard- 
wick,  declares  that  "war  is  essential  to  the  life  of  a  nation; 
war  strengthens  a  nation  morally,  mentally,  and  physically/' 
Such  statements  as  these  set  all  history  at  defiance.  War 
can  only  waste  and  corrupt.  "All  war  is  bad,"  says  Benjamin 
Franklin,  "some  only  worse  than  others."  War  has  its  origin 
in  the  evil  passions  of  men,  and  even  when  unavoidable 
or  righteous,  its  effects  are  most  forlorn. 

— DAVID  STARR  JORDAN,  The  Blood  of  the  Nation,  p.  49. 

All  have  a  confused  feeling  that  war,  when  not  for  necessary 
defense,  is  immoral,  absurd,  contrary  to  civilization;  but  few 
are  convinced  that  it  is  an  evil  that  can  be  avoided. 

In  order  to  overcome  the  prejudice  that  war  is  a  fatal 
necessity,  it  is  not  sufficient  to  convince  the  mind;  one  must 
do  more,  namely,  educate  the  heart,  and  infuse  into  it  feelings 
contrary  to  those  which  war  has  engendered  there,  namely,  the 
love  of  our  fellowmen,  the  feeling  of  human  solidarity;  one 
must  above  all  create,  or  revive  in  those  who  already  have  a 
glimmer  of  it,  the  idea  of  a  collective  humanity. 

— E.  T.  MONETA,  in  Report  of  Fifth  Universal 
Peace  Congress,  p.  110. 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  71 

So  little  civilized  are  we  internationally  that  books  are 
written  about  the  rules  of  war;  that  the  right  of  blockade  is 
recognized  between  nations;  that,  because  of  brawls  with 
which  no  outside  party  has  any  concern,  the  commerce  of 
neutrals  is  interfered  with,  the  property  of  their  citizens  often 
exposed  to  the  ravages  of  war  on  land,  while  neutral  govern- 
ments, unlike  the  onlookers  at  a  street  fight,  who  content 
themselves  with  making  a  ring  about  the  contestants,  accept 
limitations  upon  their  own  conduct  made  by  the  fighters 
themselves.  Can  we  not  learn  that  there  is  no  more  dignity, 
no  more  glory,  about  a  national  dispute,  about  a  national 
conflict,  than  there  is  in  a  duel  between  two  neighbors  over 
the  proper  placing  of  a  line  fence  ? 

And  if  the  well-being  of  the  community  demands  that  the 
quarrels  of  neighbors  shall  be  determined  by  a  legal  court,  if 
the  rivalries  of  cities  and  states  must  find  in  this  country 
their  settlement  in  dispassionate  tribunals,  why  should  there 
not  be,  judicially  at  least,  the  United  States  of  the  world, 
with  a  tribunal  capable  of  passing  upon  all  international 
questions  without  restrictions  ? 

We  may  here  pride  ourselves  on  believing  that  we  are  going 
with  the  swing  of  international  feeling;  that  with  the  spread 
of  intelligence,  with  a  greater  recognition  of  the  equality  of 
human  beings,  which  in  the  last  analysis  denies  the  right  of 
one  man  to  require  another  to  sacrifice  his  life  and  property 
without  just  cause,  duly  ascertained  by  cold  and  competent 
tribunals,  there  must  come  a  time  when  war  will  be  looked 
upon  as  the  crime  that  it  is.  The  stars  in  their  courses  fight 
for  us. 

Let  it  not  be  said  that  I  am  mappreciative  of  the  dignity 
of  war  and  of  the  importance  of  the  causes  leading  up  to  it. 
War  has  no  dignity.  It  offers  a  tragedy  and  a  farce.  With 
the  tragic  element  we  are  all  too  familiar.  With  the  farce  of 
it  all  we  are  less  familiar,  for  it  is  one  of  those  obvious  things 


72    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

— so  obvious  and  so  accustomed  that,  like  the  movement  of 
the  earth  around  the  sun,  eons  of  time  pass  by  without  its 
realization.  What  can  be  more  farcical  than  that  human 
beings  should  be  dressed  up  in  gold  lace  and  waving  plumes 
to  go  forth  to  slay  other  human  beings  in  waving  plumes  and 
gold  lace?  Why  should  bearskin  shakos  be  used  to  add 
ferocity  to  their  ensemble?  Why  should  the  common  people, 
whose  interest  in  the  matter  is  nil,  make  themselves  food  for 
powder,  all  for  the  benefit  of  the  few  whose  tinsel  decorations 
blind  their  own  eyes  and  those  of  the  beholders?  And  why 
should  parents  who  love  their  offspring  rush  into  oppor- 
tunities of  bequeathing  to  them  legacies  of  national  poverty 
and  debt  as  the  result  of  a  display  of  passion  on  the  part 
of  the  fathers?  And  when  all  this  is  the  work  of  sentient 
human  beings,  may  we  not  wonder  over  their  effrontery  in 
speaking  of  themselves  as  reasoning  creatures?  Are  nations 
so  rushing  into  conflict  wiser  than  the  mad  bull  in  the  arena 
that  with  lowered  head  dashes  upon  the  sword  of  the  matador  ? 
May  we  not  conceive  of  a  real  philosopher  looking  down  with 
wondering  and  puzzled  contempt  and  amazement  at  our 
bloody  antics  over  baubles? 

— JACKSON  H.  KALSTON,  Some  Supposed  Just 
Causes  of  War,  pp.  8,  9. 

I  was  at  Gettysburg,  July  1-4,  1863,  with  my  brother, 
Gen.  0.  D.  Howard,  but  not  as  a  soldier.  It  was  my  first  and 
only  battlefield.  I  received  there,  not  my  first  impressions, 
but  by  far  my  deepest  conviction  as  to  the  real  and  essential 
character  of  war.  The  "pomp  and  circumstance"  were  not 
wanting  as  we  broke  camp  at  Leesburg,  Va.,  and  marched 
to  the  sound  of  music  and  under  waving  banners  toward 
Pennsylvania.  The  report  of  the  first  gun  following  a  distant 
flash  and  the  slow  rising  of  a  puff  of  smoke  over  the  woods 
excited  a  thrill  of  patriotic  emotion.  Our  reenforcements 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  73 

hurrying  beyond  the  town  to  repel  attacks  already  begun,  and 
others  hastening  to  gain  and  hold  important  positions  on 
Cemetery  Kidge,  roused  my  honest  sympathy.  But  when  the 
first  broken  line  of  limping,  bleeding  "wounded"  halted  along 
the  Baltimore  turnpike,  and  I  attempted,  almost  alone,  the 
work  of  relief,  I  felt  as  never  before  war's  cruel  sacrifice  of 
blood  and  limb  and  life.  On  the  second  evening  of  the  battle 
the  moon  rose  as  peaceful-faced  as  ever  and  the  silent  stars 
looked  down  unchanged  on  the  upturned,  ghastly  faces  of  our 
dead;  the  otherwise  noiseless  night  resounded  with  cries  of 
mortal  agony  from  the  dying  around  me.  I  said  to  myself, 
"0  God,  the  moon  and  the  stars  Thou  hast  made,  but  not 
this  miserable  murder  and  mangling  of  men."  It  is  not  like 
nature;  it  is  anti-natural;  it  is  of  the  pit.  On  the  third 
afternoon  I  went  up,  weary  with  hospital  work,  for  a  few 
moments'  rest  to  the  cupola  of  a  farmhouse.  The  thin  line 
of  blue-coated  soldiers  seemed  to  waver  along  the  summit 
of  the  ridge.  I  involuntarily  prayed  for  their  safety,  my 
country,  and  for  the  right.  Just  then,  above  the  rattling  of 
musketry  and  the  roar  of  artillery,  there  came  a  clap  of 
thunder  from  a  rapidly  rising  cloud.  For  a  moment  no  other 
sound  was  heard.  It  was  as  if  God  were  saying,  "I  am 
mightier  than  ye  all !  Hear  my  voice.  Cease  your  mad  and 
tumultuous  strife !"  Here  the  question  came  to  me  as  never 
before,  "Is  this  the  work  of  God  or  of  Satan?  Is  there  no 
other  way  of  settling  human  differences,  establishing  and  con- 
firming human  rights  ?  Do  union,  liberty,  and  law  lie  along 
no  other  road?" 

— EOWLAND  B.  HOWARD,  A  Battle  as  it  Appeared  to 
an  Eye-Witness. 

COMMON  FALLACIES  IN  REGARD  TO  ARMAMENTS 

"To  keep  the  peace  we  must  prepare  for  war."    Some  one 
said  that  long  ago,  and  men  have  repeated  it  as  though  it 


74    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

were  a  word  from  the  mouth  of  God.  Its  hollowness  is  evi- 
dent to  any  one  who  will  look  into  it.  The  fact  is  that  to  keep 
the  peace  we  must  prepare  for  peace.  If  you  want  war,  then 
prepare  for  war,  multiply  your  guns,  burnish  them  and  make 
them  shine,  practice  with  them,  keep  the  air  filled  with  the 
reverberations  of  the  roar  of  cannon.  Swing  your  fleet  from 
one  ocean  to  another  just  when  hearts  are  most  irritated.  Fill 
your  newspapers  with  accounts  of  what  your  ships  are  doing, 
crowd  your  magazines  with  pictures  of  torpedo  boats  and 
destroyers.  Set  all  the  young  men  of  the  country  thinking 
and  talking  about  war,  and  then  some  day  war  will  come. 
It  is  inevitable !  If  a  nation  does  not  want  to  fight  it  must 
put  up  its  sword.  It  is  amazing  that  there  is  an  intelligent 
man  on  the  earth  who  cannot  see  this. 

"Our  race  is  a  fighting  race.  Men  have  always  fought, 
therefore  they  always  will  fight,  at  least  for  ages  yet  to  come. 
The  process  of  evolution  is  slow.  International  action  has 
always  been  selfish,  it  always  will  be  selfish.  Washington 
said :  'It  is  folly  in  one  nation  to  look  for  disinterested  favors 
from  another.  It  has  been  so,  and  must  be  so  forever.'  Fbr 
generations,  then,  wars  may  be  confidently  expected.  Pre- 
paredness is  therefore  a  national  duty."  The  nomenclature 
of  all  this  is  modern,  but  this  method  of  argument  is  primi- 
tive. A  man  who  argues  thus  has  a  mind  which  works 
exactly  like  the  mind  of  a  South  Sea  Islander.  The  islander 
had  always  been  a  cannibal,  his  parents  had  been  cannibals, 
and  his  grandparents  and  all  his  ancestors  back  for  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  years.  He  said:  "We  have  always  eaten 
people,  and  therefore  we  always  will.  Our  tribe  has  always 
been  selfish,  and  it  always  will  be.  I  propose  to  keep  my 
knife  sharp."  Poor  islander !  he  argued  thus  because  he  had 
never  heard  of  Christ.  Then  one  day  he  heard  of  him,  and 
he  quit  eating  people,  and  then  his  whole  tribe  quit,  and  a 
little  later  on  all  the  tribes  of  the  island  quit,  and  nobody 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  76 

on  the  island  ever  thinks  nowadays  of  eating  human  flesh 
any  more.  Men  that  tell  us  that  what  men  have  done  they 
must  always  do,  argue  up  to  their  light,  but  they  do  not 
possess  much,  and  should  the  world  follow  them  it  will  find 
itself  in  a  ditch. 

— CHARLES  E.  JEFFERSON,  Some  Fallacies  of  Militarism, 
p.  6,  in  Publications  of  the  American  Peace  Society. 

It  was  Sir  Edward  Grey,  Foreign  Secretary  in  the  present 
cabinet,  who  said  the  other  day  in  the  British  Parliament, 
"The  vastness  of  the  expenditure  on  armament  is  a  satire  on 
modern  civilization,  and  if  continued  it  must  lead  Europe 
into  bankruptcy."  The  security  and  prosperity  of  any  nation 
depends  upon  its  schools  and  its  churches,  its  useful  indus- 
tries and  its  happy  homes,  a  thousand  times  more  than  upon 
its  army  and  navy.  And  the  conceit  of  these  militarists  who 
are  trying  to  throw  dust  in  the  eyes  of  the  people  would  be 
funny  if  it  were  not  so  costly  and  so  perilous  to  our  national 
well-being. 

The  men  who  watch  the  world  from  that  narrow  station 
"behind  the  gun"  are  not  competent  leaders  of  public  senti- 
ment. The  merchant  and  the  mechanic,  the  wise  lawyer  and 
the  skilled  physician,  the  farmer  and  the  miner,  the  trained 
teacher  and  the  godly  preacher,  these  men  engaged  in  peace- 
ful, useful  industry  are  vastly  more  competent  to  see  things 
as  they  are  and  to  aid  in  shaping  a  wholesome  public  senti- 
ment. International  relationships  are  being  formed  to-day 
as  never  before  in  the  history  of  the  race  through  community 
of  interest  in  trade  and  by  those  associations  which  come 
through  literature,  the  work  of  education  and  religious  affilia- 
tion. And  it  is  for  these  men  and  women  whose  main  interest 
lies  in  those  peaceful,  productive  vocations  to  insist  upon 
being  heard. 

But  what  are  some  of  the  reasons  urged  for  this  cruel  and 


76    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

costly  outlay?  "In  time  of  peace  prepare  for  war!"  This 
stupid  sentiment  is  trotted  out  as  if  it  were  a  fragment  from 
the  wisdom  of  the  ages.  History  as  well  as  common  sense 
laughs  it  to  scorn.  In  time  of  peace  prepare  for  peace !  We 
did  just  that  with  England  along  our  northern  border,  where 
for  four  thousand  miles  only  an  imaginary  line  divides  us 
from  one  of  the  mightiest  nations  on  earth. 

— CHAELES  E.  BROWN,  Quoted  in  World  Peace,  by 
M.  K.  Eeely,  Extracts  from  pp.  11,  12. 

When  we  see  what  awful  burdens  the  armed  peace  has 
already  laid  upon  the  peoples — burdens  which,  through 
private  sacrifices  of  individuals  for  their  own  sons  in  arms 
or  for  the  maintenance  of  the  armies  in  time  of  peace,  repre- 
sent a  considerably  greater  sum  than  that  given  above — 
yet  how  immensely  greater  are  the  burdens  and  terrors  which 
actual  war  brings  with  it,  especially  a  future  war  in  which 
such  masses  of  men,  furnished  with  the  most  perfect  instru- 
ments of  destruction,  will  fall  upon  one  another.  He  who 
has  once  experienced  the  horrors  of  a  war,  who  has  seen  with 
his  own  eyes  the  sorrow  and  misery  following  in  its  train 
(and  there  are  many  such  among  us),  must  agree  with  the 
statement,  "War  is  an  awful  misfortune  even  for  the  victor." 
Certainly  we  in  Germany  can  bear  witness  to  this;  we  have 
felt  it  in  our  own  persons;  and  still  to-day  the  ruins  of  our 
old  cities  and  villages  proclaim  the  destructiveness  of  war; 
still  to-day  our  chronicles  tell  of  the  fierceness  and  cruelty  of 
soldiers  whom  war  had  brutalized,  of  plague  and  famine 
which  nearly  always  following  in  the  wake  of  armies  have 
desolated  our  territories.  Even  if  war,  thanks  to  interna- 
tional agreements,  is  now  more  humane,  if  it  is  no  longer 
waged  against  private  citizens  of  hostile  countries,  from  whom 
in  former  times  fierce  marauders  took  away  their  last  posses- 
sion, yet  it  has  retained  otherwise  all  of  its  horrors  and  bur- 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  77 

dens,  and  the  mere  thought  that  thousands  of  brave,  noble 
men  in  their  best  years  shall  be  compelled  to  kill  others  and 
to  be  killed  themselves,  while  the  products  of  their  industry, 
secured  by  years  of  painstaking  labor,  are  lost  perhaps  for- 
ever, must  fill  every  true  friend  of  humanity  with  shame 
and  horror.  In  a  truly  noble  way  and  with  the  deepest 
feeling  has  our  noble  friend,  the  Baroness  von  Suttner, 
painted  the  horrors  of  war  in  "Die  Waffen  Meder,"  a  story 
which  has  been  translated  into  nearly  all  modern  languages. 
It  fell  like  a  kindling  spark  into  ready  material,  and  it  has 
won  for  us  a  host  of  zealous  coworkers. 

Up  to  the  present  time,  unfortunately,  things  are  in  such 
a  state  that  in  case  of  a  war  the  entire  strength  of  the  nations 
participating  will  be  brought  into  requisition;  and  in  order 
that  they  may  give  their  last  man  and  their  last  penny  it  is 
necessary  that  before  the  war  they  should  be  brought  into  the 
right  disposition  and  be  kept  thus  while  it  is  going  on;  for 
it  is  my  deepest  conviction  that  modern  peoples  do  not  wish 
war.  Those  who  wish  to  wage  war,  or  rather  to  keep  up  the 
possibility  of  war,  are,  in  comparison  with  the  millions  of 
people  at  large,  small  in  numbers,  but — they  are  those  in 
power.  Here  the  peace  associations  must  apply  their  lever, 
they  must  seek  to  bring  to  the  consciousness  of  the  masses 
the  thought  that  wars  are  not  something  unavoidable,  an  in- 
stitution established  by  God;  that  on  the  contrary  through 
international  arbitration  even  international  strifes  can  be 
done  away;  that  it  is  an  unjustifiable  pre judgment  to  think 
that  a  people  sacrifices  something  of  its  dignity  when  it 
submits  its  case  to  a  third  party;  in  other  words,  that  the 
principles  which  are  the  pillars  of  States  and  of  modern 
human  society  must  also  come  to  prevail  in  politics  and  in 
the  intercourse  of  peoples  one  with  another. 

— ADOLPH  RICHTER,  in  Eeport  of  Fifth  Universal 
Peace  Congress,  1893,  pp.  116,  117. 


78    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Many  examples  might  be  cited  to  show  the  international 
activity  of  the  great  armament  manufacturers  of  Europe. 
That  all  this  diabolical  activity  makes  for  war  is  beyond 
all  doubt.  The  good  folk  who  sell  Turkey  a  hundred  million 
cartridges  to-day  would  not  be  averse  to  a  Balkan  scare  or 
even  to  a  Balkan  war,  which  would  make  Turkey  want  an- 
other hundred  million  to-morrow. 

Then  there  is  no  knowing  when  some  slight  improvement 
in  the  rifle  may  render  a  dozen  million  firearms  obsolete. 
This  means  untold  expense  for  the  people,  and  untold  riches 
for  the  gunsmith.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  these  improvements 
and  alterations  are  going  on  almost  continually,  with  the 
result  that  old-fashioned  rifles  are  being  continually  sold  to 
Albanians,  Arabs,  Abyssinians,  Moors,  Central  Americans, 
Central  Africans,  Caucasians,  Afghan  raiders  on  the  Indian 
frontier,  Chinese,  Gold  Coast  Negroes,  and  other  primitive 
but  warlike  folks.  Gentle  little  Japan  recently  sold  scores 
of  thousands  of  captured  Eussian  rifles  to  some  keen  traders 
in  Djibuti,  who  will  probably  sell  them  to  Somaliland  savages, 
Afridis,  Arab  slavers,  or  any  other  kind  of  cutthroat  who  is 
able  to  pay  for  them.  This  interesting  little  fact  has  become 
public  because  the  Times  is  not  at  all  anxious  for  the  tribes- 
men on  the  northwest  frontier  of  India  to  get  good  rifles. 
But  what  an  enormous  supply  of  discarded  arms  must  find 
its  way  into  the  hands  of  the  inferior  races  of  the  Dark 
Continent!  Surely  "civilization"  has  much  to  answer  for 
in  Africa,  beginning  with  rum  and  ending  with  rifles  1 

— Syndicates  for  War,  p.  11. 

Said  the  late  lamented  Justice  Brewer : 

While  I  have  an  abiding  faith  that  the  tendency  of  Ameri- 
can thought  and  purpose  will  ere  long  be  reversed,  no  one 
can  be  blind  to  the  fact  that  there  is  a  persistent  effort  to 
make  of  this  a  great  military  nation.  From  the  football 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  79 

field  to  the  ironclad,  from  the  athlete  to  the  admiral,  the 
thought  and  the  talk  is  fight.  The  cry  is  fight  fair,  but  fight. 
The  capital  city  has  a  different  aspect  from  that  which  it 
had  a  few  years  ago.  Brass  buttons  and  epaulets  are  filling 
the  eyes.  Our  newspapers  are  eulogizing  the  magnificence  of 
our  fleet  and  army,  and  the  thought  of  the  nation  is  largely 
in  the  direction  of  naval  and  military  advance.  Science  is 
giving  its  attention  to  the  discovery  and  manufacture  of  more 
instruments  of  death,  and  we  are  rapidly  drifting  into  an 
admiration  for  the  "pride,  pomp,  and  circumstances  of  glori- 
ous war."  At  the  First  Hague  Conference  we  were  among 
those  nations  calling  for  a  limitation  of  armament.  Now, 
instead  of  leading  in  that  direction,  we  are  constantly  in- 
creasing our  armament  and  point  with  pride  to  the  fact  that 
our  naval  fighting  strength  surpasses  that  of  every  other 
nation  excepting  Great  Britain. 

— Quoted  by  LUCIA  AMES  MEAD,  Swords  and 
Ploughshares,  pp.  68,  69. 

SOME  CAUSES  OF  WAR 

A  military  class  ambitious  for  activity  and  promotion. 
Contempt  for  peoples  who  have  not  white  skins. 

Lack  of  power  to  put  one's  self  in  another's  place,  and  of 
will  to  do  justice. 

Ignorant  and  perverse  interpretation  of  the  Bible,  judging 
God's  will  by  ancient  Israel's  barbaric  deeds  instead  of  by 
Christ's  spirit. 

Rich  investors  have  much  political  power,  and  are  made 
richer  by  war,  while  the  masses  are  impoverished.  Most  wars 
would  end  quickly  were  war  loans  impossible. 

"The  vast  expenditure  on  armaments,  the  costly  wars,  the 
grave  risks  and  embarrassments  of  foreign  policy,  the  stop- 


80    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

page  of  political  and  social  reforms  within  Great  Britain, 
though  fraught  with  injury  to  the  nation,  have  served  well 
the  business  interests  of  certain  industries  and  professions." 
— JOHN  ATKINSON  HOBSON. 

"That  original  sin  of  nations — the  greed  of  territorial 
aggrandizement." — GLADSTONE. 

"You  push  into  territories  where  you  have  no  business  to 
be  and  where  you  had  promised  not  to  go.  Your  intrusion 
provokes  resentment,  and  resentment  means  resistance.  You 
instantly  cry  out  that  the  people  are  rebellious,  in  spite  of 
your  own  assurance  that  you  have  no  intention  of  setting  up 
a  permanent  sovereignty  over  them.  You  send  a  force  to 
stamp  out  the  rebellion.  Having  spread  bloodshed,  confusion, 
and  anarchy,  you  declare,  with  hands  uplifted  to  the  heavens, 
that  moral  reasons  force  you  to  stay.  These  are  the  five 
stages  in  the  Forward  Rake's  Progress/' — JOHN  MORLEY. 

Investors.  Foreign  investments  are  enormously  increasing 
in  weak  and  poorly  governed  countries.  Poor  Asiatics  are 
supposed  to  be  better  customers  than  our  own  Negroes  and 
poor  whites  and  South  Americans.  Put  this  year's  naval 
budget  into  Southern  schools,  create  new  wants  and  re- 
sources, and  we  should  have  immensely  large  sales  near  home. 

The  Sensational  Press.  It  enlarges  on  every  misunder- 
standing and  evil  rumor.  It  exaggerates  and  distorts  news 
with  false  head-lines — anything  to  create  a  fever,  sell  papers, 
and  coin  money.  Its  readers  are  fooled,  and  fooled  all  the 
time. 

— LUCIA  AMES  MEAD,  A  Primer  of  the  Peace  Movement. 

War  comes  to-day  as  the  result  of  one-  of  three  causes: 
either  actual  or  threatened  wrong  by  one  country  to  another, 
or  suspicion  by  one  country  that  another  intends  to  do  it 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  81 

wrong,  and  upon  that  suspicion,  instinct  leads  the  country 
that  suspects  the  attack,  to  attack  first;  or,  from  bitterness 
of  feeling,  dependent  in  no  degree  whatever  upon  substantial 
questions  of  difference;  and  that  bitterness  of  feeling  leads 
to  suspicion,  and  suspicion  in  the  minds  of  those  who  suspect 
and  who  entertain  the  bitter  feeling,  is  justification  for  war. 
It  is  their  justification  to  themselves.  The  least  of  these 
three  causes  of  war  is  actual  injustice.  There  are  to-day's  acts 
of  injustice  being  perpetrated  by  one  country  upon  another, 
there  are  several  situations  in  the  world  to-day  where  gross 
injustice  is  being  done.  I  will  not  mention  them,  because 
it  would  do  more  harm  than  it  would  good,  but  they  are  few 
in  number.  By  far  the  greatest  cause  of  war  is  that  suspicion 
of  injustice,  threatened  and  intended,  which  comes  from 
exasperated  feeling.  Now,  feeling,  the  feeling  which  makes 
one  nation  willing  to  go  to  war  with  another,  makes  real 
causes  of  difference  of  no  consequence.  If  the  people  of  two 
countries  want  to  fight,  they  will  find  an  excuse — a  pretext — 
find  what  seems  to  them  sufficient  cause,  in  anything.  Ques- 
tions which  can  be  disposed  of  without  the  slightest  difficulty 
between  countries  really  friendly,  are  insoluble  between  coun- 
tries really  unfriendly.  And  the  feeling  between  the  people 
of  different  countries  is  the  product  of  the  acts  and  the  words 
of  the  peoples  of  the  countries  themselves,  not  of  their  govern- 
ments. Insult,  contemptuous  treatment,  bad  manners,  arro- 
gant and  provincial  assertion  of  superiority  are  the  chief 
causes  of  war  to-day. 

And  in  this  country  of  ours,  we  are  not  free  from  being 
guilty  of  all  those  great  causes  of  war.  The  gentlemen  who 
introduced  into  the  Legislatures  of  California,  Montana,  and 
Nevada,  the  legislation  regarding  the  treatment  of  the  Japa- 
nese in  those  states,  doubtless  had  no  conception  of  the  fact 
that  they  were  offering  to  that  great  nation  of  gentlemen,  of 
soldiers,  of  scholars  and  scientists,  of  statesmen,  a  nation 


82    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

worthy  of  challenging  and  receiving  the  respect,  the  honor 
and  the  homage  of  mankind,  an  insult  that  would  bring  on 
private  war  in  any  private  relation  in  our  own  country. 
Thank  Heaven,  the  wiser  heads  and  the  sounder  hearts,  in- 
structed and  enlightened  upon  the  true  nature  of  the  pro- 
ceedings, prevailed  and  overcame  the  inconsiderate  and 
thoughtless. 

There  are  no  two  men  .  .  .  who  can  not  bring  on  private 
war  between  themselves  by  an  insult  without  any  cause  or 
reason,  and  it  is  so  with  the  nations,  for  national  pride, 
national  sensitiveness,  sense  of  national  honor,  are  more 
keenly  alive  to  insult  than  can  be  the  case  with  any  individual. 
But  a  few  days  ago,  a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
charged  upon  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  little  Republic  of 
Panama  a  fraudulent  conspiracy  with  regard  to  a  contract 
under  a  negotiation  by  the  government  of  that  country  re- 
garding the  forests  of  Panama.  All  Panama  was  instantly 
alive  with  just  indignation.  This  insult  was  felt  all  the  more 
keenly  because  we,  with  our  ninety  millions  and  our  great 
navy  and  army,  presented  an  overwhelming  and  irresistible 
force  toward  a  little  Republic  whose  sovereignty  we  are  bound, 
trebly  bound,  in  honor  to  maintain  and  respect. 

These  are  the  things  that  make  for  war  and  if  you  would 
make  for  peace,  you  will  frown  upon  them,  condemn  them, 
ostracize  and  punish  by  all  social  penalties  the  men  who  are 
guilty  of  them,  until  it  is  understood  and  felt  that  an  insult 
to  a  friendly  foreign  power  is  a  disgrace  to  the  insulter,  upon 
a  level  with  the  crimes  that  we  denounce  and  for  which  the 
law  inflicts  disgraceful  punishment. 

Two  thirds  of  the  suspicion,  the  dislike,  the  distrust  with 
which  our  country  was  regarded  by  the  people  of  South 
America,  was  the  result  of  the  arrogant  and  contemptuous 
bearing  of  Americans,  of  people  of  the  United  States,  for 
those  gentle,  polite,  sensitive,  imaginative,  delightful  people. 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  83 

Allusion  has  been  made  to  my  visit  there,  to  the  generous, 
magnanimous  hospitality  that  they  have  inherited  from  their 
ancestors  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  and  that  opened  wide  the 
gateway  of  their  land  and  their  hearts  to  a  message  of 
courtesy  and  kindly  consideration.  No  questions  existed  be- 
fore to  be  settled,  no  serious  questions  have  been  settled,  but 
the  difference  between  the  feeling,  the  attitude,  of  the  people 
of  Latin  America  and  our  Republic  to-day  from  what  it  was 
four  years  ago,  is  the  result  of  the  conspicuous  substitution 
of  the  treatment  that  one  gentleman  owes  to  another,  for  the 
treatment  that  one  blackguard  pays  to  another. 

Now  this  is  the  subject  for  you  to  deal  with.  The  govern- 
ment cannot  reach  it.  Laws  cannot  control  it ;  public  opinion, 
public  sentiment  must  deal  with  it,  and  when  public  opinion 
has  risen  to  such  height  all  over  the  world,  that  the  peoples 
of  every  country  treat  the  peoples  of  every  other  country 
with  the  human  kindness  that  binds  home  communities 
together,  you  will  see  an  end  of  war — and  not  until  then. 

— ELIHU  ROOT,  Causes  of  War,  pp.  5-8,  in  Documents 
of  The  American  Association  for  International 
Conciliation,  1909. 

The  causes  of  war  may  be  roughly,  and  of  course  super- 
ficially and  generally  distributed  into  three  categories.  First, 
there  are  the  real  differences  between  nations  as  to  their 
respective  rights.  One  nation  claims  territory  and  another 
claims  the  same  territory.  One  nation  claims  the  right  to 
trade  in  a  particular  way,  at  a  particular  place,  and  another 
nation  claims  an  exclusive  right.  There  are  a  myriad  ways  in 
which  nations  may  come  into  dispute  regarding  real  rights, 
each  nation  believing  that  its  side  of  the  controversy  is  based 
upon  justice.  A  second  category  is  what  I  might  call  that  of 
policy.  The  policy  of  a  country  may  be  to  push  its  trade,  to 
acquire  territory,  to  obtain  a  dominant  influence,  to  insist 


84    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

upon  a  certain  course  of  action  by  other  countries  for  its  own 
protection  asserting  that  a  different  course  of  conduct  would 
be  dangerous  to  its  safety.  All  those  questions  of  policy,  how- 
ever, are  to  a  considerable  degree,  and  very  frequently,  de- 
pendent upon  the  determination  of  certain  facts  and  the 
decision  of  certain  questions  of  international  law. 

A  third  category  of  causes  of  war  may  be  described  as  being 
matters  of  feeling.  Deep  and  bitter  feeling  is  often  awakened 
between  peoples  of  different  countries.  We  have  got  away 
from  the  time  when  the  pique  or  whim  of  an  individual 
monarch  may  plunge  his  subjects  into  a  bloody  and  devastat- 
ing war,  but  we  remain  in  the  time  when  great  masses  of 
people  in  different  countries  may  become  indignant  over  some 
slight  or  insult,  or  a  course  of  conduct  which  they  deem  to 
be  injurious  and  unfair.  These  matters  of  feeling,  which  are 
the  most  dangerous  of  all  causes  of  war  because  they  make 
the  peoples  of  two  different  countries  want  to  fight — these 
matters  of  feeling  ordinarily  depend  in  the  beginning  upon 
different  views  regarding  the  specific  rights  of  the  two  coun- 
tries. 

— ELIHU  ROOT,  The  Importance  of  Judicial  Settle- 
ment, Extracts  from  pp.  4-6,  in  Judicial  Settle- 
ment of  International  Disputes. 

It  is  only  by  a  knowledge  of  the  sources  that  we  can  be 
guided  to  the  remedies  of  war.  And  here,  I  doubt  not,  many 
will  imagine  that  the  first  place  ought  to  be  given  to  malignity 
and  hatred.  But  justice  to  human  nature  requires  that  we 
ascribe  to  national  animosities  a  more  limited  operation  than 
is  usually  assigned  to  them  in  the  production  of  this  calamity. 
It  is  indeed  true  that  ambitious  men  who  have  an  interest 
in  war  too  often  accomplish  their  views  by  appealing  to  the 
malignant  feelings  of  a  community,  by  exaggerating  its 
wrongs,  ridiculing  its  forbearance,  and  reviving  ancient 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  85 

jealousies  and  resentments.  But  it  is  believed  that,  were  not 
malignity  and  revenge  aided  by  the  concurrence  of  higher 
principles,  the  false  splendor  of  this  barbarous  custom  might 
easily  be  obscured  and  its  ravages  stayed. 

One  of  the  great  springs  of  war  may  be  found  in  a  very 
strong  and  general  propensity  of  human  nature,  in  the  love 
of  excitement,  of  emotion,  of  strong  interest — a  propensity 
which  gives  a  charm  to  those  bold  and  hazardous  enterprises 
which  call  forth  all  the  energies  of  our  nature.  No  state  of 
mind,  not  even  positive  suffering,  is  more  painful  than  the 
want  of  interesting  objects.  The  vacant  soul  preys  on  itself, 
and  often  rushes  with  impatience  from  the  security  which 
demands  no  effort  to  the  brink  of  peril.  This  part  of  human 
nature  is  seen  in  the  kind  of  pleasures  which  have  always 
been  preferred.  Why  has  the  first  rank  among  sports  been 
given  to  the  chase?  Because  its  difficulties,  hardships, 
hazards,  tumults  awaken  the  mind  and  give  to  it  a  new  con- 
sciousness of  existence  and  a  deep  feeling  of  its  powers. 
What  is  the  charm  which  attaches  the  statesman  to  an  office 
which  almost  weighs  him  down  with  labor  and  an  appalling 
responsibility?  He  finds  much  of  his  compensation  in  the 
powerful  emotion  and  interest  awakened  by  the  very  hard- 
ships of  his  lot,  by  conflicting  with  vigorous  minds,  by  the 
opposition  of  rivals,  and  by  the  alternations  of  success  and 
defeat.  .  .  .  We  have  here  one  spring  of  war.  War  is  of 
all  games  the  deepest,  awakening  most  powerfully  the  soul, 
and,  of  course,  presenting  powerful  attraction  to  those  restless 
and  adventurous  minds  which  pant  for  scenes  of  greater 
experiment  and  exposure  than  peace  affords.  The  savage, 
finding  in  his  uncultivated  modes  of  life  few  objects  of  inter- 
est, few  sources  of  emotion,  burns  for  war  as  a  field  for  his 
restless  energy.  Civilized  men,  too,  find  a  pleasure  in  war, 
as  an  excitement  of  the  mind.  They  follow  with  an  eager 
mcern  the  movements  of  armies,  and  wait  the  issue  of  battles 


86    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

with  a  deep  suspense,  an  alternation  of  hope  and  fear,  incon- 
ceivably more  interesting  than  the  unvaried  uniformity  of 
peaceful  pursuits. 

Another  powerful  principle  of  our  nature,  which  is  the 
spring  of  war,  is  the  passion  for  superiority,  for  triumph,  for 
power.  The  human  mind  is  aspiring,  impatient  of  in- 
feriority, and  eager  for  preeminence  and  control.  I  need  not 
enlarge  on  the  predominance  of  this  passion  in  rulers  whose 
love  of  power  is  influenced  by  the  possession,  and  who  are 
ever  restless  to  extend  their  sway.  It  is  more  important  to 
observe  that,  were  this  desire  restrained  to  the  breasts  of 
rulers,  war  would  move  with  a  sluggish  pace.  But  the  passion 
for  power  and  superiority  is  universal;  and  as  every  indi- 
vidual, from  his  intimate  union  with  the  community,  is  accus- 
tomed to  appropriate  its  triumphs  to  himself,  there  is  a 
general  promptness  to  engage  in  any  contest  by  which  the 
community  may  obtain  an  ascendency  over  other  nations. 
The  desire  that  our  country  should  surpass  all  others  would 
not  be  criminal  did  we  understand  in  what  respects  it  is  most 
honorable  for  a  nation  to  excel;  did  we  feel  that  the  glory 
of  a  state  consists  in  intellectual  and  moral  superiority,  in 
preeminence  of  knowledge,  freedom,  and  purity.  But  to  the 
mass  of  a  people  this  form  of  preeminence  is  too  refined  and 
unsubstantial.  There  is  another  kind  of  triumph  which  they 
better  understand — -the  triumph  of  physical  power,  triumph  in 
battle,  triumph  not  over  the  minds,  but  the  territory  of  an- 
other state.  Here  is  a  palpable,  visible  superiority;  and  for 
this  a  people  are  willing  to  submit  to  severe  privations.  A 
victory  blots  out  the  memory  of  their  sufferings,  and  in  boast- 
ing of  their  extended  power  they  find  a  compensation  for 
many  woes. 

I  now  proceed  to  another  powerful  spring  of  war;  and  it 
is  the  admiration  of  the  brilliant  qualities  displayed  in  war. 
These  qualities,  more  than  all  things,  have  prevented  an  im- 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  87 

pression  of  the  crimes  and  miseries  of  this  savage  custom. 
Many  delight  in  war  not  for  its  carnage  and  woes,  but  for 
its  valor  and  apparent  magnanimity,  for  the  self-command 
of  the  hero,  the  fortitude  which  despises  suffering,  the  resolu- 
tion which  courts  danger,  the  superiority  of  the  mind  to  the 
body,  to  sensation,  to  fear.  Let  us  be  just  to  human  nature 
even  in  its  errors  and  excesses.  Men  seldom  delight  in  war 
considered  merely  as  a  source  of  misery.  When  they  hear  of 
battles,  the  picture  which  rises  to  their  view  is  not  what  it 
should  be,  a  picture  of  extreme  wretchedness,  of  the  wounded, 
the  mangled,  the  slain.  These  horrors  are  hidden  under  the 
splendor  of  those  mighty  energies  which  break  forth  amidst 
the  perils  of  conflict,  and  which  human  nature  contemplates 
with  an  intense  and  heart-thrilling  delight.  Attention 
hurries  from  the  heaps  of  the  slaughtered  to  the  victorious 
chief,  whose  single  mind  pervades  and  animates  a  host  and 
directs  with  stern  composure  the  storm  of  battle;  and  the 
ruin  which  he  spreads  is  forgotten  in  admiration  of  his  power. 
This  admiration  has  in  all  ages  been  expressed  by  the  most 
unequivocal  signs.  Why  that  garland?  that  arch  erected? 
that  festive  board  spread  ?  These  are  tributes  to  the  warrior. 
While  the  peaceful  sovereign,  who  scatters  blessing  with  the 
silence  and  constancy  of  Providence,  is  received  with  a  faint 
applause,  men  assemble  in  crowds  to  hail  the  conqueror,  per- 
haps a  monster  in  human  form,  whose  private  life  is  black- 
ened with  lust  and  crime,  and  whose  greatness  is  built  on 
perfidy  and  usurpation.  Thus  war  is  the  surest  and  speediest 
road  to  renown;  and  war  will  never  cease  while  the  field  of 
battle  is  the  field  of  glory,  and  the  most  luxuriant  laurels 
grow  from  a  root  nourished  with  blood. 
— WILLIAM  E.  CHANNING,  Discourses  on  War,  pp.  25-29. 

The  great  majority  of  wars  during  the  last  thousand  years 
may   be   classified  under   three   heads:   Wars  produced  by 


88    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

opposition  of  religious  belief,  wars  resulting  from  erroneous 
economical  notions  either  concerning  the  balance  of  trade 
or  the  material  advantages  of  conquest,  and  wars  resulting 
from  the  collision  of  the  two  hostile  doctrines  of  the  Divine 
right  of  kings  and  the  rights  of  nations.  In  the  first  instance 
knowledge  has  gained  a  decisive  victory,  and  in  the  second 
almost  a  decisive  victory. 

— W.  E.  H.  LECKY,  Eationalism  in  Europe,  p.  6. 

The  passion  for  power  is  one  of  the  most  universal  pas-- 
sions;  nor  is  it  to  be  regarded  as  a  crime  in  all  its  forms. 
Sweeping  censures  on  a  natural  sentiment  cast  blame  on  the 
Creator.  This  principle  shows  itself  in  the  very  dawn  of  our 
existence.  The  child  never  exults  and  rejoices  more  than 
when  it  becomes  conscious  of  power  by  overcoming  difficulties 
or  compassing  new  ends.  All  our  desires  and  appetites  lend 
aid  and  energy  to  this  passion,  for  all  find  increase  of  gratifi- 
cation in  proportion  to  the  growth  of  our  strength  and  in- 
fluence. We  ought  to  add  that  this  principle  is  fed  from 
nobler  sources.  Power  is  a  chief  element  of  all  the  command- 
ing qualities  of  nature.  It  enters  into  all  the  higher  virtues, 
such  as  magnanimity,  fortitude,  constancy.  It  enters  into 
intellectual  eminence.  .  .  . 

Ambition  chiefly  covets  power  over  our  fellow  creatures. 
It  is  this  which  has  instigated  more  crime  and  spread  more 
misery  than  any  other  cause.  We  are  not,  however,  to  con- 
demn even  this  universally.  There  is  a  truly  noble  sway  of 
man  over  man,  one  which  it  is  our  honor  to  seek  and  exert, 
which  is  earned  by  well-doing,  which  is  a  chief  recompense 
of  virtue.  We  refer  to  the  quickening  influence  of  a  good 
and  great  mind  over  other  minds,  by  which  it  brings  them 
into  sympathy  with  itself.  Far  from  condemning  this,  we 
are  anxious  to  hold  it  forth  as  the  purest  glory  which  virtuous 
ambition  can  propose.  The  power  of  awakening,  enlighten- 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  89 

ing,  elevating  our  fellow  creatures  may  with  peculiar  fitness 
be  called  divine;  for  there  is  no  agency  of  God  so  beneficent 
and  sublime  as  that  which  he  exerts  on  rational  natures  and 
by  which  he  assimilates  them  to  himself.  This  sway  over 
other  souls  is  the  surest  test  of  greatness.  .  .  . 

But  the  highest  aim  of  all  authority  is  to  confer  liberty. 
This  is  true  of  domestic  rule.  The  great,  we  may  say  the 
single,  object  of  parental  government,  of  a  wise  and  virtuous 
education,  is  to  give  the  child  the  fullest  use  of  his  own 
powers ;  to  give  him  inward  force ;  to  train  him  up  to  govern 
himself.  The  same  is  true  of  the  authority  of  Jesus  Christ. 
He  came  indeed  to  rule  mankind,  but  to  rule  them  not  by 
arbitrary  statutes,  not  by  force  and  menace,  but  by  mere 
will,  but  by  setting  before  them,  in  precept  and  life,  those 
everlasting  rules  of  rectitude  which  heaven  obeys  and  of 
which  every  soul  contains  the  living  germ.  .  .  . 

Of  civil  government  too,  the  great  end  is  to  secure  freedom. 
Its  proper  and  highest  function  is  to  watch  over  the  liberties 
of  each  and  all,  and  to  open  to  a  community  the  widest  field 
for  all  its  powers.  Its  very  chains  and  prisons  have  the  gen- 
eral freedom  for  their  aim.  They  are  just  only  when  used  to 
curb  oppression  and  wrong ;  to  disarm  him  who  has  a  tyrant's 
heart  if  not  a  tyrant's  power,  who  wars  against  others  rights, 
who  by  invading  property  or  life  would  substitute  force  for 
the  reign  of  equal  laws.  Freedom — we  repeat  it — is  the  end 
of  government.  To  exalt  men  to  self-rule  is  the  end  of  all 
other  rule;  and  he  who  would  fasten  on  them  his  arbitrary 
will  is  their  worst  foe. 

The  guilt  of  this  passion  for  dominion  may  also  be  dis- 
cerned, and  by  some  more  clearly,  in  its  outward  influences — 
in  the  desolation,  bloodshed,  and  woe  of  which  it  is  the  per- 
petual cause.  We  owe  to  it  almost  all  the  miseries  of  war. 
To  spread  the  sway  of  one  or  a  few,  thousands  and  millions 
have  been  turned  into  machines  under  the  names  of  soldiers, 


90 


SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 


armed  with  instruments  of  destruction,  and  then  sent  to 
reduce  others  to  their  own  lot  by  fear  and  pain,  by  fire  and 
sword,  by  butchery  and  pillage.  And  is  it  light  guilt  to 
array  man  against  his  brother;  to  make  murder  the  trade  of 
thousands;  to  drench  the  earth  with  human  blood;  to  turn 
it  into  a  desert;  to  scatter  families  like  chaff;  to  make 
mothers  widows  and  children  orphans;  and  to  do  all  this 
for  the  purpose  of  spreading  a  still  gloomier  desolation,  for 
the  purpose  of  subjugating  men's  souls,  turning  them  into 
base  parasites,  extorting  from  them  in  their  own  eyes,  and 
breaking  them  to  servility  as  the  chief  duty  of  life?  When 
the  passion  for  power  succeeds,  as  it  generally  has  done,  in 
establishing  despotism,  it  seems  to  make  even  civilization  a 
doubtful  good. 

— WILLIAM  E.  CHANNING,  Discourses  on 
War,  pp.  127-141. 

The  first  reason  for  all  wars,  and  for  the  necessity  of 
national  defenses,  is  that  the  majority  of  persons,  high  and 
low,  in  all  European  nations,  are  Thieves,  and,  in  their 
hearts,  greedy  of  their  neighbor's  goods,  land,  and  fame. 

But  besides  being  Thieves,  they  are  also  fools,  and  have 
never  yet  been  able  to  understand  that  if  Cornish  men  want 
pippins  cheap,  they  must  not  ravage  Devonshire — that  the 
prosperity  of  their  neighbors  is,  in  the  end,  their  own  also; 
and  the  poverty  of  their  neighbors,  by  the  communism  of 
God,  becomes  also  in  the  end  their  own. 

— JOHN  EUSKIN. 

The  printing  press  has  disseminated  the  principles  of 
peace,  it  has  bound  the  nations  together,  by  the  interchange 
of  thought,  lifting  them  towards  the  same  moral  and  spiritual 
plane.  But  it  has  sown  tares  with  the  wheat.  Literature  is 
charged  with  a  martial  spirit.  Physical  violence  and  in- 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OF  WAR  91 

human  cruelty  are  the  substance  of  the  most  thrilling  scenes 
in  fiction.  History,  oratory,  poetry,  and  art  combine  to  exalt 
and  embellish  the  triumphs  of  war. 

— AUGUSTINE  JONES,  War — Unnecessary  and 
Unchristian,  p.  13. . 

Upon  the  writer  of  newspaper  headlines  and  editorials 
there  is  a  greater  moral  responsibility  than  upon  the  average 
citizen.  Let  him  read  and  reflect  upon  these  words  of  that 
noble  patriot,  John  Hay: 

"If  the  press  of  the  world  would  adopt  and  persist  in  the 
high  resolve  that  war  should  be  no  more,  the  clang  of  arms 
would  cease  from  the  rising  of  the  sun  to  its  going  down, 
and  we  should  fancy  that  at  last  our  ears,  no  longer  stunned 
by  the  din  of  battle,  might  hear  the  morning  stars  singing 
together  and  all  the  sons  of  God  shouting  for  joy." 
— LUCIA  AMES  MEAD,  Swords  and  Ploughshares,  p.  68. 

SIGNS  OF  PROGRESS 

The  diminution  of  war  and  the  establishment  of  law  and 
order  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  over  the  habitable  globe  are 
encouraging.  But  what  of  the  establishment  of  conscription 
on  the  Continent  of  Europe,  in  Japan,  and  in  some  of  the 
South  American  Republics,  together  with  this  vast  increase 
in  the  military  and  naval  budgets  of  all  the  principal  states 
and  kingdoms  of  the  world  during  the  last  forty  years?  In 
the  very  act  of  establishing  a  precarious  peace  have  we  not 
robbed  it  of  half  its  fruits? 

Our  answer  must  be  that  the  good  achieved  far  outweighs 
the  accompanying  evil.  The  average  European  has  been 
incomparably  better  off  morally  and  physically  during  the 
last  half  century  than  he  ever  was  before.  Progress  has  been 
incomparably  more  rapid.  The  establishment  of  peace  as 


92    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

the  normal  condition  of  states  for  the  first  time  since  the 
collapse  of  the  Eoman  Empire,  and  of  personal  freedom  as 
the  normal  condition  of  individuals  for  the  first  time  in 
history,  are  unexhausted  and  inexhaustible  improvements. 
They  cannot,  humanly  speaking,  cease  to  work  for  good. 
Civilized  man  has  had  his  first  long  taste  of  secured  freedom, 
He  has  felt  the  advantage  of  industry  over  barbarism,  of  the 
rule  of  justice  over  the  rule  of  the  stronger.  True,  more 
wealth  has  been  wasted  on  war  and  armaments  during  the 
last  century  than  in  any  previous  century;  but  the  sum 
wasted  in  proportion  to  income  has  been  considerably  less. 
The  world  is  clearly  passing  from  the  stage  of  militarism 
into  the  stage  of  industrialism.  In  the  eighteenth  century 
almost  the  whole  produce  of  taxation  was  spent  on  defense 
and  police.  Popular  government  has  already  seized  upon 
large  sums  for  education  and  public  health,  for  roads,  parks, 
and  the  like.  It  is  every  day  asking  for  more.  Only  by 
looking  back  can  we  measure  the  rate  of  progress  or  even 
realize  that  we  are  progressing. 

— FBANCIS  W.  HIRST,  The  Arbiter  in  Council,  p.  45. 


CHAPTER  IV 
THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR 

War  has  brought  low  our  conception  of  the  preciousness 
of  human  life,  as  slavery  brought  low  our  conception  of 
human  liberty. 

As  peace-lovers,  we  are  charged  with  the  sanctity  of 
human  life; 

As  democrats  and  freemen  we  are  charged  with  its 
sovereignty. 

— THE  SURVEY. 

COST   OF   WAR   IN  LIFE,   PROPERTY,   AND   PROSPERITY 

Were  half  the  power  that  fills  the  world  with  terror, 
Were  half  the  wealth  bestowed  on  camps  and  courts, 

Given  to  redeem  the  human  mind  from  error, 
There  were  no  need  of  arsenals  or  forts. 

— LONGFELLOW. 

"The  problem  is  vital  and  for  its  solution  it  is  essential 
to  know  the  facts." 

The  whole  amount  of  property  in  the  United  States  is 
probably  of  far  less  value  than  what  has  been  expended  and 
destroyed  within  two  centuries  by  wars  in  Christendom. 
Suppose  then,  that  one  fifth  of  this  amount  had  been  judi- 
ciously laid  out  by  peace  associations  in  the  different  states 
and  nations  in  cultivating  the  spirit  and  arts  of  peace,  and 
in  exciting  a  just  abhorrence  of  war,  would  not  the  other 

93 


94    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

four  fifths  have  been  in  a  great  measure  saved,  besides  many 
millions  of  lives  and  an  immense  portion  of  misery?  Had 
the  whole  value  of  what  has  been  expended  in  wars  been 
appropriated  to  the  promotion  of  peace,  how  laudable  would 
have  been  the  appropriation  and  how  blessed  the  conse- 
quences! — NOAH  WORCESTER,  A  Solemn  Review  of  the 
Custom  of  War,  p.  5. 

It  is  very  difficult  to  put  into  figures,  in  any  satisfactory 
way,  the  cost  of  war.  The  losses  in  life,  in  money,  in  de- 
struction of  property,  in  the  derangement  of  business,  in 
the  curtailing  of  productive  industry,  in  the  impairment  of 
health  and  the  power  to  labor,  are  so  great  and  have  ramifica- 
tions in  so  many  directions  that  anything  more  than  approxi- 
mate estimates  of  the  economic  losses  caused  by  war  are 
impossible. 

It  has  been  estimated  that  the  aggregate  loss  of  life  in  all 
the  wars  which  have  occurred  since  the  beginning  of  authentic 
history,  has  been  not  less  than  15,000,000,000. 

Forty  thousand  millions  of  dollars  is  a  sum  so  vast  that 
the  mention  of  it  leaves  only  a  confused  impression  upon  the 
mind;  but  that  is  about  what  the  nations  have  paid  in  solid 
cash  in  a  single  century  for  the  folly  and  wickedness  of  their 
quarrels  and  fightings,  their  mutual  injustices  and  slaughters. 
But  this  is  not  by  any  means  the  whole  of  the  huge  "butcher's 
bill,"  as  we  shall  see. 

If  it  is  difficult  to  determine  with  even  approximate 
accuracy  the  cost  of  war  in  direct  money  outlay,  it  is  still 
harder  to  ascertain  the  waste  which  it  occasions  through  im- 
mediate destruction  of  property.  Here  almost  no  figures 
are  available.  General  Sherman  estimated  that  property  to 
the  amount  of  at  least  three  hundred  millions  of  dollars 
was  destroyed  outright  by  his  army  during  the  march  to 
the  sea. 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  95 

/ 

In  the  past  century,  especially  toward  its  close,  the  de- 
struction of  property  in  war  was  of  course  much  less  than 
it  had  been  in  previous  times.  International  law  has,  theo- 
retically at  least,  and  often  in  fact  made  private  property 
on  land  immune  from  seizure  and  destruction  in  war  time. 
The  Eusso-Japanese  war,  therefore,  costly  and  deadly  as  it 
was,  resulted  in  comparatively  small  destruction  of  property, 
though  at  Port  Arthur  and  in  the  region  of  the  great  army 
movements  in  Manchuria  there  was  necessarily  much  prop- 
erty swept  away,  however  careful  the  commanders  were  to 
observe  the  "laws  of  war."  In  the  Philippine  campaigns  and 
the  Boxer  "punishment"  destruction  of  property  was  large, 
as  was  the  case  also  in  the  Boer  war,  where  the  "farm 
burnings"  recalled  the  cruel  days  when  nothing  was  sacred 
in  the  eyes  of  ravaging  armies. 

The  Franco-Prussian  war,  the  Busso- Turkish,  the 
Crimean,  the  Italian,  the  Austro-Prussian,  the  Danish,  the 
Mexican,  the  Opium,  the  British-American  of  1812,  and  the 
numerous  colonial  wars  of  the  century  left  each  its  sad 
legacy  of  destroyed  property,  the  amount  of  which  can  never 
be  calculated. 

The  Napoleonic  wars,  a  hundred  years  ago,  in  which  "laws 
of  war"  were  not  much  in  evidence,  were  immensely  destruc- 
tive of  property.  In  some  of  the  campaigns  the  losses  through 
the  burning  of  cities  and  the  plundering  done  by  the  soldiers 
probably  equaled  if  they  did  not  surpass,  all  that  was  paid 
out  in  money.  Back  of  that  time,  through  the  Middle  Ages 
and  the  early  periods  of  history,  when  war  was  incessant  and 
armies  lived  largely  off  the  countries  through  which  they 
passed,  and  sacked  and  pillaged  cities,  the  destruction  of 
property  attending  warfare  was  always  very  great. 

But  there  is  still  another  field  in  which  the  cost  of  war 
is  in  the  long  run  very  much  greater  than  the  direct  money 
expenditures  and  the  immediate  loss  in  destruction  of  prop- 


96    SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

erty  combined.  The  cost  of  war  does  not  stop  when  hostili- 
ties are  over  and  the  armies  have  returned  home.  Its  burdens 
continue  indefinitely  in  pensions,  in  interest,  in  prostrated 
business  and  disordered  finance,  in  the  absence  from  produc- 
tive occupations  of  men  who  have  been  destroyed,  and  in 
the  heavier  military  burdens  imposed  by  the  preparation  for 
future  hostilities,  the  dread  of  which  is  left  behind. 

For  full  record  of  cost  of  war  see,  The  Cost  of  War,  by 
Benjamin  F.  Trueblood,  published  by  the  American  Peace 
Society;  The  Future  of  War,  by  Jean  De  Bloch,  and  for  The 
Cost  of  Armaments  to  "The  Drain  of  Armaments,"  pub- 
lished by  The  World  Peace  Foundation. 

It  is  a  sad  fact  that  sixty-seven  per  cent  of  the  expenses 
of  our  government  are  being  expended  either  because  of 
past  wars  or  in  preparation  for  possible  future  wars.  It  has 
been  well  illustrated  by  a  man  having  an  income  of  $1,000 
a  year  who  is  spending  $670  to  pay  for  the  expenses  of 
former  fights  or  in  preparation  for  new  ones,  and  is  leaving 
himself  only  $330  for  house  rent,  food,  clothing,  fuel,  educa- 
tion of  his  children,  etc.  Last  year  (1911)  the  figures  show 
that  the  United  States  spent  on  preparations  for  future  war 
a  per  capita  of  about  $3.33.  Of  this  total  sum  we  Congrega- 
tionalists,  therefore,  have  had  to  pay  over  $2,250,000,  or 
three  times  as  much  as  we  have  given  for  foreign  missions. 
The  condition  across  the  sea  of  course  is  worse  than  it  is 
with  us.  The  annual  German  expenditure  is  $731,000,000, 
and  of  this  $318,000,000  is  spent  for  war  expenses  in  one 
way  or  another.  It  is  stated  that  every  farmer  in  Germany 
is  burdened  with  the  equivalent  of  the  maintenance  of  six 
non-producing  men  in  arms.  Four  million  men  are  under 
arms  in  Europe  at  an  annual  expense  of  $1,682,000,000,  thus 
absorbing  the  life  of  these  nations.  If  these  conditions  can 
be  changed,  and  the  fear  of  war  removed  by  arbitration 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  97 

agreements,  not  only  will  the  bulk  of  this  immense  sum 
be  saved,  but  these  men  themselves  could  be  returned  to  the 
ranks  of  peaceful  citizens,  and  perhaps  be  able  to  earn  as 
much  besides. 

— SAMUEL  B.  CAPEN,  Foreign  Missions  and  World  Peace. 

The  vast  destructions  of  war  are  mainly  a  destruction  of 
capital.  War  cannot  be  carried  on  except  by  means  of  prop- 
erty actually  existing,  nor  for  any  length  of  time,  or  to  any 
extent,  except  by  means  of  property  existing  in  the  form  of 
capital.  These  savings  previously  employed  productively, 
are  the  source  whence  war  supplies  are  drawn;  the  capital  is 
absolutely  destroyed;  the  war  debt  remaining  is  only  a 
memorial  of  this  destruction,  and  an  obligation  resting  upon 
somebody  to  create  new  capital  with  which  to  replace  the 
old;  the  debt  does  not  carry  on  the  war,  but  transfers  the 
capital  from  individuals  to  the  government ;  and  war,  accord- 
ingly, is  the  greatest  enemy  to  exchanges,  because  it  anni- 
hilates a  portion  of  the  central  agencies  which  carry  them 
forward. 

— ARTHUR  L.  PERRY,  Elements  of  Political  Economy,  p.  233. 
(Used  by  Permission  of  Charles  Scribner's  Sons.) 

Fortunately,  one  great  point  has  already  been  won.  No- 
body nowadays  asserts  that  war  is  lucrative.  Formerly  the 
opinion  that  war  brought  material  benefits  to  the  victors 
was  universally  accepted.  But  for  two  centuries  the  econo- 
mists have  been  fighting  with  indomitable  energy  to  prove 
that  this  notion  is  erroneous. 

— J.  Novicow,  War  and  Its  Alleged  Benefits,  p.  35. 
(Henry  Holt  &  Co.,  Publishers.) 

It  is  upon  the  manual  workers,  the  majority  of  whose 
incomes  are  small  and  barely  suffice  for  the  fuller  needs  of 


98 


SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 


life,  that  the  regular  taxes  levied  to  maintain  a  military 
equipment  in  time  of  peace,  and  the  exceptional  taxes  levied 
to  meet  the  drains  of  war  fall  most  heavily.  Not  that  they 
necessarily  pay  the  largest  share,  but  because  every  dollar 
drawn  from  the  resources  of  the  man  with  little  income 
represents  in  reality  a  heavier  burden,  is  a  more  real  sacri- 
fice, than  perhaps  ten  or  twenty  times  as  much  taken  from 
the  income  of  one  who  is  better  off. 

— CHARLES  PATRICK  NEILL,  The  Interest  of  the 
Wage-Earner  in  the  Present  Status  of  the 
Peace  Movement,  American  Association  for 
International  Conciliation,  1912,  p.  8. 

Even  the  return  of  peace  after  a  protracted  war,  usually 
brings  with  it  a  certain  form  of  temporary  disaster  to  the 
wage-earner. 

The  very  bane  of  existence  to  the  man  who  works  with 
his  hands  for  a  daily  wage,  the  specter  that  haunts  him 
through  all  the  days  of  his  working  life,  is  the  fear  of  unem- 
ployment. This  "economic  insecurity"  of  the  wage-earner 
is,  in  fact,  one  of  the  most  serious  defects  of  our  social 
system  to-day. 

When  a  war  ends  that  has  drawn  heavily  from  the  ranks 
of  the  wage-earner,  there  is  always  a  period  required  for 
industry  to  readjust  itself  to  a  normal  basis.  In  the  de- 
feated country,  especially,  the  recovery  of  industry  is  slow; 
and  along  with  this,  a  large  number  of  troops  is  suddenly 
released  from  military  service  and  added  to  the  ranks  of 
those  seeking  employment,  and  the  struggle  for  work  then 
takes  on  one  of  its  saddest  and  most  tragic  aspects. 

— CHARLES  PATRICK  NEILL,  The  Interest  of  the 
Wage-Earner  in  the  Present  Status  of  the  Peace 
Movement,  American  Association  for  Inter- 
national Conciliation,  pp.  9,  10. 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  99 

If  a  thousandth  part  of  what  has  been  expended  in  war 
and  preparing  its  mighty  engines  had  been  devoted  to  the 
development  of  reason  and  the  diffusion  of  Christian  prin- 
ciples, nothing  would  have  been  known  for  centuries  past  of 
its  terrorrs,  its  sufferings,  its  impoverishment,  and  its  de- 
moralization, but  what  was  learned  from  history. 

— HORACE  MANN. 

PROPORTIONATE  NATIONAL  EXPENDITURES 

For  past  wars  and  for  preparation  for  future  wars,  the 
United  States,  protected  by  two  oceans,  without  an  enemy  in 
the  whole  world,  is  paying  about  seventy  cents  out  of  every 
dollar  of  its  income,  leaving  only  thirty  cents  of  every  dollar 
to  spend  on  all  national  necessities  and  constructive  work. 
Imagine,  my  dear  householder,  spending  seventy  per  cent  of 
your  family  income  on  stone-walls  and  moats,  burglar  alarms 
and  bull-dogs,  and  having  only  thirty  per  cent  left  for  the 
housing,  clothing,  and  education  of  your  family.  For  the 
national  family,  Uncle  Sam  has  thirty  cents  on  the  dollar  left 
for  the  payment  of  Congress,  the  President,  Cabinet,  all  the 
federal  courts,  federal  prisons,  custom  house  buildings  and 
officers,  post-office  buildings,  coast-guard,  light-houses,  census, 
printing,  diplomatic  and  consular  service,  forestry,  waterways, 
quarantine,  irrigation,  agricultural  and  other  departments, 
mints,  etc. 

— LUCIA  AMES  MEAD,  Swords  and  Ploughshares,  pp.  25,  26. 

In  Austria  in  1896,  £13,500,000  was  devoted  to  the  army 
and  fleet,  while  only  £2,850,000,  or  ty  times  less,  was  devoted 
to  popular  education.  In  Italy  in  the  same  year  the  expendi- 
ture on  armaments  was  £12,650,000,  while  £1,500,000,  or 
eight  times  less,  was  spent  upon  education.  In  France 
£32,400,000  is  spent  upon  the  army,  and  £6,600,000,  or  a 


100       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

fifth  part,  on  education  generally.  In  Russia  the  army 
devours  £41,520,000,  while  education  receives  but  £3,540,000, 
that  is,  a  little  more  than  a  twelfth. 

— JEAN  DE  BLOCK,  The  Future  of  War,  Extract 
from  pp.  137-139. 

Our  navy  cost  in  round  figures  in  1881,  $13,000,000;  in 
1891,  $22,000,000;  in  1901,  $56,000,000;  in  1911,  $121,000,- 
000;  in  1912,  $130,000,000;  and  in  1913,  $146,000,000.  "Its 
yearly  expenses  exceed  the  endowment  revenues  of  all  the 
universities  of  the  world — the  foundations  of  intellectual 
advancement.  They  exceed  the  cost  of  maintenance  of  all 
industrial  and  technical  schools  of  all  grades,  including  all 
colleges  of  engineering  and  agriculture — the  foundation  of 
the  world's  industrial  advancement."  Militarism  is  confined 
to  no  country.  It  is  a  world  issue  and  so  powerfully 
entrenched  that  to  dethrone  it,  from  Christian  sentiment 
alone,  is  one  of  the  mightiest  tasks  of  these  times.  Carnegie 
was  right  when  he  said :  "We  shall  be  barbarians  to  our  great- 
great-grandchildren." 

After  the  battle  of  Martinique,  Benjamin  Franklin  wrote 
his  "Pest  of  Glory"  as  follows :  "A  young  angel  of  distinction, 
being  sent  down  to  this  world  on  some  business  for  the  first 
time,  had  an  old  courier  spirit  assigned  him  as  a  guide.  They 
arrived  over  the  sea  of  Martinico  in  the  middle  of  the  long 
day  of  an  obstinate  fight  between  the  fleets  of  Rodney  and 
de  Grasse,  when,  through  the  clouds  of  smoke,  he  saw  the 
fire  of  the  guns,  the  decks  covered  with  mangled  limbs  and 
bodies  dead  or  dying,  the  ships  sinking,  burning,  or  blown 
into  the  air,  and  the  quantity  of  pain,  misery,  and  destruc- 
tion. The  crews  yet  alive  were  thus  with  so  much  eagerness 
dealing  around  to  one  another,  he  turned  eagerly  to  his  guide 
and  said:  'You  blundering  blockhead,  you,  so  ignorant  of 
your  business;  you  undertook  to  conduct  me  to  Earth,  and 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  101 

you  have  brought  me  to  Hell.'  'No,  sir/  replied  the  guide, 
'I  have  made  no  mistake.  This  is  really  the  Earth,  and  these 
are  men.  Devils  never  treat  each  other  in  this  cruel  manner. 
They  have  more  sense  and  more  of  what  men  call  hu- 
manity/ " 

— PETER  AINSLIE,  The  Church  and  International 
Peace,  pp.  6,  7. 

The  largest  increases  have  been  in  armaments.  I  pointed 
out  that  1861  represented  high- water  mark  at  that  date  of 
the  cost  of  armaments.  Shortly  afterward  expenditure  on 
the  army  and  navy  fell  by  something  like  £2,000,000  a  year. 
It  was  then  £28,285,000;  it  is  now  £74,544,000— an  increase 
of  £46,000,000.  It  was  then  growing  at  the  rate  of  hundreds 
of  thousands  per  year;  it  is  now  growing  at  the  rate  of 
millions  a  year.  Since  I  have  had  the  privilege  of  occupying 
my  present  office  (chancellor  of  the  exchequer),  expenditure 
on  armaments  has  grown  by  £15,000,000,  and  I  see  no  pros- 
pect of  this  very  menacing  growth  coming  to  an  end  unless 
there  is  some  fundamental  change  in  the  attitude  and  policy 
of  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

The  expenditure  on  armaments  differs  from  every  other 
expenditure  in  two  respects.  One  is  that  it  is  non-productive. 
The  other  is  that  the  increase  or  diminution  in  armaments 
is  not  dependent  upon  the  will  of  the  individual  government 
that  initiates  the  expenditure  or  even  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons that  sanctions  the  expenditure — it  depends  upon  the 
concerted  or  rather  competitive  will  of  a  number  of  great 
nations,  of  whom  we  constitute  one  of  the  most  potent.  Now 
armaments  count  for  the  largest,  and  I  think  the  most  sterile, 
increase  since  1861. 

— DAVID  LLOYD  GEORGE,  Military  Panics. 

The  exact  disposition  of  the  masses  in  relation  to  arma- 


102   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

ments  is  shown  by  the  increase  in  the  number  of  opponents 
of  militarism  and  preachers  of  the  Socialist  propaganda.  In 
Germany  in  1893,  the  opponents  of  the  new  military  project 
received  1,097,000  votes  more  than  its  supporters.  Between 
1887  and  1893  the  opposition  against  militarism  increased 
more  than  seven  times.  In  France  the  Socialist  party  in 
1893  received  600,000  votes,  and  in  1896,  1,000,000. 

— BLOCK,  The  Future  of  War,  Extract  from  p.  355. 

Let  us  pity  and  forgive  those  who  urge  increased  arma- 
ments, for  "they  know  not  what  they  do."  "Preparation  for 
war"  by  one  nation  invariably  leads  to  "preparation  against 
war"  by  the  nations  alarmed  or  endangered,  and  armies  and 
navies  find  no  limit  to  their  expansion — as  has  been  amply 
proven.  "For  what  can  war  but  endless  war  still  breed?" 
asked  Milton,  poet  and  prophet,  three  centuries  ago,  and  to 
this  no  answer  has  ever  been  or  can  be  given !  Let  our  motto, 
therefore,  be  "Preparation  for  World  Peace,"  strong  in  the 
faith  that  under  this  holy  banner  there  can  be  no  such  word 
as  fail. 

— ANDREW  CARNEGIE. 

CONSEQUENCES  TO  THE  INDIVIDUAL 
SOLDIER  AND  TO  THE  COMMUNITY 

Consider  the  influence  of  war  on  the  character  of  those 
who  make  it  their  trade.  They  let  themselves  for  slaughter, 
place  themselves  in  the  hands  of  rulers,  to  execute  the 
bloodiest  mandates.  What  a  school  is  this  for  the  human 
character!  From  men  trained  in  battle  to  ferocity,  accus- 
tomed to  the  perpetration  of  cruel  deeds,  accustomed  to  take 
human  life  without  sorrow  or  remorse,  habituated  to  esteem 
an  unthinking  courage  a  substitute  for  every  virtue,  encour- 
aged by  plunder  to  prodigality,  taught  improvidence  by 
perpetual  hazard  and  exposure,  restrained  only  by  an  iron 


103 

discipline  which  is  withdrawn  in  peace,  and  unfitted  by  the 
restless  and  irregular  career  of  war  for  the  calm  and  uniform 
pursuits  of  ordinary  life;  from  such  men  what  ought  to  be 
expected  but  contempt  of  human  rights  and  of  the  laws  of 
God?  From  the  nature  of  his  calling,  the  soldier  is  almost 
driven  to  sport  with  the  thought  of  death,  to  defy  and  deride 
it,  and,  of  course,  to  banish  the  thought  of  that  retribution 
to  which  it  leads;  and  though  of  all  men  the  most  exposed 
to  sudden  death,  he  is  too  often  of  all  men  the  most  unpre- 
pared to  appear  before  his  Judge. 

The  influence  of  war  on  the  community  at  large,  on  its 
prosperity,  its  morals,  and  its  political  institutions,  though 
less  striking  than  on  the  soldiery,  is  yet  baleful.  How  often 
is  a  community  impoverished  to  sustain  a  war  in  which  it 
has  no  interest?  Public  burdens  are  aggravated,  while  the 
means  of  sustaining  them  are  reduced.  Internal  improve- 
ments are  neglected.  The  revenue  of  the  state  is  exhausted 
in  military  establishments,  or  flows  through  secret  channels 
into  the  coffers  of  corrupt  men,  whom  war  exalts  to  power 
and  office.  The  regular  employments  of  peace  are  disturbed. 
Industry  in  many  of  its  branches  is  suspended.  .  .  . 

The  influence  of  war  on  the  morals  of  society  is  also  to  be 
deprecated.  The  suspension  of  industry  multiplies  want,  and 
criminal  modes  of  subsistence  are  the  resources  of  the  suffer- 
ing. Commerce,  shackled  and  endangered,  loses  its  upright 
and  honorable  character,  and  becomes  a  system  of  stratagem 
and  collusion.  In  war  the  moral  sentiments  of  a  community 
are  perverted  by  the  admiration  of  military  exploits.  The 
milder  virtues  of  Christianity  are  eclipsed  by  the  baleful 
luster  thrown  round  a  ferocious  courage.  .  .  . 

War  especially  injures  the  moral  feelings  of  a  people  by 
making  human  nature  cheap  in  their  estimation,  and  human 
life  of  as  little  worth  as  that  of  an  insect  or  a  brute. 

War  diffuses  through  a  community  unfriendly  and  malig- 


104       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

nant  passions.  Nations,  exasperated  by  mutual  injuries,  burn 
for  each  other's  humiliation  and  ruin.  They  delight  to  hear 
that  famine,  pestilence,  want,  defeat,  and  the  most  dreadful 
scourges  which  Providence  sends  on  a  guilty  world  are  deso- 
lating a  hostile  community.  The  slaughter  of  thousands  of 
fellow-beings,  instead  of  awakening  pity,  flushes  them  with 
delirious  joy,  illuminates  the  city,  and  dissolves  the  whole 
country  in  revelry  and  riot.  Thus  the  heart  of  man  is 
hardened.  .  .  . 

War  not  only  assails  the  prosperity  and  morals  of  a  com- 
munity; its  influence  on  the  political  condition  is  threaten- 
ing. It  arms  government  with  a  dangerous  patronage,  multi- 
plies dependents  and  instruments  of  oppression,  and  generates 
a  power  which,  in  the  hands  of  the  energetic  and  aspiring, 
endangers  a  free  constitution.  War  organizes  a  body  of  men 
who  lose  the  feelings  of  the  citizen  in  the  soldier;  whose 
habits  detach  them  from  the  community;  whose  ruling  pas- 
sion is  devotion  to  a  chief;  who  are  inured  in  the  camp  to 
despotic  sway;  who  are  accustomed  to  accomplish  their  ends 
by  force,  and  to  sport  with  the  rights  and  happiness  of  their 
fellow  beings;  who  delight  in  tumult,  adventure,  and  peril 
and  turn  with  disgust  and  scorn  from  the  quiet  labors  of 
peace. 

— WILLIAM  ELLERY  CHAINING,  Discourses 
on  War,  pp.  20-23. 

Perhaps  some  have  pondered  over  Sir  John  Sinclair's 
opinion  that  "the  profession  of  a  soldier  is  a  damnable  pro- 
fession." 

The  professional  soldier  is  primarily  required  for  purposes 
of  aggression,  it  being  clear  that  if  there  were  none  to  attack, 
none  to  defend  would  be  needed.  The  volunteer,  who  arms 
only  to  be  better  able  to  defend  his  home  and  country, 
occupies  a  very  different  position  from  the  recruit  who  enlists 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  105 

unconditionally  as  a  profession  and  binds  himself  to  go 
forth  and  slay  his  fellows  as  directed.  The  defense  of  home 
and  country  may  possibly  become  necessary.  Still,  the 
elements  of  patriotism  and  duty  enter  here.  That  it  is 
every  man's  duty  to  defend  home  and  country  goes  without 
saying.  We  should  never  forget,  however,  that  which  makes 
it  a  holy  duty  to  defend  one's  home  and  country  also  makes 
it  a  holy  duty  not  to  invade  the  country  and  home  of  others, 
a  truth  which  has  not  hitherto  been  kept  in  mind.  The 
more's  the  pity,  for  in  our  time  it  is  one  incumbent  upon  the 
thoughtful  peace-loving  man  to  remember.  The  professional 
career  is  an  affair  of  hire  and  salary.  No  duty  calls  any  man 
to  adopt  the  naval  or  military  profession  and  engage  to  go 
forth  to  kill  other  men  when  and  where  ordered,  without 
reference  to  the  right  or  wrong  of  the  quarrel.  It  is  a  serious 
engagement,  involving  as  we  lookers-on  see  it  a  complete  sur- 
render of  the  power  most  precious  to  man — the  right  of 
private  judgment  and  appeal  to  conscience.  Jay,  the  father 
of  the  first  arbitration  treaty  between  Britain  and  America, 
has  not  failed  to  point  out  that  "our  country,  right  or  wrong, 
is  rebellion  against  God  and  treason  to  the  cause  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  of  justice  and  humanity/' 

— ANDREW  CARNEGIE,  A  League  of  Peace,  pp.  45,  46. 

The  warlike  nation  of  to-day  is  the  decadent  nation  of 
to-morrow.  It  has  ever  been  so,  and  in  the  nature  of  things 
it  must  ever  be.  — DAVID  STARR  JORDAN. 

For  what  can  war  but  endless  war  still  breed? 

— MILTON. 

Its  destructive  effect  upon  the  moral  character  of  the 
nation  that  wages  it,  is  war's  final  condemnation. 

— WALTER  WALSH. 


106 

War  raises  to  the  surface  the  worst  passions  and  vices  of 

men,  and  whoever  expects  soldiers,  whether  they  be  English, 

French,  German,  or  Boers,  to  act  in  the  heat  of  battle  as  a 

gentleman  would  act  in  a  London  drawing  room,  has  very 

little  knowledge  of  the  ferocity  latent  in  human  nature. 

When  life  and  death  are  the  stakes  for  which  men  play, 

chivalry  and  mercy  are  easily  forgotten,  and  the  original 

savage  reappears,  not  much  changed  from  the  primeval  time. 

— ERNEST  H.  CROSBY,  War  from  the  Christian  Point 

of  View,  p.  4. 

War  is  not  the  triumph  of  righteousness.  It  is  the  triumph 
of  brute  force.  Can  anything  be  conceived  more  unchristian, 
more  irrational,  than  the  present  mode  by  which  interna- 
tional quarrels  are  commonly  adjusted  ? 

— BISHOP  ERASER. 

War  suspends  every  idea  of  justice  and  humanity. 

— NECHAR. 

WAR  DANGEROUS  TO  THE  RACE 

War  to  the  biologist  seems,  above  all  else,  stupid.  It  is  so 
racially  dangerous.  It  so  flies  in  the  face  of  all  that  makes 
for  human  evolutionary  advance,  and  is  so  utterly  without 
shadow  of  serious  scientific  reason  for  its  maintenance.  It 
is  not  natural  selection  in  man,  nor  in  any  way  the  counter- 
part of  it.  Its  like  does  not  exist  in  Nature  outside  the 
forays  of  the  few  degenerate  fighting  ant  species,  some  of 
whom  have  lost  +he  power  of  caring  for  their  own  young, 
and  hence  live  as  social  parasites  on  less  barbarous  kinds, 
or  have  given  up  all  other  means  of  food  getting  than  robbery 
by  force  of  numbers.  It  is  not  only  not  natural  selection, 
one  that  turns  on  itself,  giving  no  advantage  to  the  con- 
queror, but  only  many  and  terrible  disadvantages  to  victor 
as  well  as  to  loser. 

It  does  not  encourage  bravery,  but  directly  and  positively 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  107 

robs  the  race  of  it.  For  it  kills  the  brave  and  preserves  the 
coward  to  breed  his  kind.  Hiring  willing  men  to  fight, 
victualing  them,  transporting  them,  burying  them,  is  not  a 
stimulus  or  an  exercise  of  personal  hardihood  or  bravery  or 
human  virility.  .  .  . 

Its  enormous  evolutionary  disadvantage  to  our  species, 
especially  in  the  present  high  and  hence  critical  stage  of  our 
development,  and  our  amazing  hesitation  to  wipe  it  out — for 
it  is  only  an  element  of  controllable  tradition,  not  of  ineradi- 
cable dominating  heredity — are  matters  that  the  biologist  can 
hardly  speak  temperately  about.  We  are  a  reasoning  species, 
and  one  of  a  certain  amount  of  self-control.  Why  not,  then, 
reason  as  to  war,  and  act  on  this  reasoning  ? 

— VEENON  L.  KELLOGG,  Beyond  War,  pp.  167-170. 
(Henry  Holt  &  Co.,  Publishers.) 

One  of  the  principal  benefits  attributed  to  war  is  that  it 
operates  for  a  selection  favorable  to  the  species.  War,  it  is 
alleged,  eliminates  the  degenerate  races,  assures  the  empire 
of  the  earth  to  vigorous,  well-endowed  races,  and  so  con- 
stantly improves  mankind. 

There  are  few  more  egregious  errors.  It  is  easy  to  show 
that  the  selection  resulting  from  war  has  always  been  the 
very  reverse.  It  has  invariably  eliminated  individuals 
physiologically  the  most  perfect,  and  has  allowed  the  weakest 
to  survive.  War  has  not  hastened  mankind's  improvement, 
but  retarded  it.  Improvement  has  taken  place  not  as  a  result 
of,  but  in  spite  of,  war. 

Since  the  most  ancient  times  men  of  the  soundest  constitu- 
tions, the  most  vigorous  men,  have  gone  off  to  fight.  The 
weak,  the  sick,  the  deformed  have  remained  at  home.  So, 
every  battle  carried  away  some  of  the  select,  leaving  behind 
the  socially  unproductive.  Besides,  in  the  army  itself  there 
are  brave  men  and  cowards.  The  brave  are  certainly  the 


108   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

more  perfect  physiologically.  Since  they  go  to  the  front,  more 
of  them  fall.    Thus  a  second  selection  is  added  to  the  first 
to  contribute  to  the  elimination  of  the  physically  superior. 
— J.  Novicow,  War  and  Its  Alleged  Benefits,  Extracts 
from  pp.  20,  21.    (Henry  Holt  &  Co.,  Publishers.) 

BATTLE  CRY  OF  THE  MOTHERS 

Bone  of  our  bone,  flesh  of  our  flesh, 

Fruit  of  our  age-long  mother  pain, 

They  have  caught  your  life  in  the  nations'  mesh, 

They  have  bargained  you  out  for  their  paltry  gain 

And  they  build  their  hope  on  the  shattered  breast 

Of  the  child  we  sang  to  rest 

On  the  shattered  breast  and  the  wounded  cheek — 

O,  God!     If  the  mothers  could  only  speak! — 

Blossom  of  centuries  trampled  down 

For  the  moment's  red  renown. 

Pulse  of  our  pulse,  breath  of  our  breath, 

Hope  of  the  pang  that  brought  to  birth, 

They  have  flung  you  forth  to  the  fiends  of  death, 

They  have  cast  your  flesh  to  the  cruel  earth, 

Field  upon  field,  tier  upon  tier 

Till  the  darkness  writhes  in  fear. 

And  they  plan  to  marshal  you  more  and  more — 

Oh,  our  minds  are  numb  and  our  hearts  are  sore — 

They  are  killing  the  thing  we  cherish  most, 

They  are  driving  you  forth  in  a  blinding  host, 

They  are  storming  the  world  with  your  eager  strength — 

But  the  judgment  comes  at  length. 

Emperors!     Kings!     On  your  heedless  throne, 

Do  you  hear  the  cry  that  the  mothers  make? 

The  blood  you  shed  is  our  own,  our  own, 

You  shall  answer,  for  our  sake. 

When  you  pierce  his  side,  you  have  pierced  our  Bide— 

O,  mothers!     The  ages  we  have  cried! — 

And  the  shell  that  sunders  his  flesh  apart 

Enters  our  bleeding  heart. 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  109 

Tis  over  our  bodies  you  shout  your  way, 
Our  bodies  that  nourished  him,  day  by  day 
In  the  long  dim  hours  of  our  sacred  bliss, 
Fated  to  end  in  this! 

Governors!  Ministers!    You  who  prate 

That  war  and  ravage  and  wreck  must  be 

To  save  the  nation,  avenge  the  state, 

To  right  men's  wrongs  and  set  them  free — 

You  who  have  said 

Blood  must  be  shed 

Nor  reckoned  the  cost  of  our  agony — 

Answer  us  now!     Down  the  ages  long 

Who  has  righted  the  mother's  wrong  f 

You  have  bargained  our  milk,  you  have  bargained  our 

blood, 

Nor  counted  us  more  than  the  forest  brutes; 
By  the  shameful  traffic  of  motherhood 
Have  you  settled  the  world's  disputes? 
Did  you  think  to  barter  the  perfect  bloom, 
Bodies  shaped  in  our  patient  womb 
And  never  to  face  the  judgment  day 
When  you  and  your  kind  should  pay? 

Flesh  of  our  flesh,  bone  of  our  bone, 
Hope  of  the  pang  we  bore  alone, 
Sinew  and  strength  of  the  midnight  hour 
When  our  dream  had  come  to  flower. 

O,  women!     You  who  are  spared  our  woe, 

You  who  have  felt  the  mother  throe 

Yet  cannot  know  the  stark  despair 

Of  coffins  you  shall  never  bear — 

Are  you  asleep  that  you  do  not  care, 

Afraid,  that  you  do  not  dare? 

Will  you  dumbly  stand 

In  your  own  safe  land 

While  our  sons  are  slaughtered  and  torn? 

Bravely  through  centuries  we  have  borne 

And  suffered  and  wept  in  our  secret  place, 

But  now  our  silence  and  shame  are  past, 

The  reckoning  day  has  come  at  last — 

We  must  rise!    We  must  plead  for  the  race! 


110       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

You  who  behold  the  mothers'  plight, 
Will  you  join  our  battle  cry  with  might, 
Will  you  fight  the  mothers'  fight? 
We  who  have  given  the  soldiers  birth, 
Let  us  fling  our  cry  to  the  ends  of  earth, 
To  the  ends  of  Time  let  our  voice  be  hurled 
Till  it  waken  the  sleeping  world. 
Flesh  of  our  flesh,  bone  of  our  bone, 
Toil  of  the  centuries  come  to  speech, 
As  far  as  the  human  voice  can  reach 
We  will  shout,  we  will  plead  for  our  own! 

Warriors!    Counselors!    Men  at  arms! 

You  who  have  gloried  in  war's  alarms, 

When  the  great  rebellion  comes 

You  shall  hear  the  beat 

Of  our  marching  feet 

And  the  sound  of  our  million  drums. 

You  shall  know  that  the  world  is  at  last  awake — 

You  shall  hear  the  cry  that  the  mothers  make — 

You  shall  yield — for  the  mothers'  sake! 

— ANGELA.  MOBGAN. 

WAR  RETARDS  HUMAN  PROGRESS 

Commerce  and  war  are  obviously  totally  antithetic:  The 
one  mutually  friendly  intercourse;  the  other,  unfriendly, 
murderous  clashing.  The  one,  an  overworking  instrument 
for  building-up,  for  softening  rancor,  for  spreading  civiliza- 
tion and  bringing  nations  together;  the  other,  an  instrument 
of  destruction,  engendering  race  hatred,  retarding  the  prog- 
ress of  humanity. 

The  modern  banker  has  ever  been  the  counselor  for  the 
extension  of  commerce  and  all  that  that  implies;  actuated 
not  by  self-interest  alone,  but  in  the  interest  of  the  human 
race  as  a  whole. 

— ISAAC  N.  SELIGMAN,  International  Banking  and 
Its  Important  Influence  on  International  Unity, 
American  Association  for  International  Con- 
ciliation, 1912,  p.  20. 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  111 

War,  conquest,  and  standing  armaments  cannot  aid  but 
only  oppress  trade. 

— ElCHARD   COBDEIT. 


It  would  be  easy  to  prove  by  commercial  statistics  and 
historical  reference  the  truth  of  the  general  statement  made 
by  John  Ball  Osborne  in  his  essay  on  "The  Influence  of  Com- 
merce on  the  Promotion  of  International  Peace/'  that  "com- 
merce is  vitally  dependent  upon  peace/' 

— SERENO  S.  PRATT,  Contribution  of  Commercial 
Bodies  to  International  Unity,  American  Asso- 
ciation for  International  Conciliation,  1912, 
Extract  from  p.  5. 

Man  has  ever  overestimated  the  spoils  of  war,  and  tended 
to  lose  his  sense  of  proportion  in  regard  to  their  value.  He  has 
ever  surrounded  them  with  a  glamour  beyond  their  deserts. 
This  is  quite  harmless  when  the  booty  is  an  enemy's  sword 
hung  over  a  household  fire,  or  a  battered  flag  decorating  a 
city  hall,  but  when  the  spoil  of  war  is  an  idea  which  is 
bound  on  the  forehead  of  the  victor  until  it  cramps  his 
growth,  a  theory  which  he  cherishes  in  his  bosom  until  it 
grows  so  large  and  near  that  it  afflicts  its  possessor  with  a 
sort  of  disease  of  responsibility  for  its  preservation,  it  may 
easily  overshadow  the  very  people  for  whose  cause  the  warrior 
issued  forth. 

Was  this  overestimation  of  the  founders  the  cause  of  our 
subsequent  failures?  or  rather  did  not  the  fault  lie  with 
their  successors,  and  does  it  not  now  rest  with  us,  that  we 
have  wrapped  our  inheritance  in  a  napkin  and  refused  to  add 
thereto  ? 

— JANE  ADDAMS,  Newer  Ideals  of  Peace,  Extract  from 
pp.  37,  38.    (The  Macmillan  Co.,  Publishers.) 


112   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

War  is  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  the  degradation  of  the 
human  race. — J.  Novicow,  War  and  Its  Alleged  Benefits. 
(Henry  Holt  &  Co.,  Publishers.) 

We  dislike  horrors,  and  we  dislike  the  people  who  have  a 
taste  for  them.  The  ugly  facts  in  normal  life  we  agree  not 
to  speak  of.  There  grows  up  a  feeling  that  to  tell  painful 
truths  of  any  kind  shows  bad  taste.  Thus  reform  is  neglected. 
I  have  for  years  felt  the  difficulty  in  regard  to  atrocious  fea- 
tures incidental  to  Turkish  government.  Their  recital  might 
move  the  sympathetic  to  action;  but  we  fear  to  incur  the 
charge  of  bad  form.  The  man  who  has  seen  war  is  in  the 
same  dilemma. 

What  is  the  distinction  between  horrors  to  tell  and  horrors 
to  conceal?  It  lies  surely  in  the  difference  between  evils 
removable  and  irremovable.  If  war  and  neglect  of  wounds 
are  a  fixed  quantity,  the  less  said  the  better.  Let  us  leave 
Zola's  "La  Debacle"  to  the  prurient  and  the  idle.  But, 
clearly,  the  diminution  of  pain  in  war  has  been  one  of  the 
aims  most  unanimously  pursued  by  modern  Europe.  Geneva 
Conventions  and  diplomacy  itself  have  even  dealt  with  the 
pain  of  injured  horses.  And  now  the  whole  question  of  the 
utility  of  war  is  on  the  table. 

The  problem  is  vital,  and  for  its  solution  it  is  essential  to 
know  the  facts.  But  how  are  we  to  know  them  ?  It  is  rare, 
and  becoming  rarer,  that  they  are  seen  by  any  but  the  pro- 
fessional men  employed  and  engrossed  in  the  work.  The  lay 
onlooker  is  excluded  more  and  more  from  military  operations. 
The  professional  is  debarred  from  writing.  He  is  committed, 
also,  quite  naturally,  to  a  partial  and  uncritical  view.  So 
much  the  more,  I  conclude,  is  the  amateur,  whose  rare  for- 
tune it  is  to  see  war,  bound  to  state  the  cold  truth  as  he 
saw  it,  and  leave  his  hearers  to  judge  of  it  as  they 
choose.  .  .  . 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OP  WAR  113 

The  pathos  and  horror  of  the  situation  seemed  all  the  more 
evident  to  the  mind,  because  it  has  ceased  to  touch  the  feel- 
ings. 

Here  were  human  beings  of  a  fine  type,  of  pure  blood,  in 
the  prime  of  life,  remarkably  free  from  immoral  disease,  of 
a  courage  and  endurance  that  makes  them  renowned  as 
fighters  throughout  Europe,  with  a  quality  of  mind  and  body 
unique  among  the  peasants  of  the  world.  As  one  worked  on, 
the  mind  collected,  with  impartial  coldness,  the  immense 
value  of  each  of  these  creatures,  beings  to  whom  the  expression 
"made  in  the  image  of  God"  might  quite  philosophically  be 
applied. 

And  here,  at  closest  quarters,  by  the  insistent  impact  of 
sight  and  smell  and  hearing  and  touch,  we  realized  this  image 
smashed;  its  capacity  for  work,  thought,  fatherhood,  happi- 
ness, destroyed  by  resultant  ill-health ;  not  one  alone,  such  as 
would  in  peace  time,  in  a  case  of  misfortune,  move  a  whole 
nation  to  sympathy,  but  by  scores  and  hundreds  and  tens  of 
thousands. 

— M.  A.  STOBART,  The  Wounded,  Extracts  from  pp.  1-9. 

The  Peace  of  Force  demands  that  each  and  all  shall  be 
fully  armed.  Before  it  is  the  vision  of  universal  discord, 
held  in  check  by  fear. 

The  Peace  of  Law  looks  forward  to  universal  order.  It 
has  no  need  of  force  save  as  it  may  arise  in  the  joint  efforts 
of  policing  civilization. 

— DAVID  STARR  JORDAN,  War  and  Waste, 
Extract  from  p.  289. 

WAR  RESULTS  IN  LOSS  OF  ENERGY 

Humanity  is  a  race  of  workers,  and  on  its  output  of  energy 
the  well  being  of  the  planet  now  largely  depends.  The  work 


114 

of  the  human  race  is  directed  toward  (1)  sustenance,  (2) 
advancement;  and  on  the  whole  the  work  is  conducted  at 
high  pressure  and  there  is  little  margin  to  spare.  The  more 
energy  that  has  to  be  expended  on  mere  existence  the  less  is 
available  for  progress  and  development.  Consequently  it 
is  in  moderately  fertile  countries  and  peaceful  times  that  the 
greatest  steps  in  art  and  science  have  been  made.  When 
existence  is  threatened  there  is  neither  time  nor  opportunity 
for  advance. 

Humanity  works  in  sections,  and  it  is  possible  for  these 
sections  to  quarrel  and  to  seek  to  injure  or  destroy  each 
other;  thereby  interfering  with  each  other's  bare  subsistence, 
and  taking  attention  off  higher  things.  It  is  notorious  that 
in  such  disputes  much  energy  can  be  unprofitably  consumed, 
or,  more  accurately,  degraded;  and  also  that  even  if  there 
is  no  active  quarrel  between  two  sections,  still  the  possibility 
of  it  entails  severe  preparation  and  anxiety  and  much  un- 
profitable caution  and  disabling  fear.  So  it  used  to  be  at 
one  time  between  families,  then  between  tribes,  and  now 
between  nations ;  yet  the  sub-division  of  the  race  into  nations, 
with  differing  facilities  and  a  variety  of  customs  and  tradi- 
tions, ought  to  have  a  beneficent  influence  as  well  as  add 
greatly  to  the  interest  of  life.  So  long  as  the  sections 
cooperate  and  mutually  help  each  other,  all  is  well:  each 
benefits  by  the  discoveries  and  advances  of  the  rest,  and  a 
valuable  spirit  of  emulation  is  aroused.  But  when  emulation 
degenerates  from  wholesome  rivalry  into  a  spirit  of  envy, 
hatred,  malice,  and  all  uncharitableness,  so  that  the  sections 
wage  an  internecine  conflict,  then  the  warring  among  the 
members  is  a  calamitous  evil,  and  humanity  as  a  whole  is 
bound  to  suffer. 

— SIR  OLIVER  LODGE,  The  Irrationality  of  War, 
American  Association  for  International  Con- 
ciliation, 1912,  pp.  5,  6. 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  115 

WAR  BREAKS  DOWN  THE  MORAL  CODE 

A  declaration  of  war  is  the  abrogation  of  morality — a 
license  to  kill,  lie,  covet,  steal,  and  perform  every  sin  which, 
up  to  the  moment  of  the  declaration,  had  been  forbidden. 
The  Decalogue  is  suspended.  It  is  lawful  to  break  all  the 
commandments.  Thou  shalt  not  steal? — but  the  soldier  may 
loot,  and  his  country  annex  the  conquered  territory.  The 
Sabbath  shall  be  kept  holy? — but  the  killing  of  enemies  is 
not  unholy  on  the  holy  day,  and  it  becomes  holy  to  march 
to  divine  worship  to  the  blare  of  the  trumpet  and  the  skirl 
of  the  bagpipe,  amid  throngs  of  excited  men  and  women. 
Everything  goes.  Nothing  is  left;  neither  God  nor  Sabbath, 
neither  ethics  nor  religion.  The  military  Moloch  devours, 
not  our  children  only,  but  our  moral  faculties,  our  sense  of 
righteousness,  our  feeling  of  brotherhood,  our  religious  vows. 
War  is  the  sum  of  all  villainies,  and  includes  a  corruption 
of  moral  sense  that  is  the  greatest  of  all  its  villainies.  War 
kills,  but  the  murderous  spirit  it  creates  is  crueler  than  any 
particular  act  of  murder.  War  lies;  but  the  lying  spirit  it 
engenders  is  baser  than  any  specific  falsehood.  War  steals; 
but  the  pirate  spirit  it  fosters  is  meaner  than  any  single 
theft.  War  lusts;  but  the  general  debauchment  of  virtue  is 
fouler  than  any  one  rape  or  violation.  The  glory  of  war  is 
one  thing ;  let  it  be  put  into  the  scale,  and  let  the  gain  of  war 
be  put  in  with  it.  Then  into  the  opposite  scale  let  the  moral 
damage  of  war  be  cast.  Let  the  balance  be  true.  Its  destruc- 
tive effect  upon  the  moral  character  of  the  nation  that  wages 
it  is  war's  final  condemnation. 

— WALTER  WALSH,  The  Moral  Damage  of  War, 
Extracts  from  pp.  42,  43. 

The  difference  between  an  immoral  act  and  one  that  is 
merely  inexpedient  is  that,  while  the  latter  admits  of  defini- 
tion and  qualification,  the  former  admits  only  of  direct  con- 


116   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

demnation.  That  which  is  expedient  is  permissible  in  degrees 
and  under  conditions  to  be  ascertained;  the  immoral  has  only 
to  be  abandoned.  The  ethical  admits  of  no  modification :  it 
is  absolute.  Hence  it  is  that  attempts  to  regulate  war,  being 
based  on  its  expediency  and  permissibility,  have  been  essential 
failures,  and  must  continue  to  be  so. 

— WALTER  WALSH,  Moral  Damages  of  War, 
Extracts  from  pp.  28,  29. 

The  mere  existence  of  the  prophecy,  "They  shall  learn  war 
no  more,"  is  a  sentence  of  condemnation  on  war. 

— CHALMERS. 

War  is  nothing  less  than  a  temporary  repeal  of  the 
principles  of  virtue. 

— EGBERT  HALL. 

God  is  forgotten  in  war;  every  principle  of  Christianity  is 
trampled  upon. 

— SYDNEY  SMITH. 

Let  the  lower  motives  essay  the  diminution  of  war,  and 
demonstrate  their  inability  to  bring  bloodshed  to  an  end; 
but  let  religion  continue  to  urge  forward  that  absolute  ethics 
which  has  power  in  it  to  bring  both  public  and  private  affairs 
into  the  same  moral  category  and  make  them  keep  step  to 
the  music  of  man's  evolving  spiritual  consciousness.  "They 
who  defend  war,"  says  Erasmus,  "must  defend  the  disposi- 
tions which  lead  to  war,  and  these  dispositions  are  absolutely 
forbidden  by  the  gospel."  This  the  Lollards  clearly  perceived 
(like  many  others  before  them)  when  they  petitioned  the 
parliament  of  their  day  "that  war  might  be  declared  un- 
christian." But  since  the  gospel  forbids  the  disposition 
which  makes  war,  it  forbids  war ;  and  war  is  therefore  irreli- 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  117 

gious,  war  is  immoral,  war  is  sin.  If  we  reject  the  decisions 
of  our  developed  moral  nature,  which  of  our  gods  of  ex- 
pediency, or  rationality,  or  utility,  will  save  us? 

— WALTER  WALSH,   Moral  Damages  of  War, 
Extracts  from  p.  36. 

I  found  Him  in  the  shining  of  the  stars, 
I  mark'd  Him  in  the  flowering  of  His  fields, 
But  in  His  ways  with  men  I  find  Him  not. 
I  waged  His  wars,  and  now  I  passed  and  die. 
O  me!  for  why  is  all  around  us  here 
As  if  some  lesser  god  had  made  the  world, 
But  had  not  force  to  shape  it  as  he  would, 
Till  the  High  God  behold  it  from  beyond, 
And  enter  it,  and  make  it  beautiful? 
Or  else  as  if  the  world  were  wholly  fair, 
And  that  these  eyes  of  men  are  dense  and  dim, 
And  have  not  power  to  see  it  as  it  is: 
Perchance,  because  we  see  not  to  the  close; — 
For  I,  being  simple,  thought  to  work  His  will, 
And  have  but  stricken  with  the  sword  in  vain; 
And  all  whereon  I  lean'd  in  wife  and  friend 
Is  traitor  to  my  peace,  and  all  my  realm 
Reels  back  into  the  beast,  and  is  no  more. 
My  God,  thou  hast  forgotten  me  in  my  death: 
Nay — God  my  Christ — I  pass  but  shall  not  die. 

— TENNYSON. 

"The  Passing  of  Arthur"  may  be  interpreted  as  an  expres- 
sion of  the  fact  that  empire — even  benevolent  empire — based 
on  force  and  built  up  by  the  sword — even  a  reforming  sword 
— is  nothing  but  an  instrument  of  spoliation  to  the  wicked 
and  heartbreak  to  the  good,  thus  far  voicing  a  grave  warning 
to  all  empire  builders:  may  be  read,  further,  as  a  parable 
the  modern  reformer's  disillusionment,  since  he,  being 
simple,  thought  to  work  His  will  in  peaceful  ways,  but  finds 
all  he  leaned  on  in  state  and  church,  even  in  wife  and  friend, 


118   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

traitor  to  his  peace,  while  all  his  laboriously  built  up  projects 
reel  back  into  the  beast,  and  are  no  more:  yet,  finally, 
embodies  a  grand  prophecy  of  ultimate  triumph,  immortal 
hope,  and  eternal  life,  since  all  great  purposes  and  noble 
reforms  pass,  but  cannot  die. 

— WALTER  WALSH,  Moral  Damage  of  War,  Extracts 
from  pp.  412,  413. 

WAR  A  MEANS,  NOT  AN  END 

A  German  author,  Max  Jahns,  in  a  work  ardently  apologiz- 
ing for  war,  says:  "War  regenerates  corrupt  peoples,  it 
awakens  dormant  nations,  it  rouses  self-forgetful,  self-aban- 
doned races  from  their  mortal  languor.  In  all  times  war  has 
been  an  essential  factor  in  civilization.  It  has  exercised  a 
happy  influence  upon  customs,  arts,  and  science."  Some 
French  authors  hold  the  same  views.  At  bottom,  G.  Valbert 
agrees  with  Max  Jahns,  and  the  great  Ernst  Eenan  says 
somewhere :  "Let  us  cling  with  love  to  our  custom  of  righting 
from  time  to  time  because  war  is  the  necessary  occasion  and 
place  for  manifesting  moral  force." 

Another  writer,  Dr.  LeBon,  says :  "One  of  the  chief  condi- 
tions for  the  upliftment  of  an  enfeebled  nation  is  the  or- 
ganization of  a  very  strong  military  force.  It  must  always 
hold  up  the  threat  of  a  disastrous  war." 

According  to  these  authors,  war  has  beneficial  results.  If 
war  should  be  suppressed,  those  benefits  would  likewise  dis- 
appear. War,  then,  is  an  end  in  itself. 

Now,  here  we  have  the  great  fundamental  error  from 
which  innumerable  other  fallacies  logically  proceed.  War 
never  has  been  an  end,  whether  for  animals  or  man.  Since 
living  beings  have  peopled  our  sphere,  they  have  killed  one 
another  without  cease,  every  hour,  every  minute,  every  second. 
But  massacre  has  always  been  a  means,  not  an  end. 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  119 

Since  the  remotest  periods  men  went  to  war  only  with 
some  particular  object  in  view.  The  goal  striven  for  by 
every  human  being  is  enjoyment.  .  .  . 

War  is  carried  on  from  one  of  the  following  motives:  to 
kill  one's  fellow-men  for  the  sake  of  using  them  as  food; 
to  deprive  them  of  their  women ;  to  obtain  booty  from  them ; 
to  impose  a  religion,  certain  ideas,  or  a  type  of  culture  upon 
them.  .  .  . 

The  object  of  war  has  been  in  turn,  cannibalism,  spoliation, 
intolerance,  and  despotism;  none  of  which  have  ever  been 
held  to  be  beneficial.  Then,  how  the  means  by  which  those 
objects  have  been  attained,  that  is,  war,  can  be  beneficial,  is 
an  incomprehensible  mystery. 

As  we  now  see,  all  we  need  do  is  to  abandon  nebulous  met- 
aphysics and  take  our  stand  for  an  instant  on  the  ground  of 
concrete  realities  to  see  all  the  alleged  benefits  of  war  vanish 
away  like  smoke. 

War  might  be  an  end  in  itself,  it  might  produce  results 
favorable  to  mankind,  but  that  only  if  suffering  and  death 
were  enjoyable.  And  everybody  knows  that  they  are  not. 

— J.  Novicow,  War  and  Its  Alleged  Benefits,  Extracts 
from  pp.  1-6.     (Henry  Holt  &  Co.,  Publishers.) 

THE  WARLIKE  NATION  THE  DECADENT  NATION 

Not  long  ago  I  visited  the  town  of  Novara,  in  northern 
Italy.  There,  in  a  wheat-field,  the  farmers  have  plowed  up 
skulls  of  men  till  they  have  piled  up  a  pyramid  ten  or  twelve 
feet  high.  Over  this  pyramid  some  one  has  built  a  canopy 
to  keep  off  the  rain.  These  were  the  skulls  of  young  men 
of  Savoy,  Sardinia,  and  Austria — men  of  eighteen  to  thirty- 
five  years  of  age,  without  physical  blemish  so  far  as  may  be 
— peasants  from  the  farms  and  workmen  from  the  shops, 
who  met  at  Novara  to  kill  each  other  over  a  matter  in  which 


120       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

they  had  very  little  concern.  Should  the  Prince  of  Savoy 
sit  on  his  unstable  throne  or  yield  it  to  some  one  else,  this 
was  the  question.  It  matters  not  the  decision.  History 
doubtless  records  it,  as  she  does  many  matters  of  less  mo- 
ment. But  this  fact  concerns  us — here  in  thousands  they 
died.  Farther  on,  Frenchmen,  Austrians,  and  Italians  fell 
together  at  Magenta,  in  the  same  cause.  You  know  the 
color  that  we  call  Magenta,  the  hue  of  the  blood  that  flowed 
out  under  the  olive  trees.  Go  over  Italy  as  you  will,  there 
is  scarcely  a  spot  not  crimsoned  by  the  blood  of  France, 
scarcely  a  railway  station  without  its  pile  of  French  skulls. 
You  can  trace  them  across  to  Egypt,  to  the  foot  of  the 
Pyramids.  You  will  find  them  in  Germany — at  Jena  and 
Leipzig,  at  Lutzen  and  Bautzen  and  Austerlitz.  You  will 
find  them  in  Eussia,  at  Moscow;  in  Belgium  at  Waterloo. 
"A  boy  can  stop  a  bullet  as  well  as  a  man,"  said  Napoleon; 
and  with  the  rest  are  the  skulls  and  bones  of  boys,  "ere 
evening  to  be  trodden  like  the  grass."  "Born  to  be  food  for 
powder"  was  the  grim  epigram  of  the  day,  summing  up  the 
life  of  the  French  peasant.  Eead  the  dreary  record  of  the 
glory  of  France,  the  slaughter  at  Waterloo,  the  wretched 
failure  of  Moscow,  the  miserable  slaughter  of  Sedan,  the 
waste  of  Algiers,  the  poison  of  Madagascar,  the  crimes  of 
Indo-China,  the  hideous  results  of  barrack  vice  and  its  entail 
of  disease  and  sterility,  and  you  will  understand  the  "Man 
of  the  Hoe."  The  man  who  is  left,  the  man  whom  glory 
cannot  use,  becomes  the  father  of  the  future  men  of  France. 
As  the  long-horn  cattle  reappear  in  a  neglected  or  abused 
herd  of  Durhams,  so  comes  forth  the  aboriginal  man,  the 
"Man  of  the  Hoe,"  in  a  wasted  race  of  men.  .  .  . 

"The  Eoman  Empire,"  says  Seeley,  "perished  for  want  of 
men."  You  will  find  this  fact  on  the  pages  of  every  history, 
though  few  have  pointed  out  war  as  the  final  and  necessary 
cause  of  the  Eoman  downfall.  , 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  121 

The  warlike  nation  of  to-day  is  the  decadent  nation  of  to- 
morrow. It  has  ever  been  so,  and  in  the  nature  of  things  it 
must  ever  be. 

In  his  charming  studies  of  "Feudal  and  Modern  Japan/' 
Mr.  Arthur  Knapp  returns  again  and  again  to  the  great 
marvel  of  Japan's  military  prowess  after  more  than  two 
hundred  years  of  peace.  It  is  astonishing  to  him  that,  after 
more  than  six  generations  in  which  physical  courage  has  not 
been  demanded,  these  virile  virtues  should  be  found  unim- 
paired. We  can  readily  see  that  this  is  just  what  we  should 
expect.  In  times  of  peace  there  is  no  slaughter  of  the  strong, 
no  sacrifice  of  the  courageous.  In  the  peaceful  struggle  for 
existence  there  is  a  premium  placed  on  these  virtues.  The 
virile  and  the  brave  survive.  The  idle,  weak,  and  dissipated 
go  to  the  wall.  If  after  two  hundred  years  of  incessant  battle 
Japan  still  remained  virile  and  warlike,  that  would  indeed 
be  the  marvel.  But  that  marvel  no  nation  has  ever  seen.  It 
is  doubtless  true  that  warlike  traditions  are  most  persistent 
with  nations  most  frequently  engaged  in  war.  But  the  tradi- 
tion of  war  and  the  physical  strength  to  gain  victories  are 
very  different  things.  Other  things  being  equal  the  nation 
which  has  known  least  of  war  is  the  one  most  likely  to 
develop  the  "strong  battalions"  with  whom  victory  must  rest. 
...  If  war  is  good,  we  should  have  it  regardless  of  its  cost, 
regardless  of  its  horrors,  its  sorrows,  its  anguish,  havoc,  and 
waste. 

But  it  is  bad,  only  to  be  justified  as  the  last  resort  of 
"mangled,  murdered  liberty,"  a  terrible  agency  to  be  evoked 
only  when  all  other  arts  of  self-defense  shall  fail.  The 
remedy  for  most  ills  of  men  is  not  to  be  sought  in  "whirl- 
winds of  rebellion  that  shake  the  world,"  but  in  peace  and 
justice,  equality  among  men,  and  the  cultivation  of  those 
virtues  we  call  Christian,  because  they  have  been  virtues  ever 
since  man  and  society  began,  and  will  be  virtues  still  when 


122   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

the  era  of  strife  is  past  and  the  "redcoat  bully  in  his  boots" 
no  longer  "hides  the  march  of  man  from  us." 

It  is  the  voice  of  political  wisdom  which  falls  from  the 
bells  of  Christmas-tide:  "Peace  on  earth,  good  will  towards 
men!" 

— DAVID  STARR  JORDAN,  The  Blood  of  the  Nation, 
pp.  45-47,  52,  62,  64,  81-82. 

UNNATURAL  AND   IRRATIONAL 
SELECTION  THROUGH  WAR 

There  is  another  effect  of  war  which  is  less  obvious  but 
more  important.  During  a  period  of  peace,  rest,  and  routine, 
powers  are  developed  which  are  in  reality  societal  variations, 
among  which  a  certain  societal  selection  should  take  place. 
Here  comes  the  immense  benefit  of  real  liberty,  because,  if 
there  is  real  liberty,  a  natural  selection  results;  but  if  there 
is  social  prejudice,  monopoly,  privilege,  orthodoxy,  tradition, 
popular  delusion,  or  any  other  restraint  on  liberty,  selection 
does  not  occur.  War  operates  a  rude  and  imperfect  selection. 
Our  Civil  War  may  serve  as  an  example;  think  of  the  public 
men  who  were  set  aside  by  it,  and  compare  them  in  character 
and  ideas.  Think  of  the  doctrines  which  were  set  aside  as 
false,  and  of  the  others  which  were  established  as  true;  also 
of  the  constitutional  principles  which  were  permanently 
stamped  as  heretical  or  orthodox.  As  a  simple  example,  com- 
pare the  position  and  authority  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States  as  it  was  before  and  as  it  has  been  since  the 
Civil  War.  The  Germans  tell  of  the  ruthless  and  cruel  acts 
of  Napoleon  in  Germany,  and  all  that  they  say  is  true;  but 
he  did  greater  services  to  Germany  than  any  other  man  who 
can  be  mentioned.  He  tore  down  the  relics  of  medievalism 
and  set  the  powers  of  the  nation  to  some  extent  free  from 
the  fetters  of  tradition;  we  do  not  see  what  else  could  have 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OP  WAR  123 

done  it.  It  took  another  war  in  1870  to  root  out  the  tradi- 
tional institutions  and  make  way  for  the  new  ones.  Of  course 
the  whole  national  life  responded  to  this  selection.  The 
Eoman  state  was  a  selfish  and  pitiless  subjugation  of  all  the 
rest  of  mankind.  It  was  built  on  slavery,  it  cost  inconceivable 
blood  and  tears,  and  it  was  a  grand  system  of  extortion  and 
plunder,  but  it  gave  security  and  peace  under  which  the 
productive  powers  of  the  provinces  expanded  and  grew.  The 
Eoman  state  gave  discipline  and  organization  and  it  devised 
institutions ;  the  modern  world  has  inherited  societal  elements 
from  it  which  are  invaluable.  One  of  the  silliest  enthusiasms 
which  ever  got  control  of  the  minds  of  a  great  body  of  men 
was  the  Crusades,  but  the  Crusades  initiated  a  breaking 
up  of  the  stagnation  of  the  Dark  Ages  and  an  emancipation 
of  the  social  forces  of  Europe.  They  exerted  a  selective  effect 
to  destroy  what  was  barbaric  and  deadening  and  to  foster 
what  had  new  hope  in  it  by  furnishing  a  stimulus  to  thought 
and  knowledge. 

A  society  needs  to  have  a  ferment  in  it;  sometimes  an 
enthusiastic  delusion  or  an  adventurous  folly  answers  the 
purpose.  In  the  modern  world  the  ferment  is  furnished  by 
economic  opportunity  and  hope  of  luxury.  In  other  ages  it 
has  often  been  furnished  by  war.  Therefore  some  social 
philosophers  have  maintained  that  the  best  course  of  human 
affairs  is  an  alternation  of  peace  and  war.  .  .  . 

We  find  that  in  the  past  as  a  matter  of  fact  war  has  played 
a  great  part  in  the  irrational  nature-process  by  which  things 
have  come  to  pass.  But  the  nature-processes  are  frightful; 
they  contain  no  allowance  for  the  feelings  and  interests  of 
individuals — for  it  is  only  individuals  who  have  feelings  and 
interests.  The  nature-elements  never  suffer  and  they  never 
pity.  If  we  are  terrified  at  the  nature-processes  there  is  only 
one  way  to  escape  them;  it  is  the  way  by  which  men  have 
always  evaded  them  to  some  extent;  it  is  by  knowledge,  by 


124   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

rational  methods,  and  by  the  arts.  The  facts  which  have 
been  presented  about  the  functions  of  war  in  the  past  are  not 
flattering  to  the  human  reason  or  conscience.  They  seem 
to  show  that  we  are  as  much  indebted  for  our  welfare  to  base 
passion  as  to  noble  and  intelligent  endeavor.  At  the  present 
moment  things  do  not  look  much  better.  We  talk  of  civiliz- 
ing lower  races,  but  we  never  have  done  it  yet;  we  have 
exterminated  them.  Our  devices  for  civilizing  nations  are 
making  haste,  in  the  utmost  jealousy  of  each  other,  to  seize 
upon  all  the  outlying  parts  of  the  globe;  they  are  vying 
with  each  other  in  the  construction  of  navies  by  which  each 
may  defend  its  share  against  the  others.  What  will  happen  ? 
As  they  are  preparing  for  war  they  certainly  will  have  war, 
and  their  methods  of  colonization  and  exploitation  will 
destroy  the  aborigines.  In  this  way  the  human  race  will  be 
civilized — but  by  the  extermination  of  the  uncivilized — unless 
the  men  of  the  twentieth  century  can  devise  plans  for  dealing 
with  aborigines  which  are  better  than  any  which  have  yet 
been  devised.  No  one  has  yet  found  any  way  in  which  two 
races,  far  apart  in  blood  and  culture,  can  be  amalgamated 
into  one  society  with  satisfaction  to  both.  Plainly,  in  this 
matter  which  lies  in  the  immediate  future,  the  only  alterna- 
tives to  force  and  bloodshed  are  more  knowledge  and  more 
reason. 

Shall  any  statesman,  therefore,  ever  dare  to  say  that  it 
would  be  well,  at  a  given  moment,  to  have  war,  lest  the  nation 
fall  into  the  vices  of  industrialism  and  the  evils  of  peace? 
The  answer  is  plainly :  No !  War  is  never  a  handy  remedy, 
which  can  be  taken  up  and  applied  by  routine  rule.  No  war 
which  can  be  avoided  is  just  to  the  people  who  have  to  carry 
it  on,  to  say  nothing  of  the  enemy.  War  is  like  other  evils ; 
it  must  be  met  when  it  is  unavoidable,  and  such  gain  as  can 
be  got  from  it  must  be  won.  In  the  forum  of  reason  and 
deliberation  war  never  can  be  anything  but  a  makeshift,  to  be 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  125 

regretted;  the  statesman  who  proposes  war  as  an  instru- 
mentality admits  his  incompetency ;  a  politician  who  makes 
use  of  war  as  a  counter  in  the  game  of  parties  is  a  crim- 
inal. .  .  . 

There  is  no  state  of  readiness  for  war ;  the  notion  calls  for 
never-ending  sacrifices.  It  is  a  fallacy.  It  is  evident  that 
to  pursue  such  a  notion  with  any  idea  of  realizing  it  would 
absorb  all  the  resources  and  activity  of  the  state;  this  the 
great  European  states  are  now  proving  by  experiment.  A 
wiser  rule  would  be  to  make  up  your  mind  soberly  what  you 
want,  peace  or  war,  and  then  to  get  ready  for  what  you  want ; 
for  what  we  prepare  for  is  what  we  shall  get. 
— WILLIAM  GRAHAM  SUMNER,  War  and  Other  Essays, 

pp.    32-40.      (Copyright,    1911,   by  Yale   University 

Press.) 


CHAPTER  V 
THE  MOEAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR 

Peace  has  her  banners  and  her  bugle  calls, 

And  Truth  and  Justice  their  great  battle  cries. 

Greed  is  entrenched  within  his  bastioned  walls, 
Where  helpless  Honor  bound  and  bleeding  dies. 

The  social  lies  still  leer  on  every  side, 
Herod  still  mocks  where  Christ  was  crucified. 

Listen !    To-day,  as  in  the  days  of  yore, 
The  clarion  call  of  Duty,  peal  on  peal! 

Rally !    Form  ranks !    The  foe  lies  just  before. 
Unfurl  the  banners !    Bare  the  shining  steel ! 

Charge  as  your  fathers  charged,  and  prove  your  claim 

To  share  their  honors  and  to  bear  their  name. 

— DB  EDWARD  J.  WHEELER. 

CHANGING  IDEALS 

Once  to  every  man  and  nation  comes  the  moment  to  decide, 
In  the  strife  of  Truth  with  Falsehood,  for  the  good  or  evil 

side;  .  .  . 

Hast  thou  chosen,  O  my  people,  in  whose  party  thou  shalt  stand, 
Ere  the  doom  from  its  worn  sandals  shakes  the  dust  against 

our  land?  .   .   . 

Careless  seems  the  great  Avenger;  history's  page  but  records 
One  death-grapple  in  the  darkness  'twixt  old  systems  and  the 

Word;   .   .   . 

We  see  dimly  in  the  Present  what  is  small  and  what  is  great, 
Slow  of  faith,  how  weak  an  arm  may  turn  the  iron  helm  of  fate, 
But  the  soul  is  still  oracular;  amid  the  market's  din, 
List  the  ominous  stern  whisper  from  the  Delphic  cave  within — 

126 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  127 

"They  enslave  their  children's  children  who  make  compromise 

with  sin"  .  .  . 
New   occasions   teach   new   duties;    Time   makes   ancient   good 

uncouth; 
They  must  upward  still,  and  onward,  who  would  keep  abreast  of 

Truth; 
Lo,  before  us  gleam  her  camp-fires!  we  ourselves  must  Pilgrims 

be, 
Launch  our  Mayflower,  and  steer  boldly  through  the  desperate 

winter  sea, 

Nor  attempt  the  Future's  portal  with  the  Past's  blood-rusted  key. 

— JAMES  RUSSELL  LOWELL. 

At  the  present  moment  the  war  spirit  attempts  to  justify 
its  noisy  demonstrations  by  quoting  its  great  achievements  in 
the  past  and  by  drawing  attention  to  the  courageous  life 
which  it  has  evoked  and  fostered.  It  is,  however,  perhaps 
significant  that  the  adherents  of  war  are  more  and  more 
justifying  it  by  its  past  record  and  reminding  us  of  its 
ancient  origin.  They  tell  us  that  it  is  interwoven  with  every 
fiber  of  human  growth  and  is  at  the  root  of  all  that  is  noble 
and  courageous  in  human  life,  that  struggle  is  the  basis  of  all 
progress,  that  it  is  now  extended  from  individuals  and  tribes 
to  nations  and  races. 

We  may  admire  much  that  is  admirable  in  this  past  life 
of  courageous  warfare,  while  at  the  same  time  we  accord  it  no 
right  to  dominate  the  present,  which  has  traveled  out  of  its 
reach  into  a  land  of  new  desires.  We  may  admit  that  the 
experiences  of  war  have  equipped  the  men  of  the  present  with 
pluck  and  energy,  but  to  insist  upon  the  selfsame  expression 
for  that  pluck  and  energy  would  be  as  stupid  a  mistake  as 
if  we  should  relegate  the  full-grown  citizen,  responding  to 
many  claims  and  demands  upon  his  powers,  to  the  school- 
yard fights  of  his  boyhood,  or  to  the  college  contests  of  his 
cruder  youth.  The  little  lad  who  stoutly  defends  himself 
on  the  schoolground  may  be  worthy  of  much  admiration, 


128   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

but  if  we  find  him,  a  dozen  years  later,  the  bullying  leader 
of  a  street-gang  who  bases  his  prestige  on  the  fact  that  "no 
one  can  whip  him,"  our  admiration  cools  amazingly,  and  we 
say  that  the  carrying  over  of  those  puerile  instincts  into 
manhood  shows  arrested  development  which  is  mainly  re- 
sponsible for  filling  our  prisons. 

This  confusion  between  the  contemporaneous  stage  of  de- 
velopment and  the  historic  role  of  certain  qualities,  is  intensi- 
fied by  our  custom  of  referring  to  social  evolution  as  if  it 
were  a  force  and  not  a  process.  We  assume  that  social  ends 
may  be  obtained  without  the  application  of  social  energies, 
although  we  know  in  our  hearts  that  the  best  results  of 
civilization  have  come  about  only  through  human  will  and 
effort.  To  point  to  the  achievement  of  the  past  as  a  guarantee 
for  continuing  what  has  since  become  shocking  to  us  is 
stupid  business;  it  is  to  forget  that  progress  itself  depends 
upon  adaptation,  upon  a  nice  balance  between  continuity  and 
change.  Let  us  by  all  means  acknowledge  and  preserve  that 
which  has  been  good  in  warfare  and  in  the  spirit  of  warfare; 
let  us  gather  it  together  and  incorporate  it  in  our  national 
fiber.  Let  us,  however,  not  be  guilty  for  a  moment  of  shutting 
our  eyes  to  that  which  for  many  centuries  must  have  been 
disquieting  to  the  moral  sense,  but  which  is  gradually  becom- 
ing impossible,  not  only  because  of  our  increasing  sensi- 
bilities, but  because  great  constructive  plans  and  humanized 
interests  have  captured  our  hopes  and  we  are  finding  that 
war  is  an  implement  too  clumsy  and  barbaric  to  subserve  our 
purpose.  We  have  come  to  realize  that  the  great  task  of 
pushing  forward  social  justice  could  be  enormously  acceler- 
ated if  primitive  methods  as  well  as  primitive  weapons  were 
once  for  all  abolished. 

The  past  may  have  been  involved  in  war  and  suffering  in 
order  to  bring  forth  a  new  and  beneficent  courage,  an  in- 
vincible ardor  for  conserving  and  healing  human  life,  for 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  129 

understanding  and  elaborating  it.  To  obtain  this  courage 
is  to  distinguish  between  a  social  order  founded  upon  law 
enforced  by  authority  and  that  other  social  order  which 
includes  liberty  of  individual  action  and  complexity  of  group 
development. 

— JANE  ADDAMS,  Newer  Ideals  of  Peace,  pp.  210-213. 
(The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

The  same  motives  which  have  dispelled  the  combative  ideal 
from  all  but  the  lowest  individuals  will  also  prevail  over  the 
minds  of  nations.  As  the  joy  of  mere  fighting  could  not, 
in  the  mass  of  men,  compete  with  the  more  substantial  satis- 
faction of  success  in  artisanship,  agriculture,  medicine,  archi- 
tecture and  trade,  and  the  man  who  was  eager  for  rewards 
of  this  type  consented  to  forego  the  respect  which  comes  of 
being  a  dangerous  shot  or  swordsman,  ready  for  the  instant's 
quarrel ;  so  the  state  will  increasingly  feel  the  attractive  ends 
from  which  it  is  excluded  by  the  effort  at  constant  readiness 
for  war.  Every  fresh  opportunity  for  truly  fruitful  action 
by  government  tends  to  produce  coolness  toward  the  warrior- 
ideal.  Men  become  jealous  of  the  enormous  expense  for 
military  purposes  when  once  they  clearly  see  the  definite 
benefits  they  lose  because  the  needed  money  goes  to  purposes 
of  war. 

We  judge  men  by  the  ratio  of  their  accomplishments  to 
their  opportunities.  And  so  it  must  be  with  nations.  As 
we  gradually  learn  that  the  will  and  intelligence  of  the 
nation  can  do  even  more  eminently  than  any  single  individual 
the  work  of  fighting  disease  and  ignorance  and  vice;  that 
indeed  only  the  united  people  can  to-day  insure  free  com- 
munication and  just  commerce ;  that  the  growth  and  applica- 
tion of  science  increases  vastly  by  public  support;  when 
there  are  all  these  opportunities  for  national  effort,  men  will 
not  be  content  to  approve  a  government  whose  main  effort  is 


130   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

merely  to  be  prepared  for  attack  from  without.  Swagger 
and  sword-clanking  and  parade  of  "honor"  will  no  longer 
satisfy  the  newer  measure  of  worth;  they  no  longer  seem  the 
prime  use  of  so  high  and  effective  an  instrument  as  the 
national  power. 

— GEORGE  M.  STRATTON,  The  Double  Standard  in  Eegard 
to  Fighting,  pp.  11, 12,  in  Documents  of  the  American 
Association  for  International  Conciliation,  1912. 

And  soon  we  shall  have  thinkers  in  the  place  of  fighters 
What  ye  want  is  light — indeed 

God's  light  organized 

In  some  high  soul,  crowned  capable  to  lead 
The  conscious  people,  conscious  and  advised — 

For  if  we  lift  a  people  like  mere  clay, 
It  falls  the  same.    We  want  thee,  O  unfound 

And  sovran  teacher!  if  thy  beard  be  gray 
Or  black,  we  bid  thee  rise  up  from  the  ground 

And  speak  the  word  God  giveth  thee  to  say, 
Inspiring  into  all  these  people  round, 

Instead  of  passion,  thought  which  pioneers 
All  generous  passion,  purifies  from  sin, 

And  strikes  the  hour  for.    Rise  up,  teacher!  here's 
A  crowd  to  make  a  nation! — best  begin 

By  making  each  a  man,  till  all  be  peers 
Of  earth's  true  patriots  and  pure  martyrs  in 

Knowing  and  daring. 
—ELIZABETH  BABBETT  BBOWNING,  Casa  Guidi  Windows,  Pt.  I. 

A  NEW  HEROISM 

While  in  the  popular  mind  the  old  hero  worship  holds  its 
place  with  wonderful  persistence,  there  are  many  things  to 
indicate  that  it  is  growing  confused  and  no  longer  ini'allibly 
follows  the  old  ideals.  The  stoker  in  the  hold  of  a  battleship 
runs  as  much  risk  as  the  admiral  on  the  deck,  and  his  services 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  131 

are  an  indispensable  factor  in  the  result  achieved.  The  men 
in  the  ranks  run  vastly  greater  risks  than  the  general  in  the 
rear,  who  plans  the  whole  movement  of  battle.  It  is  not  an 
essential,  therefore,  that  the  hero  exhibit  great  personal 
daring  or  prowess;  so  that  even  now  a  higher  value  is  set 
upon  intelligence  than  upon  mere  physical  courage.  It 
ought  to  be  an  easy  step  to  the  appreciation  of  that  intelli- 
gence which  is  directed  to  altogether  useful  and  beneficent 
ends,  such  as  its  relative  importance  demands. 

From  what  has  been  said  it  ought  to  be  clear  that  heroism 
as  embodied  in  the  traditional  sense  and  popular  ideal  is 
already  archaic.  The  unreasoning,  instinctive,  brute  courage, 
ready  to  fight  without  cause  and  without  caution,  is  no 
longer  a  useful  quality.  Even  in  war  it  has  lost  its  value. 
What  is  wanted  now  is  coolness,  endurance,  patience,  steadi- 
ness. There  is  little  field  for  the  old  spectacular  fighting  of 
man  against  man.  .  .  .  We  shall  make,  however,  a  great  mis- 
take if  we  allow  ourselves  to  undervalue  physical  courage. 
It  will  always  be  a  necessity  in  the  life  of  man.  Situations 
will  always  arise  where  men  must  face  danger,  taking  their 
lives,  as  it  were,  in  their  hands ;  but  the  application  of  courage 
in  the  old  methods  and  to  the  old  ends  is  becoming  year  by 
year  obsolete.  .  .  . 

Eeason  in  a  larger  sense,  a  truer  and  wider  perception  of 
the  relations  of  things,  a  better  understanding  of  the  utilities 
and  capacities  of  nature,  is  taking  possession  of  man,  and 
receiving  that  admiration  which  has  in  turn  been  bestowed 
upon  physical  courage,  cunning,  and  moral  virtues. 

— H.  E.  WARNER,  The  Ethics  of  Force,  Extracts 
from  pp.  35,  36. 

A   PROGRESSIVE   ATTITUDE 

We  are  living  under  the  government  of  Almighty  God. 
One  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  that  government  is 


132   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

progress.  Accordingly,  what  may  have  been  relatively  right 
in  the  past  may  be  absolutely  wrong  in  the  future.  For  we 
must  distinguish  between  absolute  truth,  or  truth  as  it  exists 
unconditionally  in  the  infinite  mind,  and  relative  truth,  or 
truth  as  it  appears  to  our  finite  minds,  now  under  this  set  of 
conditions,  now  under  that  set.  In  other  words,  God,  in  re- 
vealing himself  to  men,  has  been  pleased  to  use  the  law  of 
adaptation;  or,  as  the  philosophers  say,  "the  law  of  economy 
of  action." 

— GEORGE  DANA  BOARDMAN,  Eelation  of  Nationalism 
to  Internationalism,  in  Eeport  of  The  Fifth  Uni- 
versal Peace  Congress,  p.  221. 

To  do  the  soldiers  justice,  they  very  rarely  raise  this  plea 
of  war  being  a  moral  training  school.  "War  itself,"  said  on 
one  occasion  an  officer,  "is  an  infernally  dirty  business.  But 
somebody  has  got  to  do  the  dirty  work  of  the  world,  and  I 
am  glad  to  think  that  it  is  the  business  of  the  soldier  to 
prevent  rather  than  make  war." 

Not  that  I  am  concerned  to  deny  that  we  owe  a  great  deal 
to  the  soldier.  I  do  not  know  even  why  we  should  deny  that 
we  owe  a  great  deal  to  the  Viking.  Neither  the. one  nor  the 
other  was  in  every  aspect  despicable.  Both  have  bequeathed 
a  heritage  of  courage,  sturdiness,  hardihood,  and  rough  disci- 
pline— all  this  and  much  more.  It  is  not  true  to  say  of  any 
emotion  that  it  is  wholly  and  absolutely  good  or  wholly  and 
absolutely  bad.  The  same  psychological  force  which  made 
the  Vikings  destructive  and  cruel  pillagers  made  their 
descendants  sturdy  and  resolute  pioneers  and  colonists;  and 
the  same  emotional  force  which  turns  so  much  of  Africa  into 
a  sordid  and  bloody  shambles  would,  with  a  different  direction 
and  distribution,  turn  it  into  a  garden.  Is  it  for  nothing 
that  the  splendid  Scandinavian  race,  who  have  converted 
their  rugged  and  rock-strewn  peninsula  into  a  group  of  pros- 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  133 

perous  and  stable  States,  which  are  an  example  to  Europe, 
and  have  infused  the  great  Anglo-Saxon  stock  with  some- 
thing of  their  sane  but  noble  idealism  have  the  blood  of  Vik- 
ings in  their  veins  ?  Is  there  no  place  for  the  free  play  of  all 
the  best  qualities  of  the  Viking  and  the  soldier  in  a  world 
still  so  sadly  in  need  of  men  with  courage  enough,  for  in- 
stance, to  face  the  truth,  however  difficult  it  may  seem,  how- 
ever unkind  to  our  pet  prejudices? 

There  is  not  the  least  necessity  for  the  peace  advocate  to 
ignore  facts  in  this  matter.  The  race  of  man  loves  a  soldier 
just  as  boys  we  used  to  love  the  pirate,  and  many  of  us,  per- 
haps to  our  very  great  advantage,  remain  in  part  boys  our 
lives  through.  But  just  as  growing  out  of  boyhood  we  regret- 
fully discover  the  sad  fact  that  we  cannot  be  a  pirate,  that 
we  cannot  even  hunt  Indians,  nor  be  a  scout,  not  even  a 
trapper,  so  surely  the  time  has  come  to  realize  that  we  have 
grown  out  of  soldiering.  The  romantic  appeal  of  war  was 
just  as  true  of  the  ventures  of  the  old  Vikings,  and  even  later 
of  piracy.  Yet  we  superseded  the  Viking  and  we  hanged  the 
pirate,  though  I  doubt  not  we  loved  him  while  we  hanged 
him;  and  I  am  not  aware  that  those  who  urged  the  suppres- 
sion of  piracy  were  vilified  (except  by  the  pirates)  as  maudlin 
sentimentalists  who  ignored  human  nature,  or,  as  Mr.  Lea's 
phrase  has  it,  as  "half -educated,  sick-brained  visionaries, 
denying  the  inexorability  of  the  primordial  law  of  struggle." 
Piracy  interfered  seriously  with  the  trade  and  industry  of 
those  who  desired  to  earn  for  themselves  as  good  a  living  as 
they  could  get,  and  to  obtain  from  this  imperfect  world  all 
that  it  had  to  offer.  Piracy  was  magnificent,  doubtless,  but 
it  was  not  business.  We  are  prepared  to  sing  about  the  Vik- 
ing, but  not  to  tolerate  him  on  the  high  seas ;  and  those  of  us 
who  are  quite  prepared  to  give  the  soldier  his  due  place  in 
poetry  and  legend  and  romance,  quite  prepared  to  admit,  with 
Mr.  Roosevelt  and  Von  Moltke  and  the  rest,  the  qualities 


134   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

which  perhaps  we  owe  to  him,  and  without  which  we  should 
be  poor  folk  indeed,  are  nevertheless  inquiring  whether  the 
time  has  not  come  to  place  him  (or  a  good  portion  of  him) 
gently"  on  the  poetic  shelf  with  the  Viking;  or  at  least  to  find 
other  field  for  those  activities,  which,  however  much  we  may 
be  attracted  by  them,  have  in  their  present  form  little  place 
in  a  world  in  which,  as  Bacon  has  said,  though  men  love 
danger  better  than  travail,  travail  is  bound,  alas! — despite 
ourselves,  and  whether  we  fight  Germany  or  not,  and  whether 
we  win  or  lose — to  be  our  lot. 

— NORMAN  ANGELL,  The  Great  Illusion,  p.  291. 
(G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  Publishers.) 

THE  BATTLE  ON  HIGHER  GROUND 

There  is  nothing  good  or  glorious  which  war  has  brought 
forth  in  human  nature  which  peace  may  not  produce  more 
richly  and  more  permanently.  When  we  cease  to  think  of 
peace  as  the  negative  of  war,  and  think  of  war  as  the  negative 
of  peace,  making  war,  and  not  peace,  the  exception  and  inter- 
ruption of  human  life,  making  peace,  and  not  war,  the  type 
and  glory  of  existence,  then  shall  shine  forth  the  higher 
soldiership  of  the  higher  battles.  Then  the  first  military 
spirit  and  its  works  shall  seem  to  be  but  crude  struggles 
after,  and  rehearsals  for,  that  higher  fight,  the  fight  after 
the  eternal  facts  and  their  obedience,  the  fight  against  the 
perpetually  intrusive  lie,  which  is  the  richer  glory  of  the 
riper  man.  The  facts  of  government,  the  facts  of  commerce, 
the  facts  of  society,  the  facts  of  history,  the  facts  of  man, 
the  facts  of  God,  in  these,  in  the  perception  of  their  glory, 
in  the  obedience  to  their  compulsion,  shall  be  the  possibility 
and  promise  of  the  soldier  statesman,  the  soldier  scientist,  the 
soldier  philanthropist,  the  soldier  priest,  the  soldier  man. 
"The  sword  is  beaten  into  the  ploughshare,  the  spear  into  the 
pruning-hook."  "The  war-drum  throbs  no  longer,  and  the 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  135 

battle  flags  are  furled."  But  it  is  not  that  the  power  of  fight 
has  perished:  it  is  that  the  battle  has  gone  up  on  to  higher 
ground,  and  into  higher  light.  The  battle  is  above  the 
clouds. 

— From  PHILLIPS  BROOKS'  Sermon  before  the  Ancient 
and  Honorable  Artillery  Company  of  Boston. 

LIVING  FOR  COUNTRY 

Spend  the  money  you  waste  on  armaments  in  destroying 
slums  and  gin-palaces;  create  healthy  places  of  amusement — 
counter  attractions  to  vice;  take  the  country  into  the  town 
and  the  townsfolk  into  the  country.  In  other  words,  let 
nations  so  govern  themselves  that  all  their  citizens  shall  have 
free  scope  for  development.  Then  there  will  be  plenty  to  do 
at  home  without  going  to  war  abroad.  Then  it  will  be  a 
sweet  and  glorious  thing  to  live  for  one's  country.  Living 
patriotism  will  be  so  busy  that  dying  patriotism,  which  is 
after  all  only  work  for  the  unemployed,  will  not  be  called  for. 
— FRANCIS  W.  HIRST,  The  Arbiter  in  Council,  p.  567. 

I  have  given  four  years  of  my  life  to  leading  the  youths 
of  Virginia  to  battle  and  to  death.  I  want  to  give  the 
remaining  years  of  my  life  to  teaching  the  youths  of  Virginia 
how  to  live. 

— EGBERT  E.  LEE,  in  Report  of  The  Fourth  American 
Peace  Congress,  p.  301. 

The  partisans  of  war  urge  four  capital  reasons  in  behalf 
of  their  principle:  personal  glory,  moral  education,  class 
interest,  and  national  egoism.  .  .  . 

To  balance  these,  the  advocates  of  peace  plead  four  greater 
considerations:  against  personal  glory,  the  economic  cost  of 
militarism;  against  the  moral  education  of  war,  the  higher 
heroism  of  peace;  against  class  interests,  the  sanctity  of 


136   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

human  life ;  and  against  national  egoism,  the  deeper  spirit  of 

national  altruism. 

— PAUL  SMITH,  The  Conflict  of  War  and  Peace  in 
Prize  Orations  of  the  Intercollegiate  Peace  Asso- 
ciation, Extracts  from  pp.  27-29. 

HEROIC  LIVING 

"  'Twas  said :  'When  roll  of  drum  and  battle's  roar 
Shall  cease  upon  the  earth,  O,  then  no  more 

"'The  deed,  the  race,  of  heroes  in  the  land.' 
But  scarce  that  word  was  breathed  when  one  small  hand 

"Lifted  victorious  o'er  a  giant  wrong 
That  had  its  victims  crushed  through  ages  long; 

"Some  woman  set  her  pale  and  quivering  face, 
Firm  as  a  rock,  against  a  man's  disgrace; 

"A  little  child  suffered  in  silence  lest 
His  savage  pain  should  wound  a  mother's  breast; 

"Some  quiet  scholar  flung  his  gauntlet  down 
And  risked,  in  Truth's  great  name,  the  synod's  frown; 

"A  civic  hero,  in  the  calm  realm  of  laws, 
Did  that  which  suddenly  drew  a  world's  applause; 

"And  one  to  the  pest  his  lithe  young  body  gave 
That  he  a  thousand,  thousand  lives  might  save." 

— RICHARD  WATSON  GILDER. 

War  does  not  create  bravery,  it  only  reveals  it  as  existing. 
Heroism  exists  and  would  exist  if  there  were  no  war,  but 
heroism  would  find  a  nobler  and  more  congenial  sphere  in 
which  to  exercise  itself.  Heroism  would  be  employed  in  the 
arts  of  peace.  Heroism  would  go  to  Africa  to  find  Living- 
stone. Yea,  it  would  be  Livingstone.  Was  not  Eobert  Moffat 
a  hero  ?  Yet  he  carried  no  sword  but  the  sword  of  the  Spirit, 
which  is  the  Word  of  God.  Was  not  Father  Damien  a  hero  ? 
Was  not  Bishop  Pattison  a  hero  ?  Is  not  Duncan  of  Metlak- 
hatla  a  hero?  Were  not  those  American  theological  students 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  137 

of  heroic  fiber — those,  I  mean,  who,  when  visited  by  a  mis- 
sionary from  the  Southern  Seas,  whose  brethren  in  that  mis- 
sion field  had  been  killed  and  eaten — rose  in  their  class,  and, 
with  full  knowledge  of  the  dread  possibilities  before  them, 
by  a  large  majority  said,  "Here  am  I,  take  me/'  Heroism ! 
There  is  as  much  heroism  on  the  mission  field  as  on  the  battle- 
field. The  mission  field  is  the  true  battlefield  of  the  world. 
It  demands  more  heroism  to  plod  on  in  the  teeth  of  all  but 
insuperable  difficulties,  often  alone  and  unaided,  than  to  fight 
at  Sedan  or  Gettysburg  or  Waterloo.  There  is  as  much 
heroism  in  human  nature  to-day  as  ever  there  was.  It  is  too 
rare  and  valuable  an  article  for  heartless  politicians  to  waste 
on  battlefields.  We  may  turn  it  in  the  direction  of  destruc- 
tion, or  in  the  direction  of  instruction  and  construction.  We 
may  use  it  to  save  men's  lives  or  to  destroy  them.  .  .  . 

— EEUEN  THOMAS,  The  War  System. 

We  meet  in  a  famous  hall  [the  Royal  Gallery  of  the  House 
of  Lords],  and  looking  down  upon  us  from  these  walls  are 
pictures  that  illustrate  not  only  the  glory  that  is  to  be  won  in 
war,  but  the  horrors  that  follow  war.  There  is  a  picture  of 
one  of  the  great  figures  in  English  history  [pointing  to  the 
fresco,  by  Maclise,  of  the  death  of  Nelson].  Lord  Nelson  is 
represented  as  dying,  and  around  him  are  the  mangled  forms 
of  others.  I  understand  that  war  brings  out  certain  virtues. 
I  am  aware  that  it  gives  opportunity  for  the  display  of  great 
patriotism.  I  am  aware  that  the  example  of  men  who  give 
their  lives  for  their  country  is  inspiring.  But  I  venture  to 
say  there  is  as  much  inspiration  in  a  noble  life  as  there  is  in 
in  heroic  death,  and  I  trust  that  one  of  the  results  of  this 
Interparliamentary  Union  will  be  to  emphasize  the  doctrine 
lat  a  life  devoted  to  the  public,  overflowing,  like  a  spring, 
dth  good,  exerts  an  influence  upon  the  human  race  and  upon 
le  destiny  of  the  world  as  great  as  any  death  in  war.  And 


138   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

if  you  will  permit  me  to  mention  one  whose  career  I  watched 
with  interest  and  whose  name  I  revere,  I  will  say  that,  in  my 
humble  judgment,  the  sixty-four  years  of  spotless  public 
service  of  William  Ewart  Gladstone  will,  in  years  to  come, 
be  regarded  as  rich  an  ornament  to  the  history  of  this  nation 
as  the  life  of  any  man  who  poured  out  his  blood  upon  the 
battlefield. 

— WILLIAM  J.  BRYAN. 

The  patriot  of  the  future  will  be  the  man  who  lives  for 
his  country,  as  well  as  dies  for  it,  and  he  who  dies  in  her 
service  while  saving  life  will  be  a  greater  patriot  than  he 
who  dies  for  her  while  destroying  other  lives.  The  hero  of 
the  future  will  be  of  the  industrial,  professional,  and  laboring 
world,  not  of  the  battlefield,  except  as  he  may  defend  his 
country  from  wanton  attack.  (The  United  States  will  never 
be  attacked  if  true  patriotism  prevails  and  makes  her  just 
and  honorable.)  The  hero  fund,  whose  awards  are  always  to 
go  to  those  who  save  life,  never  to  those  who  take  it,  is  not 
only  a  premonition  of  the  new  patriotism,  but  has  wonder- 
fully helped  its  coming  by  directing  the  attention  of  the 
world  from  the  battlefield  to  the  civic  and  industrial  sphere 
as  the  true  field  of  bravery.  Not  insignificant  is  it  that  at  a 
recent  vote  taken  in  the  Paris  schools  on  France's  greatest 
hero,  the  vote  which  twenty  years  ago  would  have  put  Na- 
poleon, who  took  over  three  million  lives,  at  the  head  of  the 
list,  placed  him  far  down  the  list,  and  hailed  Pasteur  as  the 
true  patriot  of  France. 

— FREDERICK  LYNCH,  What  Makes  a  Nation  Great, 
Extracts  from  pp.  47,  48. 

Peace,  too,  has  its  own  peculiar  victories,  in  comparison 
with  which  Marathon  and  Bannockburn  and  Bunker  Hill, 
fields  sacred  in  the  history  of  human  freedom,  lose  their 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  139 

luster.  Our  own  Washington  rises  to  a  truly  heavenly  stature, 
not  when  we  follow  him  through  the  ice  of  the  Delaware  to 
the  capture  of  Trenton,  not  when  we  behold  him  victorious 
over  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown,  but  when  we  regard  him,  in 
noble  deference  to  Justice,  refusing  the  kingly  crown  which 
a  faithless  soldiery  proffered,  and  at  a  later  day  upholding 
the  peaceful  neutrality  of  the  country,  while  he  met  unmoved 
the  clamor  of  the  people  wickedly  crying  for  War.  What 
glory  of  battle  in  England's  annals  will  not  fade  by  the  side 
of  that  great  act  of  justice,  when  her  Parliament,  at  a  cost 
of  one  hundred  million  dollars,  gave  freedom  to  eight  hun- 
dred thousand  slaves?  And  when  the  day  shall  come  (may 
these  eyes  be  gladdened  by  its  beam ! )  that  shall  witness  an 
act  of  larger  justice  still — the  peaceful  emancipation  of  three 
million  fellow-men  "guilty  of  a  skin  not  colored  as  our  own," 
now,  in  this  land  of  jubilant  freedom,  bound  in  gloomy 
bondage — then  will  there  be  a  victory  by  the  side  of  which 
that  of  Bunker  Hill  will  be  as  the  farthing  candle  held  up 
to  the  sun.  That  victory  will  need  no  monument  of  stone. 
It  will  be  written  on  the  grateful  hearts  of  countless  multi- 
tudes that  shall  proclaim  it  to  the  latest  generation.  It  will 
be  one  of  the  famed  landmarks  of  civilization — or,  better 
still,  a  link  in  the  golden  chain  by  which  Humanity  connects 
itself  with  the  throne  of  God. 

As  man  is  higher  than  the  beasts  of  the  field,  as  the  angels 
are  higher  than  man,  as  Christ  is  higher  than  Mars,  as  he 
that  ruleth  his  spirit  is  higher  than  he  that  taketh  a  city — so 
are  the  victories  of  Peace  higher  than  the  victories  of  War. 
— CHARLES  SUMNER,  Addresses  on  War,  Extract 
from  pp.  127,  128. 

SUBSTITUTES  FOR  MILITARY  VIRTUES 

We  come  to  the  practical  question  as  to  how  these  substi- 


140   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

tutes  for  the  war  virtues  may  be  found.  How  may  we,  the 
children  of  an  industrial  and  commercial  age,  find  the  courage 
and  sacrifice  which  belong  to  our  industrialism?  We  may 
begin  with  August  Comte's  assertion  that  man  seeks  to  im- 
prove his  position  in  two  different  ways,  by  the  destruction 
of  obstacles  and  by  the  construction  of  means,  or,  designated 
by  their  most  obvious  social  results,  if  his  contention  is 
correct,  by  military  action  and  by  industrial  action,  and  that 
the  two  must  long  continue  side  by  side.  Then  we  find  our- 
selves asking  what  may  be  done  to  make  more  picturesque 
those  lives  which  are  spent  in  a  monotonous  and  wearing  toil, 
compared  to  which  the  camp  is  exciting  and  barracks  com- 
fortable. How  shall  it  be  made  to  seem  as  magnificent 
patiently  to  correct  the  wrongs  of  industrialism  as  to  do 
battle  for  the  rights  of  the  nation?  This  transition  ought 
not  to  be  so  difficult  in  America,  for  to  begin  with,  our 
national  life  in  America  has  been  largely  founded  upon  our 
success  in  invention  and  engineering,  in  manufacturing  and 
commerce.  Our  prosperity  has  rested  upon  constructive  labor 
and  material  progress,  both  of  them  in  striking  contrast  to 
warfare.  There  is  an  element  of  almost  grim  humor  in  the 
nation's  reverting  at  last  to  the  outworn  methods  of  battle- 
ships and  defended  harbors.  We  may  admit  that  idle  men 
need  war  to  keep  alive  their  courage  and  endurance,  but  we 
have  few  idle  men  in  a  nation  engaged  in  industrialism.  We 
constantly  see  subordination  of  sensation  to  sentiment  in 
hundreds  of  careers  which  are  not  military;  the  thousands 
of  miners  in  Pennsylvania  doubtless  endure  every  year  more 
bodily  pain  and  peril  than  the  same  number  of  men  in  Euro- 
pean barracks. 

Industrial  life  affords  ample  opportunity  for  endurance, 
discipline,  and  a  sense  of  detachment,  if  the  struggle  is  really 
put  upon  the  highest  level  of  industrial  efficiency.  But  be- 
cause our  industrial  life  is  not  on  this  level,  we  constantly 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR       141 

tend  to  drop  the  newer  and  less  developed  ideals  for  the  older 
ones  of  warfare,  we  ignore  the  fact  that  war  so  readily  throws 
back  the  ideals  which  the  young  are  nourishing  into  the  mold 
of  those  which  the  old  should  be  outgrowing.  It  lures  young 
men  not  to  develop,  but  to  exploit;  it  turns  them  from  the 
courage  and  toil  of  industry  to  the  bravery  and  endurance 
of  war,  and  leads  them  to  forget  that  civilization  is  the  sub- 
stitution of  law  for  war.  It  incites  their  ambitions,  not  to 
irrigate,  to  make  fertile  and  sanitary,  the  barren  plain  of  the 
savage,  but  to  fill  it  with  military  posts  and  tax-gatherers,  to 
cease  from  pushing  forward  industrial  action  into  new  fields 
and  to  fall  back  upon  military  action.  .  .  . 

It  is  really  human  constructive  labor  which  must  give  the 
newly  invaded  country  a  sense  of  its  place  in  the  life  of  the 
civilized  world,  some  idea  of  the  effective  occupations  which 
it  may  perform.  In  order  to  accomplish  this  its  energy  must 
be  freed  and  its  resources  developed.  Militarism  undertakes 
to  set  in  order,  to  suppress  and  to  govern,  if  necessary  to 
destroy,  while  industrialism  undertakes  to  liberate  latent 
forces,  to  reconcile  them  to  new  conditions,  to  demonstrate 
that  their  aroused  activities  can  no  longer  follow  caprice, 
but  must  fit  into  a  larger  order  of  life.  To  call  this  latter 
undertaking,  demanding  ever  new  powers  of  insight,  patience, 
and  fortitude,  less  difficult,  less  manly,  less  strenuous,  than 
the  first,  is  on  the  face  of  it  absurd.  It  is  the  soldier  who 
is  inadequate  to  the  difficult  task,  who  strews  his  ways  with 
blunders  and  lost  opportunities,  who  cannot  justify  his  voca- 
tion by  the  results,  and  who  is  obliged  to  plead  guilty  to  a 
lack  of  rational  method. 

— JANE  ADDAMS,  Newer  Ideals  of  Peace,  Extracts  from 
pp.  217-221.     (The  Macmillan  Co.,  Publishers.) 

When  Friday  tried  to  indulge  his  cannibalism,  Robinson 
Crusoe  first  expressed  his  abhorrence  of  such  practices.  He 


142       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

then,  if  I  remember  rightly,  made  it  known  to  Friday  that 
he  would  surely  kill  him  if  he  dug  up  and  ate  the  body.  But 
he  wisely  reenforced  the  sentiment  and  the  threat  by  demon- 
strating to  Friday  the  merits  of  young  goat,  stewed,  broiled, 
and  roasted.  Whereupon,  it  is  written,  Friday  of  his  own 
initiative  decided  that  he  would  never  eat  man  again. 

Eeasonable  men  are  now  inoculating  their  less  civilized 
brethren  with  the  feeling  that  the  settlement  of  international 
disputes  by  violence  is  abhorrent  to  honor  and  justice,  and 
even  to  enlightened  selfishness.  They  will  soon  have  an 
international  court  and  police  to  keep  any  nation  Friday  from 
relapse  into  wholesale  murder,  arson,  and  political  canni- 
balism. But  it  may  be  useful  to  make  sure  also  that  other 
tastes  are  stimulated  so  that  the  peace  of  nations  may  bring 
an  added  zest  and  richness  to  life. 

It  is  a  nice  problem  in  psychology  to  measure  just  what 
will  be  lost  from  human  nature  when  nations  have  disarmed 
and  war  is  as  discreditable  as  piracy.  It  is  even  more  inter- 
esting to  decide  what  best  to  give  men  to  replace  their  hanker- 
ings for  the  thrills  of  national  revenge  and  bloodshed. 

First,  we  must  separate  the  effect  on  the  participants — 
those  who,  for  love  of  country,  love  of  money,  or  love  of  ex- 
citement, do  the  killing  and  orphaning — from  the  effect  on 
the  onlookers.  These,  too,  must  be  divided  into  those  who  are 
paying  the  price  of  the  war-game,  wearing  their  hearts  out 
with  the  misery  it  is  bringing  to  them  and  their  fellow  men, 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  deadheads — the  "bums" — who 
neither  fight  nor  suffer,  only  chuckle  because  "we  lost  ten 
thousand  while  they  lost  thirty,"  or  curse  the  army  that  let 
itself  be  killed — who  sit  in  the  corner  grocery  or  by  the 
"ticker,"  telling  how  they  would  have  done  it!  These  last, 
it  will  appear,  are  the  only  losers  from  peace. 

The  "born"  warrior,  the  professional  soldier,  even  the  fight- 
ing sport  and  adventurer,  and  all  who  would  by  choice  partici- 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  143 

pate  in  wars,  will  not  suffer  when  wars  have  gone  the  way 
of  trial  by  fire,  blood-feud,  and  piracy.  They  need  not  lose 
one  jot  or  tittle  of  the  joy  of  living.  As  international  police, 
serving  the  international  department  of  justice  and  correc- 
tion, they  can  be  happily  engaged  in  preventing  outrages  by 
any  nation,  in  taking  concealed  weapons  away  from  any  dis- 
honorable party,  in  actually  putting  hors  de  combat  any 
twentieth  century  Napoleon  who  may  wish  to  try  his  might 
against  the  right  of  the  civilized  world.  There  will  be  just 
about  enough  war-work  for  such  men. 

The  onlookers  who  pay,  the  mothers,  children,  and  friends 
of  those  who  fight,  ask  no  equivalent  emotions  for  those  which 
war  would  bring.  The  excitement,  anxiety,  terror,  and  end- 
less grief  no  one,  even  under  the  insane  obsessions  of  primi- 
tive warlust,  will  crave.  The  pride  is  only  that  which  will 
come  in  purer  form  and  higher  degree  from  any  useful  service 
the  son  or  father  performs  in  the  world.  Indeed,  if  deprived 
of  the  artificial  medium  of  a  code  of  revenge  no  longer  accept- 
able as  honorable  or  just,  war  must  less  and  less  arouse  any 
patriotic  feeling,  and  more  and  more  be  felt  as  a  mere  mis- 
fortune of  human  nature.  A  son  killed  in  war  will  be 
reckoned  as  a  victim  to  human  stupidity,  like  one  hit  by  a 
chance  shot  from  a  street  fight,  run  over  by  a  careless  engi- 
neer, or  poisoned  by  ill-inspected  meat. 

Cheap  rhetoric  has  tried  to  convince  us  that  the  mother's 
grief  is  purified  into  resignation  and  pride  by  the  knowledge 
that  her  boy's  life  was  given  to  a  righteous  cause.  This 
insult  to  every  boy  and  mother  on  the  other  side  can  bring 
condolence  only  to  a  narrow  mind,  and  never  when  there  is 
a  just  suspicion  that  the  war  was  nowise  needed  for  the 
triumph  of  the  cause. 

Men  and  women  are  beginning  to  see  the  difference  between 
being  in  the  right  in  a  dispute  and  having  a  right  to  go  to  war 
over  it.  If  it  should  be  known  that  Canada  had  stupidly 


144   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

refused  to  make  reparation  of  say  $100,000  as  stipulated  for 
some  violation  of  a  fishery-treaty,  we  all  might  agree  that 
our  country  was  in  the  right,  but  a  majority  of  sane  men 
would  equally  agree  that  our  government  did  not  have  a 
right  to  set  a  hundred  million  decent  people  at  war  because 
of  the  stupidity  of  certain  Canadian  officials.  A  thousand 
men  here  and  in  Canada  would  promptly  offer  to  pay  the 
fine  and  save  the  war.  We  would  no  more  go  to  war  with 
Canada  for  $100,000  than  we  would  tear  the  rags  from  a 
destitute  orphan  because  her  father  owed  us  two  cents.  We 
are  all  learning  that  a  righteous  cause  is  a  cause  for  war  only 
when  the  wrong  done  by  the  war  is  less  than  the  right  it 
preserves.  Nor  will  there  be  in  the  future  any  such  readiness 
as  there  has  been  in  the  past  to  assume  that  the  war  which 
someone  is  interested  in  stirring  up  is  really  in  the  defense 
of  national  welfare.  .  .  . 

The  only  losers  by  peace  are  the  deadheads — the  bums — 
who  neither  fight  nor  suffer.  They  lose  the  cheap  excitement 
of  contemplating  wholesale  murder  and  of  playing  with  the 
lives  of  nations.  They  are  jealous  of  national  dignity  because 
they  "like  to  see  a  good  scrap/'  They  do  not  believe  in  com- 
promise because  it  is  "tame."  They  would  like  to  show  what 
we  could  do  in  a  war !  .  .  . 

It  is  worth  while  to  seek  a  substitute  for  war  for  even  this 
despicable  mob.  For  we  all  belong  to  it.  In  its  cheap  enjoy- 
ments we  all  share.  There  is  in  us  all  a  lust  for  the  cowardly 
excitement  of  looking  on  at  conflict.  This  is  held  down 
somewhat  by  a  decent  regard  for  the  happiness  of  mankind 
and  by  whatever  prudent  insight  we  have  into  the  eventual 
cost  of  war  to  our  own  fortunes.  It  is  choked  off  somewhat 
by  interests  in  family,  friends,  knowledge,  beauty,  and  skill. 
But  a  little  relaxation  of  the  humane  habits  and  tastes  which 
have  been  laboriously  taught  us  suffices  to  release  it,  and 
we  gloat  over  the  game  of  war.  We  all  relapse  easily  into 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  145 

shoddy  patriotism,  esteem  ourselves  for  the  skill  of  "our" 
generals,  swell  with  pride  at  "our"  army's  valor,  and  appro- 
priate as  a  personal  dignity  the  heroism  of  which  we 
read.  .  .  .  No  one  of  us  has  fully  mastered  the  first  lessons 
of  citizenship — to  think  of  things  as  they  are,  to  want  the 
common  good,  and  to  act  from  reason.  While  we  are  learning 
them,  we  need  to  beguile  ourselves  from  false  national  pride 
and  from  cheap  excitement  at  vicarious  conflict. 

To  substitute  a  rational  patriotism  for  self-congratulation 
at  the  exploits  of  a  military  "team"  involves  teaching  our- 
selves to  take  pride  in  what  we  have  earned  and  to  prize  only 
worthy  achievements.  Both  tasks  are  hard.  By  original 
nature,  man  prizes  his  advantage  over  others  rather  than  his 
absolute  welfare. 

A  moderate  amount  of  forethought  on  the  part  of  teachers, 
editors,  and  preachers  would  give  common  habit  a  turn 
toward  the  question:  Is  my  city  proud  of  having  me  belong 
to  it?  What  does  America  gain  because  I  am  an  American? 
We  need  not  at  any  rate  deliberately  attach  self -congratula- 
tion to  those  situations  which  properly  evoke  only  humble 
gratitude,  or  give  systematic  lessons  in  applying  to  oneself 
the  honor  due  to  another. 

More  can  be  done  than  to  release  patriotism  from  being 
pauperized.  We  can  open  the  mind  to  the  real  nature  of 
citizenship.  In  so  far  as  boys  and  girls  learn  that  any  act 
whatever  that  makes  their  city  or  country  a  better  place  for 
good  people  to  live  in  is  an  act  of  good  citizenship — that 
efficient  labor,  skillful  professional  service,  healthy  and  noble 
pleasures  are  important  features  of  citizenship — they  will 
abandon  shoddy  patriotism.  By  seeing  that  they  can  give 
something,  they  will  take  pride  in  giving,  will  give  more, 
id  will  regard  their  country's  successes,  not  as  a  spectacle 
for  their  benefit,  but  as  a  business  in  which  they  have  a  share. 

The  other  half  of  the  problem — teaching  ourselves  to  prize 


146      SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

only  worthy  national  achievements — is  also  made  needlessly 
hard  by  the  conventional  exaggeration  of  the  litigious  virtues 
which  survive  as  a  relic  from  the  days  before  the  discovery 
of  truth,  the  organization  and  economy  of  labor,  and  deliberate 
constructive  work  for  human  welfare  were  recognized  activi- 
ties of  the  state.  Just  as  our  arithmetics  contain  problems 
that  can  be  traced  unfailingly  back  to  the  days  of  barter  in 
Venice  in  the  sixteenth  century,  so  even  the  best  of  our  school 
histories  is  a  lineal  descendant  of  the  songs  sung  at  war- 
dances  and  cannibal  feasts. 

The  best  way  to  teach  ourselves  to  appreciate  worthy 
national  enterprises  is  to  engage  in  them.  Interests  and 
emotions  are  the  products  as  well  as  the  producers  of  acts. 
We  create  zeal  by  zealous  behavior.  Let  men  work  together  at 
building  the  Panama  Canal  and  conserving  needed  forests ;  at 
putting  an  end  to  malaria,  yellow  fever,  tuberculosis,  the 
white-slave  traffic  and  child-labor;  at  providing  employment 
for  all  capable  and  willing  workers  and  education  in  a  trade 
for  every  boy  and  girl  able  to  learn  one.  They  will  soon 
come  to  feel  an  honorable  pride  in  their  own  race  or  nation — 
pride  in  what  it  achieves  for  its  own  and  the  world's  good. 
They  will  find  the  game  of  welfare  as  interesting  as  the 
game  of  war. 

This  is  not  a  Utopian  solution.  The  zest  for  vicarious  war, 
for  contemplating  the  conflicts  of  military  "teams,"  has  lived 
not  so  much  by  its  intrinsic  attractiveness  as  by  heavy 
subsidies.  Put  a  million  dollars  a  day  into  any  national 
enterprise,  say  a  crusade  against  tuberculosis,  and  it  acquires 
interest.  Devote  a  large  fraction  of  literary  talent  for  two 
thousand  years  to  advertising  the  adventures  of  a  public- 
health  army,  and  the  career  of  a  hunter  of  microbes  will 
become  attractive.  The  intrinsic  difficulty  of  arousing  in- 
terest in  exterminating  the  tubercle  bacillus  or  freeing  chil- 
dren from  slavery  or  putting  Justice  on  the  throne  of 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  147 

industry,  may  not  be  greater  than  that  of  arousing  an  equal 
interest  in  exterminating  the  aborigines,  or  freeing  Cuba,  or 
putting  a  Bourbon  on  the  throne  of  France. 

Suppose  that  from  '61  to  '65  we  had  spent  three  thousand 
million  dollars  in  a  campaign  to  free  little  children  from 
misery  in  factories  and  mines.  The  health,  happiness,  and 
education  of  children  would  be  of  public  interest.  Suppose 
that  since  then  the  pension  expense,  now  over  three  million 
dollars  a  week,  had  been  given  up  to  discovering  and  helping 
men  of  genius  to  turn  their  passion  for  truth  and  beauty  to 
the  world's  advantage.  We  should  appreciate  the  worth  of 
provision  by  a  state  for  the  discovery,  conservation,  and  use 
of  its  human  resources. 

Suppose  that  we  now  maintained  at  a  cost  of  two  hundred 
and  seventy-five  millions  a  year  an  army  of  physicians,  men 
of  science,  and  nurses  to  eradicate  tuberculosis.  The  mere 
expenditure  of  what  our  military  establishment  now  costs  us 
would  make  every  village  church  and  city  club  a  center  of 
interested  discussion  of  the  latest  news  from  the  tenements ! 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  we  are,  year  by  year,  more  rapidly 
acquiring  interests  which  will  protect  us  against  cowardly 
zest  as  onlookers  at  a  cock-pit  of  nations.  In  their  sober 
senses  the  plain  people  of  this  country  no  more  hanker  after 
a  look  at  the  war-game  than  they  hanker  after  bull-fights 
or  the  trial  by  fire.  Public  enterprise  is  being  directed  less 
toward  a  fretful  defense  of  national  prerogatives,  and  more 
toward  an  energetic  fight  for  the  inward  means  of  national 
dignity.  The  settlement  of  national  disputes  by  force  is 
doomed  to  have  in  the  life  of  reason  only  the  painful  interest 
of  a  pitiable  accident,  like  the  wrecking  of  a  train  by  an  in- 
competent switchman,  or  the  murder  of  his  family  by  a 
maniac.  — EDWARD  L.  THORNDIKE,  The  Emotional  Price  of 
Peace,  in  Documents  of  The  American  Asso- 
ciation for  International  Conciliation,  1911. 


148   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Labor  is  the  great  Conqueror.  Not  War,  but  Work,  is  the 
great  Educator ;  and  the  essential  watchword  of  all  permanent 
advance.  When  the  militarist  tells  us  that  Peace  on  earth 
is  a  mere  dream,  and  "not  even  a  beautiful  dream" ;  when  he 
solemnly  warns  us  that  "without  War  the  world  would  sink 
in  a  morass  of  materialism" ;  he  appears  to  see  no  choice  open 
between  perpetuation  of  murder  on  a  grand  scale,  and  a  state 
of  demoralizing  lethargy.  But  the  world  is  now  too  old  to 
impale  itself  on  the  horns  of  this  imaginary  dilemma.  The 
world  is  becoming  aware  that  "Peace  hath  her  victories,  not 
less  renowned  than  War"  and  infinitely  more  productive. 
Proof  is  everywhere  that  it  is  not  the  men  that  give  up  fight- 
ing, who  lose  stamina  and  virility;  but  the  men  who  give  up 
work.  The  most  "unfit"  are  they  who  least  cooperate  in  the 
great  struggle  of  their  race  against  whatever  in  its  environ- 
ment obstructs  real  progress  and  development.  And  of  all 
such  obstacles  War  is  the  greatest,  as  may  at  any  time  be 
clearly  seen  from  the  condition  of  those  peoples  who  chiefly 
occupy  their  time  in  conflict,  either  with  their  neighbors  or 
among  themselves.  And  it  is  these,  and  not  the  prosperous, 
hard-working,  peace-loving  populations,  who  reap  the  fruit 
of  their  transgression  of  primordial  Law. 

Why  is  Germany,  for  instance,  great  and  successful  (in 
1911)  ?  Not  because  she  is  military,  but  because  she  is  busy. 
No  doubt  her  last  great  War  indirectly  helped  to  weld  her 
Empire,  because  it  drew  the  German  peoples  together  for  a 
gigantic  cooperative  effort.  But  it  was  the  awakened  spirit 
of  mutual  service  and  national  cooperation,  not  the  direct 
fruits  of  the  combat,  which  constituted  the  foundation  of 
her  remarkable  development  during  forty  years  of  fruitful 
peace.  The  ostensible  gains  from  the  war  of  1870,  whether 
of  wealth  or  territory,  gave  her  no  help  at  all.  Within  three 
years  of  the  final  payment  of  Indemnity  by  France,  Bismarck 
himself  said,  referring  in  the  Eeichstag  to  German  commerce 


149 

and  finance,  "We  are  slowly  bleeding  to  death."    The  acquisi- 
tion of  Alsace-Lorraine  has  involved  the  bitterest  heart-burn- 
ings, together  with  enormous  trouble  and  expense.    Germany 
is  great  and  successful  because  she  puts  brains  into  all  her 
work,  and  sticks  to  it  with  Teutonic  persistence.  .  .  . 
— WILLIAM  LEIGHTON  GRANE,  The  Passing  of  War,  p.  61. 
(The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

THE  RIGHT  USE  OF  FORCE 

Force  may  be  briefly  defined  as  power  made  effective  for 
use.  Thus  we  speak  of  spiritual,  mental,  and  physical  force, 
and  of  the  various  forces  of  nature.  Without  force  no  results 
are  accomplished.  Therefore,  when  a  man  of  peace  says,  "I 
do  not  believe  in  using  force,"  however  praiseworthy  his 
meaning  may  be,  his  words  are  incorrect,  and  he  lays  himself 
open  to  the  charge  of  being  a  mere  visionary.  When  he  ex- 
plains :  "I  believe  not  in  the  use  of  physical,  but  of  spiritual 
and  moral  force,"  his  opponent  answers :  "Your  child  is  about 
to  cut  himself  with  a  sharp  knife;  will  you  not  snatch  it 
from  him  ?"  "Certainly."  "He  is  running  toward  a  precipice. 
You  shout  to  him  to  stop.  Either  he  does  not  hear,  or  will 
not  obey.  Will  you  not  run  and  catch  him,  and  save  him?" 
He  replies,  "That  is  different.  It  is  right  to  do  these  things." 
Yes,  it  is  right,  but  you  cannot  do  them  without  physical 
force.  Your  real  contention,  then,  is  not  against  physical 
force,  as  such,  but  against  the  wrong  use  of  it. 

We  cannot  even  say  that  under  all  circumstances  the  use 
of  brute  force  is  wrong.  A  Samson  might  hold  a  lunatic  or 
a  criminal,  to  restrain  him  from  violence,  in  his  strong  em- 
brace, not  brutally,  but  by  brute  force,  and  receive  from  the 
most  ardent  peace  advocate  nothing  but  praise.  Then  even 
brute  force  is  not  always  wrong,  so  it  be  not  brutally  used. 

Further,  if  physical  force  may  sometimes  be  well  used, 
spiritual  and  moral  force  may  be  wrongly  used.  The  assassin 


150   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

of  our  late  President,  for  instance,  claimed  his  deed  to  be 
morally  right,  and  if,  as  the  Bible  says,  there  be  such  a  thing 
as  spiritual  wickedness,  there  must  also  be  a  wrong  use  of 
spiritual  power. 

From  the  simple  human  standpoint,  which  is,  after  all, 
hardly  removed  from  the  divine,  we  may  therefore  conclude 
that  of  all  the  great  divisions  of  force,  spiritual  and  moral, 
physical  and  mechanical,  none  are  in  themselves  either  right 
or  wrong,  but  that  the  moral  element  lies  in  the  manner  in 
which  they  are  used  and  the  object  to  be  gained. 

— EICHAED  HENRY  THOMAS,  The  Christian  Idea  of 

Force,  in  the  Report  of  The  American  Friends' 

Peace  Conference,  pp.  770,  771. 

Is  it  ever  right  to  do  wrong?  Will  the  achievement  of 
great  and  beneficent  results  justify  the  commission  of  an  act 
which,  but  for  these  results,  would  be  immoral  ?  Has  a  man 
the  right  to  put  his  conscience  in  the  path  of  progress  and 
impose  the  consequences  of  his  beliefs  upon  other  people? 
May  we  hold  a  theory  as  right  in  itself  if  in  practice  it  is 
impossible  ? 

— ISAAC  SHARPLESS,  To  What  Extent  Are  Peace 
Principles  Practicable?  in  the  Reports  of  The 
American  Friends'  Peace  Conference,  p.  137. 

It  is  not  brute  force  but  moral  power  that  commands  pre- 
dominance in  the  world.  — LORD  HALDANE. 

MORAL  EQUIVALENTS 

The  war  against  war  is  going  to  be  no  holiday  excursion  or 
camping  party.  The  military  feelings  are  too  deeply  grounded 
to  abdicate  their  place  among  our  ideals  until  better  substi- 
tutes are  offered  than  the  glory  and  shame  that  come  to 
nations  as  well  as  to  individuals  from  the  ups  and  downs  of 
politics  and  the  vicissitudes  of  trade.  .  .  . 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR       151 

Modern  war  is  so  expensive  that  we  feel  trade  to  be  a 
better  avenue  to  plunder;  but  modern  man  inherits  all  the 
innate  pugnacity  and  all  the  love  of  glory  of  his  ancestors. 
Showing  war's  irrationality  and  horror  is  of  no  effect  upon 
him.  The  horrors  make  the  fascination.  War  is  the  strong 
life;  it  is  life  in  extremis;  war-taxes  are  the  only  ones  men 
never  hesitate  to  pay,  as  the  budgets  of  all  nations  show 
us.  ... 

It  is  plain  that  on  this  subject  civilized  man  has  developed 
a  sort  of  double  personality.  If  we  take  European  nations, 
no  legitimate  interest  of  any  one  of  them  would  seem  to 
justify  the  tremendous  destructions  which  a  war  to  compass 
it  would  necessarily  entail.  It  would  seem  as  though  common 
sense  and  reason  ought  to  find  a  way  to  reach  agreement  in 
every  conflict  of  honest  interests.  I  myself  think  it  our 
bounden  duty  to  believe  in  such  international  rationality  as 
possible.  But,  as  things  stand,  I  see  how  desperately  hard 
it  is  to  bring  the  peace-party  and  the  war-party  together,  and 
I  believe  that  the  difficulty  is  due  to  certain  deficiencies  in 
the  program  of  pacifism  which  set  the  militarist  imagina- 
tion strongly,  and  to  a  certain  extent  justifiably,  against  it. 
In  the  whole  discussion  both  sides  are  on  imaginative  and 
sentimental  ground.  ...  In  my  remarks,  pacificist  though 
I  am,  I  will  refuse  to  speak  of  the  bestial  side  of  the  war- 
regime  and  consider  only  the  higher  aspects  of  militaristic 
sentiment.  .  .  . 

Eeflective  apologists  for  war  at  the  present  day  all  take 
it  religiously.  It  is  a  sort  of  sacrament.  Its  profits  are  to 
the  vanquished  as  well  as  to  the  victor ;  and  quite  apart  from 
any  question  of  profit,  it  is  an  absolute  good,  we  are  told, 
for  it  is  human  nature  at  its  highest  dynamic.  Its  "horrors" 
are  a  cheap  price  to  pay  for  rescue  from  the  only  alternative 
supposed,  of  a  world  of  clerks  and  teachers,  of  coeducation 
and  zoophily,  of  "consumers'  leagues"  and  "associated  chari- 


152   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

ties,"  of  industrialism  unlimited,  and  feminism  unabashed. 
No  scorn,  no  hardness,  no  valor  any  more!  Fie  upon  such 
a  cattleyard  of  a  planet ! 

So  far  as  the  central  essence  of  this  feeling  goes,  no  healthy 
minded  person,  it  seems  to  me,  can  help  to  some  degree 
partaking  of  it.  Militarism  is  the  great  preserver  of  our 
ideals  of  hardihood,  and  human  life  with  no  use  for  hardihood 
would  be  contemptible.  Without  risks  or  prizes  for  the  darer, 
history  would  be  insipid  indeed ;  and  there  is  a  type  of  mili- 
tary character  which  every  one  feels  that  the  race  should  never 
cease  to  breed,  for  every  one  is  sensitive  to  its  superiority.  .  .  . 

This  natural  sort  of  feeling  forms,  I  think,  the  innermost 
soul  of  army-writings.  Without  any  exception  known  to  me, 
militarist  authors  take  a  highly  mystical  view  of  their  subject 
and  regard  war  as  a  biological  or  sociological  necessity,  un- 
controlled by  ordinary  psychological  necessity.  When  the 
time  of  development  is  ripe  the  war  must  come,  reason  or  no 
reason,  for  the  justifications  pleaded  are  invariably  fictitious. 
War  is,  in  short,  a  permanent  human  obligation.  General 
Homer  Lea,  in  his  recent  book,  "The  Valor  of  Ignorance/' 
plants  himself  squarely  on  this  ground.  Eeadiness  for  war 
is  for  him  the  essence  of  nationality,  and  ability  in  it  the 
supreme  measure  of  the  health  of  nations.  .  .  . 

War,  according  to  S.  R.  Steinmetz,  is  an  ordeal  instituted 
by  God,  who  weighs  the  nations  in  its  balance.  It  is  the 
essential  form  of  the  State,  and  the  only  function  in  which 
peoples  can  employ  all  their  powers  at  once  and  convergently. 
No  victory  is  possible  save  as  the  resultant  of  a  totality  of 
virtues,  no  defeat  for  which  some  vice  or  weakness  is  not 
responsible.  Fidelity,  cohesiveness,  tenacity,  heroism,  con- 
science, education,  inventiveness,  economy,  wealth,  physical 
health  and  vigor — there  isn't  a  moral  or  intellectual  point 
of  superiority  that  doesn't  tell,  when  God  holds  his  assizes 
and  hurls  the  peoples  upon  one  another.  .  .  . 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  153 

The  virtues  that  prevail,  it  must  be  noted,  are  virtues 
anyhow,  superiorities  that  count  in  peaceful  as  well  as  in 
military  competition ;  but  the  strain  on  them,  being  infinitely 
intenser  in  the  latter  case,  makes  war  infinitely  more  search- 
ing as  a  trial.  No  ordeal  is  comparable  to  its  winnowings. 
Its  dread  hammer  is  the  welder  of  men  into  cohesive  states, 
and  nowhere  but  in  such  states  can  human  nature  adequately 
develop  its  capacity,  The  only  alternative  is  "degenera- 
tion." .  .  . 

If  we  speak  of  the  fear  of  emancipation  from  the  fear- 
regime,  we  put,  it  seems  to  me,  the  whole  situation  into  a 
single  phrase;  fear  regarding  ourselves  now  taking  the  place 
of  the  ancient  fear  of  the  enemy. 

Turn  the  fear  over  as  I  will  in  my  mind,  it  all  seems  to 
lead  back  to  two  unwillingnesses  of  the  imagination,  one 
aesthetic  and  the  other  moral :  unwillingness,  first  to  envisage 
a  future  in  which  army  life,  with  its  many  elements  of  charm, 
shall  be  forever  impossible,  and  in  which  the  destinies  of 
peoples  shall  nevermore  be  decided  quickly,  thrillingly,  and 
tragically,  by  force,  but  only  gradually  and  insipidly  by 
"evolution";  and,  secondly,  unwillingness  to  see  the  supreme 
theater  of  human  strenuousness  closed,  and  the  splendid 
military  aptitudes  of  men  doomed  to  keep  always  in  a  state 
of  latency  and  never  show  themselves  in  action.  These 
insistent  unwillingnesses,  no  less  than  other  aesthetic  and 
ethical  insistences  have,  it  seems  to  me,  to  be  listened  to  and 
respected.  One  cannot  meet  them  effectively  by  mere  counter- 
insistency  on  war's  expensiveness  and  horror.  The  horror 
makes  the  thrill;  and  when  the  question  is  of  getting  the 
extremest  and  supremest  out  of  human  nature,  talk  of  ex- 
pense sounds  ignominious.  The  weakness  of  so  much  merely 
negative  criticism  is  evident — pacificism  makes  no  converts 
from  the  military  party.  The  military  party  denies  neither 
the  bestiality,  nor  the  horror,  nor  the  expense;  it  only  says 


154   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

that  things  tell  but  half  the  story.  It  only  says  that  war  is 
worth  them;  that,  taking  human  nature  as  a  whole,  its  wars 
are  its  best  protection  against  its  weaker  and  more  cowardly 
self,  and  that  mankind  cannot  afford  to  adopt  a  peace- 
economy. 

Pacificists  ought  to  enter  more  deeply  into  the  esthetical 
and  ethical  point  of  view  of  their  opponents.  Do  that  first 
in  any  controversy,  says  J.  J.  Chapman,  then  move  the 
point,  and  your  opponent  will  follow.  So  long  as  anti- 
militarists  propose  no  substitute  for  war's  disciplinary  func- 
tion, no  moral  equivalent  of  war,  analogous,  as  one  might 
say,  to  the  mechanical  equivalent  of  heat,  so  long  they  fail  to 
realize  the  full  inwardness  of  the  situation.  And  as  a  rule 
they  do  fail.  The  duties,  penalties,  and  sanctions  pictured 
in  the  utopias  they  paint  are  all  too  weak  and  tame  to  touch 
the  military-minded.  .  .  . 

Having  said  thus  much  in  preparation,  I  will  now  confess 
my  own  utopia.  I  devoutly  believe  in  the  reign  of  peace  and 
in  the  gradual  advent  of  some  sort  of  a  socialistic  equilibrium. 
The  fatalistic  view  of  the  war-function  is  to  me  nonsense, 
for  I  know  that  war-making  is  due  to  definite  motives  and 
subject  to  prudential  checks  and  reasonable  criticism,  just 
like  any  other  form  of  enterprise.  And  when  whole  nations 
are  the  armies,  and  the  science  of  destruction  vies  in  intel- 
lectual refinement  with  the  sciences  of  production,  I  see  that 
war  becomes  absurd  and  impossible  from  its  own  monstrosity. 
Extravagant  ambitions  will  have  to  be  replaced  by  reasonable 
claims,  and  nations  must  make  common  cause  against  them. 
I  see  no  reason  why  all  this  should  not  apply  to  yellow  as 
well  as  to  white  countries,  and  I  look  forward  to  a  future 
when  acts  of  war  shall  be  formally  outlawed  as  between 
civilized  peoples. 

All  these  beliefs  of  mine  put  me  squarely  into  the  anti- 
militarist  party.  But  I  do  not  believe  that  peace  either  ought 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  155 

to  be  or  will  be  permanent  on  this  globe,  unless  the  states 
pacifically  organized  preserve  some  of  the  old  elements  of 
army  discipline.  A  permanently  successful  peace-economy 
cannot  be  a  simple  pleasure-economy.  In  the  more  or  less 
socialistic  future  towards  which  mankind  seems  drifting  we 
must  still  subject  ourselves  collectively  to  those  severities 
which  answer  to  our  real  position  upon  this  only  partly 
hospitable  globe.  We  must  make  new  energies  and  hardi- 
hoods continue  the  manliness  to  which  the  military  mind  so 
faithfully  clings.  Martial  virtues  must  be  the  enduring 
cement;  intrepidity,  contempt  of  softness,  surrender  of 
private  interest,  obedience  to  command,  must  still  remain  the 
rock  upon  which  states  are  built — unless,  indeed,  we  wish  for 
dangerous  reactions  against  commonwealths  fit  only  for  con- 
tempt, and  liable  to  invite  attack  whenever  a  center  of 
crystallization  for  military-minded  enterprise  gets  formed 
anywhere  in  their  neighborhood. 

The  war-party  is  assuredly  right  in  affirming  and  reaffirm- 
ing that  the  martial  virtues,  although  originally  gained  by 
the  race  through  war,  are  absolute  and  permanent  human 
goods.  Patriotic  pride  and  ambition  in  their  military  form 
are,  after  all,  only  specifications  of  a  more  general  competitive 
passion.  They  are  its  first  form,  but  that  is  no  reason  for 
supposing  them  to  be  its  last  form.  Men  now  are  proud 
of  belonging  to  a  conquering  nation,  and  without  a  murmur 
they  lay  down  their  persons  and  their  wealth,  if  by  so  doing 
they  may  fend  off  subjection.  But  who  can  be  sure  that 
other  aspects  of  one's  country  may  not,  with  time  and  educa- 
tion and  suggestion  enough,  come  to  be  regarded  with 
similarly  effective  feelings  of  pride  and  shame  ?  Why  should 
men  not  some  day  feel  that  it  is  worth  a  blood-tax  to  belong 
to  a  collectivity  superior  in  any  ideal  respect?  Why  should 
they  not  blush  with  indignant  shame  if  the  community  that 
owns  them  is  vile  in  any  way  whatsoever  ?  Individuals,  daily 


156   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

more  numerous,  now  feel  this  civic  passion.  It  is  only  a 
question  of  blowing  on  the  spark  until  the  whole  population 
gets  incandescent,  and  on  the  ruins  of  the  old  morals  of 
military  honor  a  stable  system  of  morals  of  civic  honor 
builds  itself  up.  What  the  whole  community  comes  to  believe 
in  grasps  the  individual  as  in  a  vise.  The  war-function  has 
grasped  us  so  far,  but  constructive  interests  may  some  day 
seem  no  less  imperative,  and  impose  on  the  individual  a 
hardly  lighter  burden.  .  .  . 

If  now  there  was,  instead  of  military  conscription,  a 
conscription  of  the  whole  youthful  population  to  form  for  a 
certain  number  of  years  a  part  of  the  army  enlisted  against 
Nature,  the  injustice  would  tend  to  be  evened  out,  and 
numerous  other  goods  to  the  commonwealth  would  follow. 
The  military  ideals  of  hardihood  and  discipline  would  be 
wrought  into  the  growing  fiber  of  the  people;  no  one  would 
remain  blind,  as  the  luxurious  classes  now  are  blind,  to  man's 
real  relations  to  the  globe  he  lives  on,  and  to  the  permanently 
sour  and  hard  foundations  of  his  higher  life.  To  coal  and 
iron  mines,  to  freight  trains,  to  fish  fleets  in  December,  to 
dish-washing,  clothes-washing,  and  window-washing,  to  road- 
building  and  tunnel-making,  to  foundries  and  stoke-holes, 
and  to  the  frames  of  skyscrapers,  would  our  gilded  youths 
be  drafted  off,  according  to  their  choice,  to  get  the  childish- 
ness knocked  out  of  them,  and  to  come  back  into  society  with 
healthier  sympathies  and  soberer  ideas.  They  would  have 
paid  their  blood-tax,  done  their  own  part  in  the  immemorial 
human  warfare  against  nature,  they  would  tread  the  earth 
more  proudly,  the  women  would  value  them  more  highly, 
they  would  be  better  fathers  and  teachers  of  the  following 
generation.  .  .  . 

So  far,  war  has  been  the  only  force  that  can  discipline 
a  whole  community,  and  until  an  equivalent  discipline  is 
organized,  I  believe  the  war  must  have  its  way.  But  I  have 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR       157 

no  serious  doubt  that  the  ordinary  prides  and  shames  of 
social  man,  once  developed  to  a  certain  intensity,  are  capable 
of  organizing  such  a  moral  equivalent  as  I  have  sketched,  or 
some  other  just  as  effective  for  preserving  manliness  of  type. 
It  is  but  a  question  of  time,  of  skillful  propagandism,  and  of 
opinion-making  men  seizing  historic  opportunities. 

The  martial  type  of  character  can  be  bred  without  war. 
Strenuous  honor  and  disinterestedness  abound  elsewhere. 
Priests  and  medical  men  are  in  a  fashion  educated  to  it,  and 
we  should  all  feel  some  degree  of  it  imperative  if  we  were 
conscious  of  our  work  as  an  obligatory  service  to  the  state. 
We  should  be  owned,  as  soldiers  are  by  the  army,  and  our 
pride  would  rise  accordingly.  We  could  be  poor,  then,  with- 
out humiliation,  as  army  officers  now  are.  The  only  thing 
needed  henceforward  is  to  inflame  the  civic  temper  as  past 
history  has  inflamed  the  military  temper.  .  .  . 

The  amount  of  alteration  in  public  opinion  which  my 
utopia  postulates  is  vastly  less  than  the  difference  between 
the  mentality  of  those  black  warriors  who  pursued  Stanley's 
party  on  the  Congo  with  their  cannibal  war-cry  of  "Meat! 
Meat !"  and  that  of  the  "general  staff"  of  any  civilized  nation. 
History  has  seen  the  latter  interval  bridged  over:  the  former 
one  can  be  bridged  over  much  more  easily. 

— WILLIAM  JAMES,  Moral  Equivalents,  pp.  3-20,  in 
The  Documents  of  the  American  Association  for 
International  Conciliation. 

In  Aristophanes'  drama  of  Peace  he  describes  Trygaeus,  a 
rustic  patriot,  weary  of  the  awful  wastes  of  the  Peloponnesian 
war,  mounting  on  the  back  of  a  beetle  into  heaven,  hoping 
there  to  find  the  goddess  of  peace  and  to  invoke  her  service. 
But  he  found  instead  the  fierce  god  of  war,  while  Peace 
was  confined  in  a  dungeon  beneath  the  feet  of  War,  the  lid 
held  down  by  heavy  stones.  The  indomitable  patriot  fastens 


158   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

a  rope  to  the  lid  and  tries  to  rally  a  force  to  lay  hold  of 
the  rope,  uncover  the  dungeon  and  restore  Peace  to  her 
supremacy.  But  the  gods  were  busy  with  other  tasks.  The 
spear-makers  and  the  retailers  of  shields  refused  to  lay  hold 
because  they  looked  for  larger  sales.  Those  who  wished  to 
be  generals  would  not  assist.  The  combatants  fell  to  quarrel- 
ing with  each  other  and  pulled  in  opposite  directions.  Lama- 
chus,  in  full  array,  sought  to  dissuade  those  who  would 
release  Peace.  At  last,  in  his  despair,  he  appealed  to  a  band 
of  husbandmen,  and  these  lusty  toilers  of  the  field,  humble 
men  of  the  soil,  laid  hold  and  the  cover  was  lifted  and  Peace 
was  released  from  her  confinement.  The  city  rejoiced  in  the 
happy  restoration,  but  the  crest-makers,  the  makers  of 
javelins  and  the  sword-cutters  were  sullen  and  silent,  while 
the  sickle-makers  rejoiced  over  the  spear-makers  and  Trygaeus 
cheered  the  farmers,  crying :  "Depart  as  quickly  as  possible  to 
the  fields  with  your  instruments  of  husbandry.  Go  without 
spear  and  sword  and  javelin.  Go  every  one  of  you  to  work 
in  the  field."  Having  sung  the  paean,  the  chorus,  speaking 
for  the  husbandmen,  chants :  "0  day  longed  for  by  the  just, 
with  delight  I  get  to  my  vines.  I  find  my  fig  trees,  which  a 
long  time  ago  I  planted." 

So  must  we  turn  to  the  humble  toilers  of  the  field,  the 
home-makers,  .  .  .  the  mothers  of  men,  the  obscure  men  of 
science,  the  peaceful  men  of  God,  for  that  heroism  that  is 
above  war,  independent  of  its  inspirations,  an  antidote  to  its 
devastations,  an  emancipator  of  its  slaves.  This  higher  hero- 
ism will  enable  even  military  men  to  sleep  untroubled  by  fitful 
dreams  of  invading  enemies  pouncing  upon  our  unsuspecting 
Republic  some  dark  night  from  the  East  or  from  the  West. 
For  he  is  doubly  armed  who  is  armed  with  righteousness. 

— JENKIN  LLOYD  JONES,  Peace,  Not  War,  the  School 
of  Heroism,  Reports  Fourth  American  Peace  Con- 
gress, p.  308. 


PREVENTIVES   OF  WAR,  ARBITRATION 

Peace  rules  the  day  when  reason  rules  the  mind. 

— WILLIAM  COLLINS 

He  shall  speak  peace  unto  the  nations. 

— ZECH.  9 : 10. 

ARBITRATION  A  POSSIBILITY  AND  A  NECESSITY 

The  pacific  methods  of  settling  international  disputes  are 
designed  to  deal  with  legal  differences  and  to  as  great  an 
extent  as  possible  with  political  differences.  Practically  no 
political  difference,  involving  conflict  between  national  policies, 
is  without  its  distinctly  legal  side.  Amicable  methods  include 
negotiations,  good  offices  and  mediation,  commissions  of 
inquiry  and  arbitration.  Of  these  methods,  arbitration  has 
held  public  attention  almost  to  the  exclusion  of  consideration 
of  the  other  methods,  which  are  of  a  less  definite  character. 
Of  the  other  methods  the  commission  of  inquiry  is  capable  of 
very  great  development. 

Negotiation,  the  customary  method  of  adjusting  disputes, 
is  conducted  by  diplomatic  officers,  and  consists  of  verbal  or 
written  exchanges  with  the  object  of  agreement.  Negotiation 
is  ordinarily  conducted  between  two  governments,  and  carried 
on  at  one  or  both  capitals,  as  convenient. 

Good  offices  and  mediation  are  alike  in  character,  but 
differ  in  kind,  the  first  usually  including  a  proffer  of  the 

159 


160   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

latter.  Both  methods  originate  with  a  third  and  disinter- 
ested power.  Secretary  of  State  Hay  described  good  offices 
as  "the  unofficial  advocacy  of  interests  which  the  agent  [the 
third  power]  may  properly  represent,  but  which  it  may  not 
be  convenient  to  present  and  discuss  on  a  full  diplomatic 
footing";  and  "it  is  allied  to  arbitral  intermediation  as  an 
impartial  adviser  of  both  parties."  Mediation  is  a  step  fur- 
ther, and  gives  the  third  power  the  right  to  become  a  quasi- 
negotiator,  but  solely  in  the  interest  of  a  settlement  satisfac- 
tory to  the  two  principals. 

The  commission  of  inquiry  is  extra-diplomatic,  and  its 
function  is  to  determine  facts  about  which  the  disputants 
differ  or  are  in  doubt. 

Arbitration  is  now  a  legal  method,  and  "has  for  its  object 
the  settlement  of  disputes  between  states  by  judges  of  their 
own  choice  and  on  the  basis  of  respect  for  law."  An  arbitral 
court  at  present  has  a  competence  for  both  law  and  equity, 
which  does  not  exist  as  such  in  international  legal  relations. 
Compromise  in  the  interest  of  even-handed  justice  may  there- 
fore be  resorted  to,  but  will  decrease  as  international  law  and 
decisions  cover  more  detailed  matters. 

— DENYS  P.  MYERS,  The  Commission  of  Inquiry, 
p.  1,  World  Peace  Foundation. 

There  are  no  international  controversies  so  serious  that  they 
cannot  be  settled  peaceably  if  both  parties  really  desire  peace- 
able settlement;  while  there  are  few  causes  of  dispute  so 
trifling  that  they  cannot  be  made  the  occasion  of  war  if  either 
party  really  desires  war.  The  matters  in  dispute  between 
nations  are  nothing;  the  spirit  which  deals  with  them  is 
everything.  .  .  . 

The  review  which  I  have  made  has  shown  that  all  the 
foreign  wars  in  which  we  have  engaged  were  brought  on  by 
our  own  precipitate  action,  that  they  were  not  inevitable, 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  161 

and  that  they  might  have  been  avoided  by  the  exercise  of 
prudence  and  conciliation.  It  also  shows  that  it  has  been 
possible  for  us  to  live  in  peace  with  our  nearest  neighbor, 
with  which  we  have  the  most  extensive  and  intimate  relations, 
the  most  perplexing  and  troublesome  questions.  Our  history 
also  shows  that  during  our  whole  life  as  an  independent 
nation  no  country  has  shown  toward  us  a  spirit  of  aggression 
or  a  disposition  to  invade  our  territory.  If  such  is  the  case, 
is  it  not  time  that  every  true  patriot,  every  lover  of  his 
country  and  of  its  fair  fame  in  the  world,  every  friend  of 
humanity,  should  strive  to  curb  the  spirit  of  aggression  and 
military  glory  among  our  people  and  seek  to  create  an  earnest 
sentiment  against  all  war? 

— JOHN  W.  FOSTER,  War  Not  Inevitable,  Extracts 
from  pp.  9-15. 

I  can  conceive  but  one  thing  which  will  really  affect  the 
military  and  naval  expenditure  of  the  world  on  the  wholesale 
scale  on  which  it  must  be  affected  if  there  is  to  be  a  real  and 
sure  relief.  You  will  not  get  it  until  nations  do  what  indi- 
viduals have  done — come  to  regard  an  appeal  to  the  law  as  the 
natural  course  for  nations  instead  of  an  appeal  to  force. 

— SIR  EDWARD  GREY. 

In  his  address  to  the  American  Peace  and  Arbitration 
League  of  New  York,  on  the  22A  of  March,  1910,  Mr.  Taft 
said: 

"Personally  I  do  not  see  any  more  reason  why  matters  of 
national  honor  should  not  be  referred  to  a  court  of  arbitra- 
tion than  matters  of  property  or  matters  of  national  pro- 
prietorship. I  know  that  is  going  further  than  most  men  are 
willing  to  go;  but  I  do  not  see  why  questions  of  honor  may 
not  be  submitted  to  a  tribunal  supposed  to  be  composed  of 
men  of  honor,  who  understand  questions  of  national  honor, 


162   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

and  then  abide  by  their  decisions,  as  well  as  any  other  ques- 
tion of  difference  arising  between  nations." 

— Quoted  in  Documents  of  The  American  Association 
for  International  Conciliation,  1911,  p.  6. 

Grotius,  in  his  great  work,  De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pads,  says  of 
Arbitration:  "Christian  kings  and  States  are  bound,  above 
all  others,  to  adopt  this  expedient  to  prevent  war.  There- 
fore, it  would  be  useful,  and  in  some  sort  necessary,  that  the 
Christian  powers  should  appoint  some  body  in  which  the 
disputes  of  any  State  might  be  settled  by  the  judgment  of 
the  others  which  are  not  interested." 

On  looking  at  all  the  wars  which  have  been  carried  on 
during  the  last  century,  and  examining  into  the  causes  of 
them,  /  do  not  see  one  of  these  wars  in  which,  if  there  had 
been  proper  temper  between  the  parties,  the  questions  in 
dispute  might  not  have  been  settled  without  recourse  to 
arms.  — LORD  RUSSELL. 

It  is  certain  that  if  the  good  people  of  all  parties  and 
creeds,  sinking  for  the  time  other  political  questions  when- 
ever the  issue  of  war  arises,  were  to  demand  arbitration,  no 
government  dare  refuse.  They  have  it  in  their  power  in  every 
emergency  to  save  their  country  from  war  and  insure  un- 
broken peace. 

If  in  every  constituency  there  were  organized  an  Arbitra- 
tion League,  consisting  of  members  who  agree  that  arbitra- 
tion of  international  disputes  must  be  offered,  or  accepted  by 
the  government  if  offered  by  the  adversary,  pledging  them- 
selves to  vote  in  support  of,  or  in  opposition  to,  political 
parties  according  to  their  action  upon  this  question,  it  is  sur- 
prising how  soon  both  parties  would  accept  arbitration  as  a 
policy.  I  know  of  no  work  that  would  prove  more  fruitful 


PREVENTIVES  OP  WAR  163 

for  your  country  and  for  the  world  than  this.    It  is  by  con- 
centrating upon  one  issue  that  great  causes  are  won. 

— ANDREW  CARNEGIE,  A  League  of  Peace,  p.  41,  in 
Documents  of  The  American  Association  for  In- 
ternational Conciliation,  1907-8. 

Men  will  not  fight  if  they  have  time  to  grow  cool.  Nations 
will  not  fight  if  they  have  time  to  think.  The  penalties  and 
degradations  of  war  are  too  great,  the  agonies  of  the  weak  and 
helpless,  the  aged  and  other  noncombatants,  are  too  horrible, 
the  waste  of  wealth,  the  destruction  of  industry  and  commerce, 
are  too  vast  to  be  endured  when  there  is  a  way  to  peace.  I  am 
in  favor  of  the  general  arbitration  treaty  principle,  and  I  in- 
dorse the  idea  of  the  new  treaties  with  Great  Britain  and 
France  because  I  believe  that  questions  which  might  otherwise 
result  in  war  should  be  first  taken  away  from  the  influence  of 
party  politics  and  considered  seriously  in  the  calm,  neutral 
air  of  some  impartial  tribunal,  whose  findings  must  at  least 
morally  bind  the  contending  nations  to  submit  to  international 
arbitration  all  questions  which  may  be  found  solvable  accord- 
ing to  principles  of  law  and  equity.  The  world's  greatest  need 
is  a  breakwater  against  temporary  passions.  War  is  too  hor- 
rible to  be  entered  upon  in  cold  blood  and  with  deliberation 
when  there  is  any  other  possible  way  to  settle  the  question  in 
dispute.  — JAMES  CARDINAL  GIBBONS,  The  Advantages  of 
Arbitration,  pp.  15,  16. 

SUCCESSFUL  ARBITRATION 

The  four  hundred  and  fifty  disputes  successfully  arbitrated 
in  the  past  century  challenge  with  trumpet-tongued  eloquence 
the  support  of  all  men  for  reason's  peaceful  rule.  To-day 
no  discussion  is  needed  to  show  that  if  war  is  to  be  abolished, 
if  navies  are  to  dwindle  and  armies  diminish,  if  there  is  to 
be  a  federation  of  the  world,  it  must  come  through  treaties  of 


164   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

arbitration.  In  this  way  alone  lies  peace ;  yet  in  this  way  lies 
the  present  great  barrier  to  further  progress — the  conception 
which  many  nations,  especially  the  United  States,  hold  of 
"national  honor  and  vital  interests."  The  reservation  from 
arbitration  of  so-called  matters  of  national  honor  and  vital 
interests  constitutes  the  weak  link  in  every  existing  arbitra- 
tion treaty  between  the  great  powers  of  the  world.  This 
reservation  furnishes  the  big-navy  men  all  the  argument  they 
need.  It  destroys  the  binding  power  of  the  treaties  by  allow- 
ing either  party  to  any  dispute  to  refuse  arbitration. 

— KUSSELL  WEISMAN,  National  Honor  and  Vital 
Interests,  p.  7. 

The  first  Hague  Conference  was  the  nearest  approach  the 
world  has  ever  seen  to  a  common  legislative  assembly  for  all 
the  nations.  The  facilities  and  machinery  it  provided  for 
arbitration  have  had  incalculable  results,  and  every  new  pre- 
cedent for  this  peaceful  method  of  settling  international 
quarrels  strengthens  the  chain  by  tending  to  develop  the  habit 
of  looking  to  arbitration  as  the  natural  alternative  of  war. 
From  first  to  last,  something  like  a  thousand  disputes  between 
historic  nations  have  been  peacefully  adjusted. 

— SIR  CHARLES  FITZPATRICK,  International  Arbitra- 
tion, p.  10,  in  Documents  of  The  American  Asso- 
ciation for  International  Conciliation,  1911. 

At  this  first  Hague  Conference,  only  twenty-six  Powers 
were  represented;  at  the  second,  in  1907,  the  represented 
Powers  were  forty-four,  including  practically  the  civilized 
world.  The  working  of  the  law  of  acceleration,  in  this  leap 
in  the  number  of  represented  States  from  twenty-six  to  forty- 
four  in  eight  years,  is  similarly  prominent  in  the  rapidly 
growing  acceptance  of  the  Arbitration  principle  as  a  mode  of 
settling  national  disputes.  Dividing  the  eighty  years  from 
1820  to  1900  into  four  periods  of  twenty  years  each,  the 


PREVENTIVES  OP  WAR  165 

number  of  cases  submitted  and  decided  stands  as  follows: 
34  only  in  the  first  period  of  twenty  years;  63  in  the  second; 
115  in  the  third;  and  in  the  last  period,  187. 

— WILLIAM  LEIGHTON  GRANE,  The  Passing  of  War, 
Extracts  from  pp.  184,  185.    (Macmillan,  Pub.) 

Just  as  soon  as  you  and  I,  in  whose  hands  the  final 
decision  for  or  against  war  must  ever  rest,  express  through 
the  force  of  an  irresistible  public  opinion  the  doctrine  that 
our  conception  of  national  honor  demands  the  arbitration  of 
every  dispute,  just  so  soon  will  our  legislators  free  them- 
selves from  financial  dictators  and  liberate  the  country  from 
the  dominance  of  a  false  conception  of  national  honor. 

Do  you  say  this  ideal  is  impractical?  History  proves  that 
questions  of  the  utmost  importance  can  be  peacefully  settled 
without  the  loss  of  honor.  The  Casa  Blanca  dispute  between 
France  and  Germany,  the  Venezuela  question,  the  North 
Atlantic  Fisheries  case,  the  Alabama  claims — these  are  proof 
indisputable  that  questions  of  honor  may  be  successfully 
arbitrated.  "Does  not  this  magnificent  achievement,"  says 
Carl  Schurz  of  the  Alabama  settlement,  "form  one  of  the 
most  glorious  pages  of  the  common  history  of  England  and 
America?  Truly,  the  two  great  nations  that  accomplish  this 
need  not  be  afraid  of  unadjustable  questions  of  honor  in  the 
future."  — Louis  BROIDO,  National  Honor  and  Peace,  p.  5. 

International  Arbitration  is  the  only  means  by  which  we 
can  accomplish  our  aim,  and  all  fervent  advocates,  from  the 
Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  from  one  end  of  the  world  to  the 
other,  should  unite  for  this  one  purpose. 

But  not  alone  do  European  and  American  States  resort  to 
Arbitration;  for  in  1876  Persia  and  Afghanistan  referred 
their  differences  to  Arbitration,  and  again  in  1879  China  and 
Japan  did  the  same. 


166   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

International  Arbitration  is,  for  the  moment,  the  only 
possible  means  to  avoid  deadly  conflicts. 

It  has  already  given  a  splendid  showing  lately  in  prevent- 
ing conflicts,  not  only  among  civilized  nations,  but  in  some 
cases  also  among  people  called  barbarous. 

The  first  arbitration  of  the  modern  period  took  place  in 
1794,  between  England  and  the  United  States,  and  it  was 
decided  by  three  members  named  by  each  of  the  two  nations. 
Five  other  controversies  have  taken  place  between  the  above 
mentioned  nations  since  1871,  and  every  one  has  been  decided 
by  means  of  Arbitration. 

— SIR  VICTOR  TEGGIO,  in  Eeport  of  Fifth  Universal 
Peace  Congress,  pp.  112,  113. 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  ARBITRATION 

As  men  have  risen  to  higher  ideals  of  honor  in  their  relations 
with  one  another,  so  nations  have  risen  to  a  higher  standard 
in  international  affairs.  Centuries  ago  tyrants  ruled  and 
waged  war  on  any  pretext;  now  before  rulers  rush  to  arms, 
they  stop  to  count  the  cost.  Nations  once  thought  it  honor- 
able to  use  poisoned  bullets  and  similar  means  of  destruction ; 
a  growing  humanitarian!  sm  has  compelled  them  to  abandon 
such  practices.  At  one  time  captives  were  killed  outright; 
there  was  a  higher  conception  of  honor  when  they  were 
forced  into  slavery;  now  the  quickening  sense  of  universal 
sympathy  compels  belligerent  nations  to  treat  prisoners  of 
war  humanely  and  to  exchange  them  at  the  close  of  the  con- 
flict. At  one  time  neutrals  were  not  protected;  now  their 
rights  are  generally  recognized. 

— Louis  BROIDO,  National  Honor  and  Peace,  p.  4. 

After  Christian  missions,  the  most  prophetic  and  splendid 
fact  in  modern  history  is  The  Hague  Conference;  and  next 
to  it,  perhaps,  is  the  Pan-American  Alliance. 

— AMORY  H.  BRADFORD. 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  167 

The  idea  of  international  cooperation  as  a  means  of  lessen- 
ing the  dangers  and  mitigating  the  brutalities  of  warfare, 
of  improving  the  laws  and  customs  that  regulate  international 
intercourse,  and  finally  of  reducing  the  awful  and  ever-grow- 
ing burden  of  competitive  armament  is  not  new.  Dante 
dreamed  of  a  model  emperor  under  whose  wise  control  all 
nations  would  dwell  in  peace.  Marsilio  of  Padua  thought  of 
a  universal  democratic  church,  whose  ecumenical  councils 
might  reflect  a  republican  union  of  states.  Erasmus  mar- 
veled how  Christians,  "members  of  one  body,  fed  by  the  same 
sacraments,  attached  to  the  same  Head,  called  to  the  same 
immortality,  hoping  for  the  same  communion  with  Christ, 
could  allow  anything  in  the  world  to  provoke  them  to  war." 
Disputes  between  nations,  as  between  individuals,  there  must 
be ;  but  why  should  not  all  parties  agree  to  submit  to  the  old 
Eoman  arbitrament  of  good  men  ?  And  might  not  a  general 
peace  be  brought  about  in  the  Christian  world  by  agreement 
between  the  rulers  under  the  hegemony  of  Pope  and  Em- 
peror? The  dreadful  wars  of  the  Eeformation  converted  at 
least  one  calculating  statesman  into  an  idealist.  The  Grand 
Design  of  Henry  the  Fourth  sprang,  in  all  probability,  from 
the  brain  of  Sully,  in  whose  Memoirs  it  stands  recorded,  an 
imperishable  monument  of  political  sagacity.  A  treaty  "done 
at  The  Hague,"  between  Henry  of  Navarre,  Elizabeth,  and  the 
Dutch  Eepublic,  was  clearly  intended  to  pave  the  way  for 
this  great  League  of  Peace.  Twenty-two  years  later  Hugo 
Grotius  was  imprisoned  in  the  Dutch  capital,  and  afterward, 
taking  refuge  in  France,  prepared  and  published  his  immortal 
work  on  the  Law  of  War  and  Peace. 

— FRANCIS  W.  HIRST,  American  Association  for  In- 
ternational Conciliation,  1909,  Extracts  from 
pp.  3,  4. 

The  movement  has  a  purely  human  and  rational  side,  so 


168   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

that  even  among  pagan  nations  and  before  the  Christian  era 
cases  of  this  mode  of  settling  disputes  are  recorded,  and  many 
others  doubtless  occurred  which  have  passed  into  oblivion. 
The  madness  and  insanity  of  war  did  not  always  prevail. 
There  were  lucid  moments  when  the  real  human  nature 
temporarily  asserted  itself.  Two  sons  of  Darius  settled  the 
question  of  the  succession  to  the  throne  by  arbitration.  Cyrus 
sought  the  good  offices  of  a  Prince  of  India  to  end  a  dispute 
between  him  and  the  king  of  Assyria.  In  the  Greek  civiliza- 
tion, where  the  state  was  everything  and  love  of  country  an 
all-absorbing  passion,  cases  of  arbitration  between  Greek  and 
Greek  were  not  infrequent,  though  no  Greek  state  seems  ever 
to  have  arbitrated  with  a  foreign  country.  In  these  the 
Amphictyonic  Councils,  famous  sages,  victors  in  the  games 
and  especially  the  Oracle  at  Delphi  were  the  arbitrators.  The 
system  of  law  and  of  law  courts,  in  which  the  citizens  of  a 
country  determine  their  questions  by  a  forced  litigation  under 
the  power  of  the  civil  authorities,  has  its  root  in  practically 
the  same  principles  as  arbitration.  In  the  Roman  empire 
this  system  prevailed,  and  the  simpler  method  of  voluntary 
arbitration  was  not  much  known. 

When  Christianity  came  with  its  doctrine  of  love  and 
human  brotherhood,  arbitration  became  a  frequent  and  prob- 
ably the  usual  method  by  which  difficulties  between  individual 
Christians  were  settled.  The  reader  will  remember  Paul's 
passionate  appeal  to  the  Corinthians  in  behalf  of  this  simple 
Christian  method  as  against  the  forced  and  selfish  litigation 
in  the  law  courts. 

In  later  times  the  bishops'  trials  became  a  fixed  institution 
among  Christians.  .  .  . 

What  was  found  so  useful  and  practicable  among  indi- 
viduals was  naturally  seen  to  be  just  as  capable  of  successful 
application  to  groups  and  communities  of  men  and  it  began 
early  to  be  so  applied.  Private  war,  the  great  curse  of  the 


PREVENTIVES  OP  WAR  169 

middle  ages,  was  banished  from  European  society  only  after 
the  application  to  it  of  private  arbitration  and  arbitration 
courts.  Feudalism  had  spread  this  evil  everywhere.  Chal- 
lenges to  battle  were  made  for  the  most  trivial  and  absurd 
causes.  A  state  of  almost  utter  lawlessness  came  to  prevail, 
and  strife  and  bloodshed  were  perpetual.  Eeligious  senti- 
ment was  invoked  against  the  evil.  The  clergy  preached 
peace.  Men  went  from  village  to  village  proclaiming  it  in 
the  name  of  Christ.  Great  councils  were  held  to  promote  it. 
The  popes  sent  out  encyclicals  in  its  behelf .  The  "Peace  of 
God"  was  proclaimed,  and  certain  days,  places,  and  callings 
were  placed  under  the  protection  of  its  sheltering  wing. 
Eeligious  fraternities  or  peace  associations  to  reconcile  enemies 
were  formed.  Pledges  of  peace  were  administered  to  the 
fierce  barons  over  holy  relics.  But  the  tide  of  hatred  and  of 
blood  surged  on.  Finally,  as  a  last  remedy,  when  all  the 
efforts  put  forth  for  nearly  two  centuries  against  the  evil 
seemed  about  to  end  in  failure,  courts  of  arbitration  were 
formed  by  the  barons,  the  nobles,  the  bishops  and  the  cities, 
and  for  two  centuries  and  more  were  applied  from  time  to 
time  to  the  settlement  of  the  almost  endless  misunderstand- 
ings and  quarrels  of  the  time.  In  this  way  private  war  was 
ultimately  banished  from  society. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  to  the  opening  of  the 
nineteenth  century  we  have  the  great  war  movements  of 
nationalties — aggression,  bloodshed,  and  desolation  on  a 
colossal  scale.  The  feudal  lords  are  replaced  by  kings  and 
emperors  in  whom  the  old  feudal  spirit  still  lives.  ...  "I 
saw,"  said  Grotius,  writing  at  this  time,  "throughout  all 
Christendom  a  readiness  to  make  war  which  would  cause  the 
very  barbarians  to  blush  for  shame."  .  .  .  This  long,  gloomy 
period  of  international  aggression  and  crime  reached  its  cul- 
mination at  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century  in  the 
Napoleonic  campaigns  which  ended  at  Waterloo.  Then  a 


170   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

reaction  came.  The  common  conscience  began  to  revolt  at 
the  sight  of  human  beings  forever  devouring  one  another  and 
of  selfish,  haughty  sovereigns  treading  down  and  destroying 
all  the  most  sacred  rights  and  interests  of  men. 

The  first  steps  of  this  revolt  had  been  taken  in  the  seven- 
teenth century.  Christian  conviction  had  become  such  and 
Christian  principles  had  so  influenced  thought  that  the  war 
system  began  to  be  attacked  at  its  very  roots.  It  was  de- 
clared to  be  both  unchristian  and  unreasonable.  Hugo 
Grotius,  the  great  Dutch  jurist  and  theologian,  who  laid  the 
foundations  of  the  modern  juridic  movement  against  war, 
attacked  it  particularly  on  the  latter  ground.  He  declared 
that  war  was  a  cruel  and  unsatisfactory  method,  that  its 
horrors  should  be  mitigated  and  that  arbitration  should  be 
substituted  for  it  as  far  as  practicable  in  the  settlement  of 
difficulties.  He  expounded  his  doctrine  with  so  much  erudi- 
tion and  force  that  he  deeply  affected  the  thought  of  Europe, 
and  laid  the  foundation  of  international  law.  Publicists 
took  up  the  problem  which  he  had  raised.  The  law  of  nations 
was  unfolded  and  emphasized.  Projects  for  universal  peace 
were  drawn  up.  .  .  . 

Soon  after  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  move- 
ment against  war  took  on  an  organized  and  definitive  form. 
This  organized  movement  growing  out  of  these  historic 
preparations  and  coming  as  a  revolt  against  the  bloody  regime 
of  the  three  preceding  centuries,  followed  two  lines  of  develop- 
ment, one  sentimental,  the  other  juridic.  The  sentimental, 
or  that  for  the  awakening  and  education  of  public  sentiment 
against  war,  manifested  itself  during  the  nineteenth  century 
in  the  organization  of  peace  societies,  in  sermons  and  public 
lectures,  in  literary  productions,  through  the  press,  through 
international  congresses  and  conferences,  through  public 
manifestoes  and  memorials  to  governments;  the  juridic,  or 
that  for  the  creation  of  legal  remedies  for  war,  expressed 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  171 

itself  in  improved  diplomacy,  in  attempts  to  reform  inter- 
national law,  in  arbitration,  and  in  efforts  for  the  establishing 
of  permanent  treaties  of  arbitration  and  a  permanent  inter- 
national tribunal.  These  two  lines  of  movement,  one  of 
which  is  just  as  important  as  the  other,  have  been  interlaced 
at  every  stage  and  have  grown  strong  together.  The  culmina- 
tion of  the  arbitration  side  of  the  movement  in  actual  practice 
during  the  last  decade  and  a  half  has  been  very  remarkable, 
as  is  now  well  known.  .  .  . 

The  crowning  event  of  the  nineteenth  century  in  the  matter 
of  arbitration,  an  event  which  grew  out  of  the  whole  work 
of  the  century,  was  the  establishment,  at  its  close,  of  the 
Permanent  International  Court  at  The  Hague.  Such  a  court 
of  arbitration  had  been  advocated  from  the  second  decade  of 
the  century  by  the  Peace  Societies,  and  later  by  the  Inter- 
national Law  Association,  the  Peace  Congresses,  the  Inter- 
parliamentary Union,  national  and  local  bar  associations, 
special  arbitration  conferences,  church  assemblies,  women's 
organizations,  etc.  .  .  . 

The  second  Hague  Conference  cast  its  vote  unanimously  for 
the  creation  of  a  regular  international  court  of  justice  with 
judges  always  in  service  and  holding  regular  sessions.     It 
failed  to  find  a  method  of  appointing  the  judges  which  would 
be  satisfactory  alike  to  the  great  and  the  small  powers,  but 
this  difficulty  will  undoubtedly  be  surmounted  in  ...  time. 
— BENJAMIN   F.   TRUEBLOOD,  International  Arbitra- 
tion at  the  Opening  of  the  Twentieth  Century, 
Extracts  from  pp.  4-21,  in  Publications  of  The 
American  Peace  Society. 

During  the  last  ten  years  we  have  to  record,  besides  the 
expansion  of  the  commonwealth  of  international  law  and  the 
establishment  of  certain  important  associations,  the  profound 
modification  that  the  commonwealth  of  law  has  undergone  in 


172   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

its  juristic  structure.  This  transformation  consists  in  the 
fact  that  the  commonwealth  has  converted  itself  into  a  union 
of  organized  States.  The  great  commonwealth  has  become  a 
world-wide  union  of  States.  This  is  a  result  of  the  Hague 
Conferences,  of  which  the  importance  to  civilization  is  not 
sufficiently  recognized.  It  is  the  dawn  of  a  new  era  of  a 
world-wide  confederation  of  States.  There  was  a  time  when 
the  Caesars  of  Rome,  from  one  center,  dominated  the  whole  of 
the  known  world,  and  the  great  powers  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
the  Empire  and  the  Papacy,  endeavored  to  restore  this  uni- 
versal monarchic  domination.  Then  the  universal  monarchy 
of  the  Middle  Ages  dissolved  into  an  aggregation  of  Western 
States.  In  our  time  these  States,  augmented  by  those  of  the 
Far  East  and  of  parts  of  the  world  that  were  unknown  to  the 
Romans,  are  forming  one  great  whole. 

The  importance  of  the  first  Hague  Conference  does  not 
consist  in  the  codification  of  the  laws  of  continental  warfare, 
which  was  accomplished  there,  but  in  the  establishment  of 
the  Court  of  Arbitration.  The  States  which  participated  in 
the  first  Hague  Conference — among  which  the  Asiatic  States, 
China,  Japan,  Persia,  and  Siam  were  included  from  the  out- 
set— really  organized  themselves  into  a  "Confederation  of 
States,"  when  they  created  a  common  instrument  for  main- 
taining peace  in  the  commonwealth  of  international  law.  It 
matters  little  whether  or  no  this  title  was  immediately  given 
to  the  new  creation ;  in  view  of  more  timid  minds  it  is  as  well 
that  this  was  not  done.  But,  as  jurists,  we  are  wont  to  speak 
of  an  association  of  States  wherever  we  have  a  plurality  of 
States  with  certain  organs  in  common.  In  erecting  a  com- 
mon tribunal,  the  civilized  world  created  at  the  same  time  a 
union  of  international  law,  controlling  the  commonwealth  of 
international  public  law.  Although  in  reality  the  permanent 
Court  of  Arbitration  as  yet  consists  only  of  a  list  of  names 
from  which  the  contending  parties  must  choose  their  judges 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  173 

for  each  dispute,  there  is  nevertheless  an  international  office 
and  commission,  entitled  the  Council  of  Administration,  just 
as  in  the  case  of  particular  associations  under  the  law  of 
nations.  A  periodical  international  Conference  was  not  con- 
templated at  first,  but  it  has  been  found  necessary  for  nearly 
all  the  unions  of  international  law,  as  well  as  for  the  general 
Union  of  States.  The  first  Hague  Conference  (1899)  was 
followed  by  a  second  in  1907.  The  latter  did  not  break  up 
without  expressing  a  hope  of  meeting  again  not  later  than 
1915,  and  of  making  about  two  years'  preparation  for  this 
third  Conference.  Thus  the  periodical  character  of  the  Hague 
Conferences  is  secured  in  fact,  if  not  in  law,  and  they  will  be, 
as  in  the  case  of  special  associations,  the  principal  organ  of 
the  Union  of  States.  In  comparison  with  this  completing  of 
the  commonwealth  of  international  law  by  the  association  of 
States,  the  other  achievements  of  the  first  Hague  Conference 
are  of  secondary  importance.  The  fact  that  in  neither  Con- 
ference was  any  practical  measure  taken  in  regard  to  the 
limitation  of  armaments  does  not  diminish  the  service  done 
in  the  direction  of  codifying  international  law. 

— DR.  WALTER  SCHUCKING,  International  Law  Treaties, 
Conferences,  and  The  Hague  Tribunal,  in  Papers 
on  Inter-Eacial  Problems,  Extracts  from  pp.  393, 
394. 

SYLLABUS  ON  THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF 
INTERNATIONAL   ARBITRATION 

A.     Ancient  period. 

1.  Oriental  states:  Arbitration  had  no  place  in  an  age 

when  some  one  state  must  be  supreme  and  all 
others  subject. 

2.  Greece:  Arbitration  well  known.     About  75  cases 

recorded. 


174       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

3.  Borne :  Arbitration  known,  but  the  extension  of  the 

Empire  tended  to  bring  it  into  disuse. 
Three  classes  of  arbitration: 
International,  federal,  administrative. 

B.  Medieval  period.     Not  a  feature  of  the  Middle  Ages, 

though  many  differences  were  settled  by  means  of 
arbitration. 

1.  Arbiters:  Pope,  emperor,  various  potentates,  cities. 

2.  Cases  of  arbitral  settlement  in  the  Middle  Ages  are 

numerous,  but  relatively  unimportant. 

C.  Modern  period. 

1.  Early  advocates  of  arbitration. 
Christ:  The  Prince  of  Peace. 

Peace  of  God  and  Truce  of  God  in  the  Early  Ages 
an  attempt  to  put  some  limit  upon  perennial  war. 
Eeligious  denominations. 

The  Mennonites  (beginning  about  1545). 
The  Quakers  or  Friends. 

George  Fox  (1621-1697). 
Individual  Peace  Advocates. 

Pierre  Du  Bois  (circa  1300). 

Henry  IV.  of  France  (1589-1610). 

Emeric  Cruce  (1590-1648). 

William  Perm  (1644-1718). 

Abbe  de  Saint-Pierre  (1658-1743). 

J.  J.  Rousseau  (1712-1778). 

Benjamin  Franklin  (1706-1790). 

Immanuel  Kant  (1724-1804). 

2.  Early  treaties  involving  the  principle  of  arbitration 

(1606-1697). 

Jay  Treaty:  United  States  and  England,  1794. 
Usually  regarded  as  the  first  modern  treaty  of 
arbitration. 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  175 

3.  The  acceptance  of  arbitration  by  legislative  bodies. 

The  United  States  played  a  leading  role.  (1835- 
1888). 

France,  first  in  Europe.    1849. 

England,  in  1849.  Bill  favoring  arbitration  de- 
feated by  Commons  after  violent  debate. 

In  1873  Commons  approved  arbitration. 

The  Netherlands,  Italy,  Sweden,  Denmark,  Bel- 
gium, all  adopted  arbitration  measures  between 
1873  and  1878. 

The  establishment  of  the  Interparliamentary  Union, 
(1889),  and  the  initial  success  of  the  Pan- 
American  movement,  practically  saw  the  triumph 
of  the  principle  of  arbitration  of  international 
differences.  Since  that  time  the  question  has 
been  what  the  scope  of  arbitration  shall  be. 

— EDWARD  BENJAMIN  KREHBIEL. 

One  class  of  questions  which  has  proved  for  many  years 
highly  susceptible  of  arbitration  is  that  of  boundary  disputes. 
Controversies  over  boundaries  are  difficult  of  direct  negotia- 
tion because  they  seem  to  involve  national  "honor"  and  pres- 
tige, and  they  have,  in  the  past,  often  threatened  and  some- 
times actually  caused  war.    Each  side  holds  out  strongly  for 
its  own  interpretation  of  the  evidence  to  the  title.    And  yet 
it  is  often  merely  a  matter  of  historical  research  (that  is,  a 
question  of  fact),  or  a  question  of  the  meaning  of  a  treaty 
(that  is,  a  question  of  law)  to  determine  the  boundary  line. 
— KANDOLPH  S.  BOURNE,  in  Documents  of  The  Ameri- 
can  Association   for   International   Conciliation, 
1913,  Extracts  from  p.  6. 

The  idea  of  International  Arbitration  as  a  means  of  settling 
differences  between  states  and  of  averting  wars  is  rooted 


176       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

deeper  in  the  social  conscience  of  Englishmen  and  Americans 
than  in  other  nations.  And  that,  doubtless,  because  in  Eng- 
land and  America  it  is  not  only  the  product  of  utilitarian  con- 
siderations but  the  postulate  of  religious  convictions.  Only 
a  few  weeks  ago  Carnegie  declared  that,  ruinous  as  may  be 
the  costs  of  a  war,  they  are  "nothing  in  comparison  to  its 
iniquity."  The  widespread  "Society  of  Friends"  or  Quakers, 
especially,  have  not  wearied  for  more  than  a  century  in  their 
efforts  against  war  and  in  behalf  of  conciliation,  but  indeed 
all  other  religious  bodies  in  England,  Scotland,  the  United 
States,  and  Canada  participate  with  the  fullest  zeal  in  the 
agitation  for  International  Arbitration — and  with  them 
naturally  (as  is  peculiarly  interesting  to  us  Austrians)  the 
Catholic  Church.  Just  as  in  England  Cardinal  Vaughan 
took  a  particularly  ardent  stand  beside  Gladstone  and  Rose- 
bery  in  favor  of  arbitrating  the  controversy  with  the  United 
States  in  the  Venezuela  crisis  of  1895-6,  so  in  America  it  was 
again  Cardinal  Gibbons  who  repeatedly  urged  the  conciliation 
of  international  disagreements,  most  notably  on  the  occasion 
of  the  meeting  of  the  National  Arbitration  Committee  at 
Washington  in  1896. 

— HEINRICH  LAMMASCH,  in  Documents  of  The  Ameri- 
can Association  for  International  Conciliation, 
1911,  Extract  from  p.  4. 

i 

It  is  in  the  changes  effected  in  men's  feelings  respecting 
what  is  morally  permissible  in  warfare  that  is  to  be  observed 
the  most  encouraging  progress  in  international  ethics  in 
modern  times.  This  progressive  clarification  of  the  moral 
consciousness  may  be  distinctly  traced  from  the  close  of  the 
Thirty  Years'  War  in  Germany.  In  no  period  of  Christian 
history  had  war  been  waged  with  greater  ferocity  or  with 
greater  contempt  of  moral  rules  than  during  the  so-called 
religious  wars  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries. 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  177 

What  little  gains  had  been  made  in  the  humanization  of  war 
during  preceding  eras  seem  to  have  been  lost. 

This  barbarizing  of  war,  however,  produced,  as  all  retro- 
gression in  morality  does  if  the  moral  life  is  still  on  the  whole 
virile  and  sound,  a  reaction  which  found  expression  in  the 
epoch-making  work,  De  Jure  Belli  ac  Pacts,  by  the  distin- 
guished Dutch  jurist  Hugo  Grotius.  .  .  . 

The  influence  of  the  work  of  Grotius  was  profound  and 
widespread.  From  the  time  of  its  appearance  dates  a  new 
departure  in  the  humanization  of  war  and  a  fresh  moral 
advance  in  international  law.  "His  ideals,"  says  Dr.  Andrew 
D.  White,  "found  their  way  into  current  discussion,  into 
systems  of  law,  into  treaties;  and  as  generations  rolled  by, 
the  world  began  to  find  itself,  it  hardly  knew  how,  less  and 
less  cruel,  until  men  looked  back  on  war  as  practiced  in  his 
time  as  upon  a  hideous  dream — doubtless  much  as  men  in 
future  generations  will  look  back  upon  the  wars  of  our  times." 

— Extracts  from  pp.  375,  376,  History  as  Past  Ethics,  by 
PHILIP  VAN  NESS  MYERS  ;  by  permission  of  Ginn  and 
Company,  Publishers. 

When  arbitration  has  at  last  come  into  general  and  per- 
manent use  throughout  the  civilized  world,  as  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  it  will  after  a  generation  or  two,  then 
these  great  military  establishments  with  all  their  abomina- 
tions will  come  to  an  end.  The  end  of  them  may  come 
suddenly,  as  the  result  of  a  great  war,  or  a  series  of  great 
wars,  the  disastrous  results  of  which  will  be  so  deeply  and 
universally  felt  that  the  nations  will  never  again  permit 
militarism  to  take  root  and  grow.  The  end  is  more  likely  to 
come  by  a  process  of  neglect  and  natural  decay,  when  arbitra- 
tion, universally  adopted,  shall  have  made  the  uselessness  of 
such  war  preparations,  as  well  as  their  wickedness  and  folly, 
manifest.  It  is  more  likely  still  to  come  through  simultaneous 


178   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

and  gradual  disarmament,  entered  upon  by  voluntary  agree- 
ment, and  possibly  in  connection  with  the  adoption  of  some 
general  system  of  arbitration. 

— BENJAMIN  F.  TRUEBLOOD,  The  Federation  of  the 
World,  Extracts  from  pp.  122,  123. 

The  Peace  Society  Agency,  though  very  powerful  and1 
efficient,  and  increasingly  so  as  the  number  of  the  associations 
increases  from  year  to  year,  has  been  only  one  of  the  large 
group  of  agencies — religious,  juridic,  political,  diplomatic, 
social,  commercial,  financial — which  have,  severally  and 
jointly,  pushed  arbitration  to  the  front  as  the  only  rational 
method  of  removing  controversies  after  direct  negotiation  has 
failed. 

The  merits  and  practicability  of  arbitration  need  no  longer 
be  pleaded.  It  has  already  won  its  case  at  the  bar  of  interna- 
tional public  opinion.  Beginning  in  a  tentative  way  with  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  a  hundred  years  ago,  it  has 
been  applied  with  increasing  frequency,  in  recent  years  par- 
ticularly, to  disputes  of  nearly  every  conceivable  kind.  The 
cases  which  it  has  disposed  of  have  ranged  all  the  way  from 
those  involving  damage  claims  of  a  few  thousands  of  dollars 
to  those  more  serious  controversies,  touching  territorial  limits 
and  transgression  against  national  rights,  which  have  cut 
deeply  the  national  pride  and  sense  of  honor,  and  given  rise 
to  hot  and  long-continued  diplomatic  debate.  Wherever  it 
has  been  employed  it  has  succeeded.  There  is  not  a  real  excep- 
tion to  be  noted.  The  cases  which  it  has  settled  have  stayed 
settled.  Not  even  the  ghost  of  such  a  case  has  ever  risen  to 
disturb  anybody's  tranquillity.  It  has  been  tried  by  nearly 
all  nations,  great  and  small,  in  the  Old  World  and  the  New, 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  leading,  the  former  with 
more  than  sixty  cases  and  the  latter  with  about  the  same 
number. 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  179 

Arbitration  has  not  yet  wholly  succeeded  in  preventing 
wars,  and  may  not  for  some  time  yet,  but  its  record,  in  the 
hundred  years  since  it  again  came  into  use,  is  a  most  remark- 
able one,  and  some  day,  when  the  history  of  human  progress 
begins  to  be  really  written,  this  record  will  constitute  a  very 
instructive  chapter.  .  .  .  Arbitration  gives  time  for  passion 
to  cool.  It  affords  opportunity  to  hunt  up  all  the  facts  in  a 
given  case,  an  ignorance  or  one-sided  knowledge  of  which  is 
often  the  chief  cause  of  irritation.  It  costs  a  mere  pittance 
compared  with  war.  It  carries  questions  of  right  and  justice 
to  the  forum  of  reason,  where  only  they  can  be  determined 
according  to  their  merits.  True  honor  is  always  vindicated 
before  its  tribunals.  It  leaves  no  bitter  ranklings  behind,  no 
broken  families,  no  devastated  lands,  no  international  feuds. 
It  appeals  to  the  better  instincts  of  peoples.  It  removes 
prejudices  and  misjudgments.  It  creates  sympathy  and 
fellowship.  Arbitration  is  not  simply  a  cool  and  heartless 
method  of  disposing  of  difficulties;  in  its  deeper  significance 
it  is  a  method  of  cooperation  in  promoting  the  true  interests 
of  the  nations  in  their  relations  to  one  another.  ...  A  great 
arbitration  like  that  of  the  Alabama  dispute  or  of  the  Bering 
Sea  seal  question  settles  a  whole  group  of  international 
principles,  and  thus  permanently  advances  international  law. 
The  Bering  Sea  case  is  a  conspicuous  example  of  the  tendency 
of  arbitration  to  produce  peaceful  cooperation  for  the  removal 
of  troubles  which  not  even  an  arbitral  court  may  be  able  to 
reach.  For  these  reasons  arbitration,  through  the  spirit  out 
of  which  it  springs  and  which  it  greatly  develops  and 
strengthens,  will  gradually  remove  the  necessity  of  employing 
it  at  all,  and  will  thus  prove  a  powerful  instrument  in  promot- 
ing the  federation  of  the  world. 

The  great  question  now  in  connection  with  this  mode  of 
settling  differences  is  to  make  it  permanent,  to  build  it  into 
a  judicial  system  universally  recognized  and  accepted  by  all 


180   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

the  civilized  nations.  Toward  the  accomplishment  of  this 
all  the  agencies  of  peace  are  turning.  A  hundred  years  is  long 
enough  to  have  successfully  experimented.  .  .  .  Permanent 
treaties  of  arbitration,  providing  for  the  setting  up  of  a  per- 
manent tribunal,  are  the  great  desideratum  of  our  complex, 
sensitive  civilization.  All  disputes  between  the  civilized 
nations  ought  forever  hereafter,  by  their  own  sovereign  and 
united  determination,  to  be  taken  out  of  the  realm  of  passion, 
caprice  and  violence,  and  brought  within  the  domain  of  reason 
and  law.  — BENJAMIN  F.  TRUEBLOOD,  The  Federation  of 
the  World,  Extracts  from  pp.  107-112. 

HISTORIC  STEPS  IN  ARBITRATION 

When,  in  1905,  Norway  and  Sweden  peacefully  separated, 
they  drew  up  a  treaty  in  which  they  agreed  to  submit  all 
questions,  excepting  those  involving  national  honor,  to  arbitra- 
tion, but  they  inserted  the  proviso  that  the  question  of  honor 
should  also  be  subject  to  the  arbitrators.  By  this  treaty, 
Norway  and  Sweden  are  saving  vast  sums  of  money  for  social, 
industrial,  and  educational  benefit  that  otherwise  would  have 
been  put  into  armament.  By  and  by  we  shall  all  see  what 
fools  we  are,  and  put  the  millions  we  are  now  spending  on 
great,  useless  hulks,  with  which  to  fight  fancied  enemies,  into 
fighting  the  only  real  enemies  any  nation  has  to-day,  corrup- 
tion, corporate  greed,  tuberculosis,  typhoid,  saloons,  and  other 
subtler  foes.  It  is  always  worth  remembering  that  the  money 
spent  in  one  battleship  would  build  a  Harvard  University  and 
then  leave  enough  to  build  a  Tuskegee  and  a  Hampton  Insti- 
tute. An  arbitration  costs  perhaps  $1,000,000.  Mrs.  Lucia 
Ames  Mead  has  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  "Three  weeks 
before  Paul  Kruger's  'ultimatum'  Joseph  Chamberlain, 
British  Minister,  refused  to  refer  the  difficulties  to  an  arbitra- 
tion board  of  two  Dutch  and  three  British  chief  justices.  Had 
he  done  so,  England  would  have  saved  three  years  of  bitter- 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  181 

ness,  a  setback  to  all  local  progress  and  reform,  and  the  hatred 
of  a  people  who  lost  20,000  women  and  children  in  concentra- 
tion camps ;  she  would  have  saved  $1,100,000,000,  which  might 
have  given  that  third  of  England's  population  who  are  living 
in  dire  poverty  on  less  than  six  dollars  a  week  per  family  the 
following  things: 

•'100  Old  People's  Homes  at  $100,000  each. 
1,000  Public  Playgrounds  at  $50,000  each. 
1,000  Public  Libraries  at  $50,000  each. 
1,000  Trade  Schools  at  $200,000  each. 

500  Hospitals  at  $200,000  each. 
3,000  Public  Schools  at  $100,000  each. 
150,000  Workingmen's  Houses  at  $2,000  each." 
— FREDERICK  LYNCH,  The  Peace  Problem,  pp.  38,  39. 

While  Chile  and  the  Argentine  Republic  settled  their  differ- 
ences and  agreed  to  disarm,  they  commemorated  the  event  by 
uplifting  on  the  summit  of  the  Andes,  nearly  three  miles 
above  the  level  of  the  sea,  a  colossal  statue  of  Christ,  the 
Prince  of  Peace.  They  cast  it  from  the  bronze  of  old  cannon 
left  there  by  the  Spaniards  at  the  time  of  the  struggle  for 
Argentine's  independence.  They  placed  on  it  this  inscrip- 
tion: "Sooner  shall  these  mountains  crumble  into  dust  than 
Chileans  or  Argentines  shall  break  this  peace  which,  at  the 
feet  of  Christ  the  Redeemer,  they  have  sworn  to  maintain." 

— HENRY  WADE  ROGERS,  The  United  States  and  the 
Peace  Movement,  in  Report  of  the  Third  Ameri- 
can Peace  Congress,  p.  376. 

In  1911,  at  the  instigation  of  President  Taft,  with  the 
cordial  assent  of  Sir  Edward  Grey  and  the  acclamation  of 
statesmen  of  all  parties  in  England,  an  unlimited  arbitration 
treaty  was  signed  at  Washington  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States.  This  was  to  have  been  the  precursor  of 
similar  treaties  of  the  United  States  and  the  other  great 


182   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

powers.  Unfortunately  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  by  a 
narrow  majority  refused  to  accept  the  treaty.  But  public 
opinion  is  rapidly  ripening  for  such  a  treaty.  Since  the 
Treaty  of  Ghent,  1814,  there  has  been  no  war  between  the  two 
great  divisions  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  and  the  disputes 
which  might  have  led  to  war,  having  in  every  case  been 
settled  peacefully  by  arbitration  and  negotiation,  have  only 
served  to  strengthen  the  ties  of  friendship  between  the  sister 
nations.  Not  only  so,  but  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States 
were  parties  to  the  first  treaty  ever  signed  for  limitation  of 
armaments.  In  1815  Monroe,  the  American  Secretary  of 
State,  proposed  that  there  should  be  no  armed  forces  on  either 
side  of  the  United  States-Canadian  frontier.  In  1817  the 
Eush-Bagot  argreement  was  drawn  up,  by  which  Monroe's 
proposal  was  made  effective,  and  from  that  time  to  this  that 
frontier,  of  3,000  miles  in  length,  is  without  fort  or  garrison 
on  either  side,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  absence 
of  armed  forces  has  greatly  contributed  to  the  peace  between 
the  two  nations. 

The  nineteenth  century  saw  a  great  advance  in  international 
agreement,  and  its  last  decade  witnessed  the  first  successful 
attempt  to  draw  all  nations  together  in  an  international 
conference  for  the  limitation  of  armaments  and  the  substitu- 
tion of  arbitration  for  war.  In  1899  the  first  Hague  Confer- 
ence met  Since  that  time,  while  no  success  has  yet  attended 
the  efforts  after  general  limitation  of  armaments,  the  cause  of 
arbitration  has  prospered  wonderfully.  The  cases  tried  by 
the  Hague  Tribunal  itself  have  been  only  twelve  (to  the  end 
of  1912),  but  these  are  only  a  small  proportion  of  the  total 
number  of  disputes  satisfactorily  settled  by  arbitration  since 
1900,  for  in  most  cases  the  nations  involved  have  preferred  to 
choose  their  own  arbitrators. 

But  the  Hague  Conferences  have  only  begun  to  do  their 
work.  Natural  conservatism  has  viewed  limitation  of  arma- 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  183 

ments  with  great  suspicion,  and  the  interests  that  live  on 
armaments  in  all  countries  have  used  their  great  influence  to 
cause  an  increase  rather  than  a  decrease  in  military  and  naval 
preparation.  Nevertheless,  public  opinion  is  being  educated. 
At  the  first  Hague  Conference,  in  1899,  twenty-six  States  were 
represented;  at  the  second,  1907,  forty-four  were  represented; 
and  preparations  are  being  made  in  all  civilized  countries  for 
the  third,  which  shows  that  both  the  governments  and  people 
are  taking  it  seriously  and  mean  that  it  shall  influence  inter- 
national life.  .  .  .  Now  that  all  the  machinery  of  arbitration 
is  ready  for  use,  and  hundreds  of  awards  have  been  made  and 
accepted  as  just,  we  may  believe  that  the  time  is  not  far 
distant  when  nations  will  be  willing  unrestrictedly  to  submit 
all  disputes  to  impartial  tribunals. 

— WILLIAM  E.  WILSON,  Christ  and  War,  Extracts 
from  pp.  165-167. 

Supposing  two  of  the  greatest  nations  in  the  world  were 
to  make  it  clear  to  the  whole  world  that  by  an  agreement  of 
such  a  character  as  under  no  circumstances  were  they  going 
to  war  again,  I  venture  to  say  that  the  effect  on  the  world  at 
large  of  the  example  would  be  one  that  would  be  bound  to  have 
beneficent  consequences.  ...  I  have  spoken  of  that  because 
I  do  not  think  that  a  statement  of  that  kind  put  forward  by  a 
man  in  the  position  of  the  President  of  the  United  States 
should  go  without  response.  Entering  into  an  agreement  of 
that  kind,  there  would  be  great  risks.  It  would  entail  certain 
risks  for  us  to  refer  everything  to  arbitration,  and  as  the 
President  of  the  United  States  has  said,  we  must  be  prepared 
to  take  certain  risks  and  to  make  some  sacrifice  of  national 
pride.  When  an  agreement  of  that  kind,  so  sweeping  as  it  is, 
is  proposed  to  us,  we  shall  be  delighted  to  have  such  a  pro- 
posal. But  I  should  feel  that  it  was  something  so  momentous 
and  so  far-reaching  in  its  possible  consequence  that  it  would 


184   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

require,  not  only  the  signature  of  both  governments,  but  the 
deliberate  and  decided  sanction  of  Parliament,  and  that,  I 
believe,  would  be  obtained. 

— SIR  EDWARD  GREY,  Quoted  in  Documents  of  the 
American  Association  for  International  Concilia- 
tion, 1911,  Extracts  from  pp.  7,  8. 

When  the  great  step  suggested  by  the  President  goes 
into  effect  we  hope — I  do — that  these  two  great  countries 
(England  and  America)  will  clasp  hands  in  a  freer  and 
a  more  generous  trade  than  they  have  known  in  times  past. 
What  he  proposed  that  we  say  to  Great  Britain,  if  I  interpret 
it  right,  is  this:  We  will  arbitrate  all  questions  with  you, 
including  questions  of  honor  and  independence  and  of  vital 
interest.  We  know  you.  You  would  not,  if  you  could,  in- 
terfere with  our  independence.  You  would  not,  if  you  could, 
disturb  our  vital  interests.  And  we  have  no  purpose  to  put 
a  blot  upon  your  honor  or  blight  your  interests,  or  interfere 
with  your  independence.  We  trust  you.  Will  you  trust  us, 
and  in  that  mutual  trust  and  confidence  leave  all  questions 
that  can  arise  between  us  to  a  court  of  arbitration  ? 

There  is  not  one  of  us  here  to-night  who  would  vote  to 
arbitrate  our  independence.  If  Great  Britain  said  a  hundred 
and  fifty  years  ago,  "You  are  our  colonies  and  you  must  return 
and  be  our  colonies  again,"  we  would  not  leave  that  to  the 
Hague  Tribunal.  But  it  is  preposterous  to  think  that  England 
would  propose  such  a  thing,  and  therefore  it  is  preposterous 
to  guard  against  it.  We  say  to  Great  Britain,  "We  trust  you, 
and  we  leave  all  questions  that  can  arise  between  us  to  a 
judicial  tribunal/'  .  .  .  And  when  we  two  nations  have 
done  that,  then  we  may  well  turn  to  the  other  nations  of  the 
globe,  certainly  to  the  other  nations  of  Christendom,  and  say, 
"This  is  our  estimate  of  modern  civilization.  Great  Britain 
and  America  are  sufficiently  civilized  to  believe  that  they  can 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  185 

trust  each  other  with  all  questions  of  vital  interest  and  honor 
and  independence.  Whenever  you  are  sufficiently  civilized  to 
take  the  same  stand  and  repose  in  us  the  same  trust,  we  shall 
like  to  make  the  same  agreement  with  you." 

— LYMAN  ABBOTT,  in  Report  of  Third  American  Peace 
Congress,  1911,  pp.  251,  252. 

HINDRANCE  TO  ARBITRATION 

Arbitration  was  well  defined,  if  I  rememher  right,  by  Mr. 
Holt,  who  said  that  it  was  substituting  the  appeal  to  reason 
for  the  appeal  to  force,  and  whenever  that  substitution  can 
be  made,  it  must  be  made.  But,  if  there  is  no  reason  you 
cannot  appeal  to  it.  You  cannot  appeal  to  reason  when  facing 
a  pack  of  wolves.  When  dynamiters  blow  up  our  railroads 
and  homes,  you  cannot  appeal  to  reason,  because  they  haven't 
got  it.  You  organize  the  court  not  to  find  out  whether  it 
is  reasonable  to  blow  up  houses  and  bridges,  but  to  find  out  if 
it  was  done.  When  marauding  bands  assail  private  persons  in 
Turkey  and  the  government  stands  by  and  looks  on  without 
doing  anything,  then  there  is  no  reason  there  to  appeal  to. 
When  the  Armenian  massacres  were  going  on  if  one  nation 
had  brought  a  man-of-war  up  the  Dardanelles  and  told  them 
that  the  massacres  must  stop  they  would  have  stopped  and  it 
would  have  been  the  threatening  of  war  that  would  have 
stopped  them.  For  one  hundred  years  appeal  was  made  to 
Spain  by  the  United  States  in  behalf  of  Cuba,  and  made  in 
vain.  At  last  forbearance  ceased  to  be  a  virtue.  After  from 
one  quarter  to  one  third  of  Cuba's  citizens  had  been  killed, 
some  by  secret  assassination,  some  by  assault,  some  by  starva- 
tion, then  this  country,  having  for  one  hundred  years  appealed 
and  appealed  in  vain,  appealed  by  the  guns  of  Samson's  fleet 
and  Cuba  was  made  free. 

— LYMAN  ABBOTT,  in  Report  of  Third  American  Peace 
Congress,  1911,  p.  251. 


186   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

The  difficulty  about  arguing  is  that  when  you  get  before 
an  audience,  everybody  is  in  favor  of  peace.  They  are  all  in 
favor  of  peace.  But  when  it  comes  to  an  election,  the  issue 
as  to  international  peace  does  not  play  any  part  at  all.  The 
peace  part  of  the  political  platform  does  not  seem  to  affect 
anybody  but  the  peace  societies.  And  when  you  say  to  mem- 
bers of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  "You  are  reaching  a 
conclusion  in  which  the  people  do  not  stand  by  you,"  they 
say,  "Well,  what  of  that  ?  Such  an  issue  never  affected  a  single 
vote  at  the  election."  Now  we  ought  to  make  it  control  some 
votes,  so  that  when  a  Senator  rises  in  his  seat  and  says,  "The 
Senate  has  no  power  to  make  an  obligation  of  this  sort  to 
bind  our  government  to  future  policy  of  arbitration,"  we  shall 
say,  "Your  constituents  differ  with  you  in  that  regard,  and 
are  looking  for  a  Senator  who  will  have  a  different  constitu- 
tional view  and  who  will  not  regard  the  sacredness  of  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  against  binding  itself  and  the 
nation  to  future  arbitration  as  more  important  than  the 
attribute  of  full  national  sovereignty."  If  we  are  a  nation  at 
all,  we  must  have  power  to  bind  ourselves  as  a  nation  to 
contracts  that  will  not  only  uplift  nations  but  uplift  the 
world ;  and  if  we  are  to  be  limited  by  the  fact  that  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  cannot  confirm  and  cannot  make  a  con- 
tract of  that  sort,  then  we  have  hobbled  ourselves  and  our 
national  sovereignty  in  the  possibility  of  progress  toward  a 
higher  and  a  more  Christian  civilization. 

— WILLIAM  HOWARD  TAFT,  The  Time  to  Test  Our 
Faith  in  Arbitration,  in  Documents  of  The  Ameri- 
can Association  for  International  Conciliation, 
1913,  Extracts  from  pp,  7,  8. 

Much  of  the  disappointment  at  the  comparative  ineffective- 
ness of  the  Hague  Court  has  arisen  from  a  lack  of  compre- 
hension of  this  fundamental  distinction  between  the  arbitra- 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  187 

tion  of  legal  cases  and  the  arbitration  of  political  cases.  It 
has  proved  its  success  in  settling  questions  of  law  or  fact;  it 
cannot  be  expected  to  take  over  at  once  the  settlement  of  the 
delicate  modern  questions  that  involve  the  "vital  interests" 
and  "honor"  of  disputing  nations.  In  fact,  it  is  more  im- 
portant that  a  large  body  of  international  law  and  procedure 
should  be  built  up  than  it  is  that  its  work  should  run  the  risk 
of  being  ruined  by  a  false  move  in  attempting  to  settle  ques- 
tions of  policy  which  can,  at  the  present  time,  be  better  settled 
in  the  chancelleries  of  Europe.  The  value  of  arbitration  has 
been  in  the  past  and  will  be  for  a  long  time  to  come  the 
determination  of  law.  The  skillful  arbitrator  will  look  more 
to  the  formulation  of  a  sound  principle  of  international  law 
and  the  practical  and  fruitful  application  of  some  recognized 
principle  than  he  will  to  the  adjustment  of  immediate  irrita- 
tions. 

— RANDOLPH  S.  BOURNE,  Arbitration  and  Interna- 
tional Politics,  pp.  7,  8,  in  The  Documents  of 
the  American  Association  for  International 
Conciliation,  1913. 

Three  incidents  have  occurred  since  the  Hague  Court  was 
organized  which  have  caused  much  pain  to  the  friends  of 
peace  throughout  the  world: 

America  refused  the  offer  of  the  Filipinos  to  adjust  their 
quarrel  by  arbitration.  Britain  refused  the  offer  of  the 
Transvaal  Republic  to  arbitrate,  although  three  of  the  Court 
proposed  by  the  Republic  were  to  be  British  Judges,  and  the 
other  two  Judges  of  Holland — the  most  remarkable  offer  ever 
made,  highly  creditable  to  the  maker  and  a  great  tribute  to 
British  Judges.  Neither  Russia  nor  Japan  suggested  sub- 
mission to  The  Hague.  Since  the  Hague  Court  is  the  result 
of  the  Russian  Emperor's  initiative,  this  caused  equal  surprise 
and  pain.  The  explanation  has  been  suggested  that  peaceful 


188   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

conferences  were  being  held  when  Japan  attacked  at  Port 
Arthur  without  notice,  rendering  arbitration  impossible. 

— ANDREW  CARNEGIE,  A  League  of  Peace,  p.  25,  in 
the  Documents  of  the  American  Association  for 
International  Conciliation,  1907-08. 

ARBITRATION  VS.  ARMAMENTS 

There  is  a  broad  distinction  between  proposals  for  disarma- 
ment and  proposals  for  the  limitation  of  armaments.  When 
a  nation  like  the  United  States,  holding  the  views  which  its 
people  profess  and  which  its  government  constantly  voices, 
has,  as  it  now  has,  a  navy  and  the  nucleus  of  an  army  entirely 
adequate  for  purposes  of  defense,  a  stop  should  be  put  to  the 
further  increase  of  armaments.  It  is  urged  in  opposition 
that  no  nation  can  afford  to  take  this  step  alone  and  that  until 
an  international  agreement  for  the  limitation  of  armaments 
is  arrived  at,  each  great  nation  must  press  forward,  at  what- 
ever cost,  to  multiply  the  provisions  for  its  armed  forces. 
However  plausible  this  argument  may  be  when  addressed  to 
a  European  nation,  it  fails  entirely  when  addressed  to  the 
United  States.  If  the  best  way  to  resume  was  to  resume — 
and  we  learned  by  experience  in  1879  that  it  was — then  the 
best  way  to  limit  armaments  is  to  limit  them.  In  this  policy 
the  United  States  has  not  only  nothing  to  lose,  but  every- 
thing to  gain,  by  leading  the  way.  It  is  no  small  satisfaction 
to  point  out  that  increasing  support  for  this  view  is  to  be 
found  in  the  public  opinion  of  the  country,  reflected  both  in 
the  debates  and  votes  in  the  Congress  as  well  as  in  the  more 
influential  portion  of  the  newspaper  press.  .  .  . 

Great  as  are  the  advantages  of  an  International  Court  of 
Prize,  the  fact  must  not  be  overlooked  that  the  very  existence 
of  such  an  institution  presupposes  war;  for  its  purpose  is  to 
decide  controversies  arising  because  of  alleged  illegal  captures 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  189 

in  time  of  war.  The  International  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice, 
on  the  other  hand,  has  for  its  purpose  the  settlement  of  con- 
troversies and  differences  which  arise  in  time  of  peace,  and 
which,  when  settled  and  determined,  may  avert  hostility  and 
war.  It  will  be  remembered  that  at  the  second  Hague  Con- 
ference the  proposal  of  the  United  States  in  regard  to  the 
establishment  of  this  Court  was  accepted  in  principle,  and 
that  a  draft  convention  was  adopted  regulating  its  organiza- 
tion, jurisdiction,  and  procedure ;  but  that  the  definitive  con- 
stitution of  the  Court  was  not  agreed  upon  because  the  Con- 
ference failed  to  hit  upon  a  method  of  selecting  the  judges 
that  was  acceptable  to  all  of  the  nations  represented. 
— NICHOLAS  MURRAY  BUTLEK,  The  International  Mind, 

Extracts  from  pp.   62-88.     (Used  by  Permission  of 

Charles  Scribner's  Sons.) 

With  the  growth  of  the  burdens,  grows  more  ardent  also  the 
wish  of  the  peoples  that  tribunals  may  be  established  through 
which  conflicts  of  arms  may  be  banished  from  the  world.  In 
fact  scarcely  a  year  passes  by  in  which  there  is  not  an  actual 
decision  by  such  a  tribunal,  showing  how  easily  this  way  may 
be  entered  upon  where  the  wish  to  do  so  exists,  and  that  it 
also  reaches  the  desired  goal.  In  the  way  of  treaties  for  the 
establishment  of  arbitral  union  between  nations  is  progress 
also  being  made,  not  only  here  in  your  land,  but  we  hope  also 
that  your  invitation  and  appeal  to  the  European  States  has 
not  fallen  upon  unfruitful  soil.  Indeed,  in  military  Germany 
the  friends  of  peace  succeeded  in  the  Eeichstag  in  securing 
the  insertion  in  the  new  commercial  treaties  concluded  a  few 
years  ago  of  a  clause  providing  that  all  difficulties  arising  in 
connection  with  them  should  be  settled  by  arbitration. 

— ADOLPH  RICHTER,  in  Report  of  Fifth  Universal 
Peace  Congress,  p.  116. 

In  connection  with  Sir  Edward  Grey's  arbitration  pro- 


190   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

posals,  attention  might  be  drawn  to  the  statement  often  made 
by  militarists  that  the  expansion  of  armaments  is  necessary 
to  "insure  peace";  that  big  armies  and  navies  are  the  insur- 
ance premiums  of  peace,  and  that  ruinous  competition  of 
armaments  can  be  defended  on  the  theory  that  to  insure  peace 
a  nation  must  be  prepared  for  war.  The  recently  published 
views  of  Colonel  Gadke,  himself  a  German  military  man  and 
a  critic  of  acknowledged  authority,  are  interesting  on  this 
point:  "It  is  only  partly  true  that  armaments  are  the  insur- 
ance premiums  of  peace.  With  better  right  they  might  be 
called  a  constant  menace  to  peace.  At  any  rate,  they  have 
become  a  monstrous  burden  for  the  people.  The  most  pro- 
gressive and  the  greatest  states  are  precisely  those  which  suffer 
most  under  this  burden." 

That  armaments  have  become  "a  monstrous  burden"  is 
certainly  a  fact.  In  the  last  ten  years  (1900-1909)  Germany 
has  spent  about  twenty-five  hundred  and  Great  Britain  more 
than  three  thousand  million  dollars  for  their  army  and  navy. 
If  things  go  on  at  the  present  rate,  by  the  end  of  the  decade 
that  has  just  begun  (1910-1919),  the  two  peoples  will  each 
have  sacrificed  thirty-five  hundred  or  four  thousand  hundred 
millions  of  dollars  to  the  Moloch  of  war  preparations. 

Despite  the  assurances  of  ministers  and  diplomatists  that 
the  foreign  relations  of  the  states  are  perfectly  friendly,  there 
is  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  the  thought  of  war,  solely  be- 
cause their  governments  continually  extend  their  preparations 
for  hostilities.  Colonel  Gadke,  as  a  military  expert,  realizes 
the  full  extent  of  the  danger  to  which  this  state  of  affairs 
must  lead,  and  says:  "Nothing  but  binding  agreements  be- 
tween the  nations  can  avert,  in  a  peaceful  manner,  the  dangers 
that  are  ceaselessly  lying  in  wait  for  us ;  treaties  are  remedies 
which  work  gradually  for  an  assured  peace  among  civilized 
nations." 

Thus  armed  preparation  in  peace  time  leads  inevitably  to 


PREVENTIVES  OP  WAR  191 

that  mutual  distrust  which,  as  Von  Moltke  said  in  the 
Eeichstag  many  years  ago,  "is  what  keeps  the  nations  in  arms 
against  one  another,"  and  finally  leads  to  war. 

— Syndicates  for  War,  New  York  Evening  Post. 

WORK  OF  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCES 

At  the  weekly  reception  to  diplomatic  representatives  by 
Count  Muravev,  the  Russian  foreign  minister,  at  Saint  Peters- 
burg (now  Petrograd),  on  August  24,  1898,  the  count  handed 
to  ambassadors  and  ministers  a  rescript  from  the  Emperor, 
which  said,  "The  maintenance  of  general  peace,  and  a  possible 
reduction  of  the  excessive  armaments  which  weigh  upon  all 
nations,  present  themselves  in  the  existing  condition  of  the 
whole  world  as  the  ideal  toward  which  the  endeavors  of  all 
governments  should  be  directed." 

After  detailing  the  "calamities  which  are  threatening  the 
whole  world,"  the  rescript,  written  by  the  late  Frederic  de 
Martens  and  presented  by  Count  Muravev,  continued:  "His 
Majesty  has  been  pleased  to  order  me  to  propose  to  all  the 
governments  whose  representatives  are  accredited  to  the  Im- 
perial Court,  the  meeting  of  a  conference  which  would  have 
to  occupy  itself  with  this  grave  problem." 

The  proposal  met  with  a  general  response,  and  on  January 
11,  1899,  Count  Muravev  issued  another  circular  note,  in 
which  he  stated  that  "the  Imperial  Cabinet  has  been  able  to 
collect  with  lively  satisfaction  evidence  of  the  warmest  ap- 
proval which  has  reached  it,  and  continues  to  be  received, 
from  all  classes  of  society  in  various  parts  of  the  globe." 

The  Hague  was  selected  as  the  meeting  place  of  the  Con- 
ference, and  on  May  18,  1899,  in  the  Royal  House  in  the 
Wood,  there  convened  the  delegates  of  twenty-six  powers,  to 
carry  out  the  program.  The  conference  continued  its  sessions 
until  July  29,  on  which  date  a  final  act  and  the  documents 
indicated  below  were  signed  as  the  result  of  the  deliberations : 


192   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

I.  Convention  concerning  the  pacific  settlement  of  inter- 
national disputes. 

II.  Convention  concerning  the  laws  and  customs  of  war 
on  land. 

III.  Convention   concerning  the  adaptation   to  maritime 
warfare  of  the  principles  of  the  Geneva  Convention  of  August 
22,  1864. 

IV.  1°.  Declaration  prohibiting  the  throwing  of  projectiles 
from  balloons  or  other  analogous  means. 

2°.  Declaration  prohibiting  the  use  of  projectiles  having 
as  their  sole  object  the  diffusion  of  asphyxiating  or  deleterious 
gases. 

3°.  Declaration  prohibiting  the  use  of  bullets  which  expand 
or  flatten  easily  in  the  human  body. 

Little  that  was  distinctly  new  in  international  affairs  is  to 
be  found  in  these  documents,  which  established  in  a  formal 
way  much  that  had  been  tried  frequently  and  successfully, 
though  casually,  in  practical  international  affairs.  In  general, 
the  conventions  were  the  codification  of  law  already  existing ; 
but,  particularly  in  the  case  of  means  for  the  pacific  settle- 
ment of  international  disputes,  the  necessary  machinery  for 
the  practical  use  of  mediation,  commissions  of  inquiry  and 
arbitration  was  provided.  The  first  Hague  Conference  made 
the  employment  of  methods  already  known  simple  and 
practical. 

THE  SECOND  CONFEEENCE 

No  provision  was  made  in  1899  for  a  second  conference 
except  the  voting  of  a  wish  that  the  Geneva  Convention  for 
the  Amelioration  of  Sick  and  Wounded  might  be  revised  at 
a  special  conference,  and  the  expression  of  other  wishes  which 
might  be  referred  to  "a  subsequent  conference/'  At  Saint 
Louis  in  1904  the  annual  meeting  of  the  Interparliamentary 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  193 

Union,  composed  of  members  of  the  majority  of  the  parlia- 
ments of  the  powers,  passed  a  resolution  requesting  "the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  to  invite  all  the  nations  to  send 
representatives  to  such  a  second  conference."  Secretary  of 
State  John  Hay  issued  the  proposal  on  instructions  from 
President  Eoosevelt  in  a  circular  note  of  October  21,  1904, 
addressed  to  the  participants  in  the  First  Conference.  The 
Peace  of  Portsmouth  closing  the  Busso-Japanese  War  was 
signed  on  September  5,  1905;  and  since  there  was  a  feeling 
in  some  quarters  that  the  Eussian  Emperor  as  the  initiator 
of  the  First  Conference  should  take  the  lead  in  respect  to  the 
second,  on  September  13,  1905,  the  formal  Eussian  proposal 
was  made.  The  test  which  the  recent  war  had  given  to  the 
provisions  of  the  military  conventions  had  indicated  numerous 
points  at  which  they  might  be  improved  and  suggested  other 
points  on  which  it  was  desirable  to  have  agreement.  The 
Eussian  Government  concerned  itself  with  preparing  a  pro- 
gram and  proceeded  to  invite  all  sovereign  countries  to  the 
conference. 

The  opening  session  of  the  Second  Conference  was  held 
in  the  Hall  of  the  Knights,  at  The  Hague,  on  June  15,  1907, 
and  the  Conference  adjourned  on  October  18.  The  larger 
number  of  States  concerned,  the  larger  amount  of  business 
transacted,  and  the  more  controversial  character  of  the  prob- 
lems met  and  solved,  amply  justified  the  greater  length  of  the 
Conference.  All  the  sovereign  governments  of  the  world 
participated,  with  the  exception  of  Abyssinia,  Costa  Eica,  and 
Honduras,  forty-four  in  all. 

The  holding  of  the  First  Conference  had  crystallized  the 
ideas  of  publicists  upon  questions  of  international  law  capable 
of  reduction  to  definite  rules.  The  Second  Conference  was 
characterized  by  its  practical  attack  upon  international  prob- 
lems and  by  the  extent  of  its  accomplishments.  The  Con- 
ventions signed  are  indicated  below: 


194   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

I.  Pacific  settlement  of  international  disputes. 

II.  Limitation  of  the  employment  of  force  for  the  recovery 
of  contract  debts. 

III.  Relative  to  opening  of  hostilities. 

IV.  Laws  and  customs  of  war  on  land. 

V.  Eights  and  duties  of  neutral  powers  and  persons  in  case 
of  war  on  land. 

VI.  Status  of  enemy  merchant  ships  at  the  outbreak  of 
hostilities. 

VII.  Conversion  of  merchant  ships  into  warships. 

VIII.  Laying  automatic  submarine  contact  mines. 

IX.  Bombardment  by  naval  forces  in  time  of  war. 

X.  Adaptation  to  naval  war  of  the  principles  of  the  Geneva 
Convention. 

XI.  Certain  restrictions  with  regard  to  the  exercise  of  the 
right  of  capture  in  naval  war. 

XII.  Creation  of  an  international  prize  court. 

XIII.  Eights  and  duties  of  neutral  powers  in  naval  war. 

XIV.  Declaration  prohibiting  the  discharge  of  projectiles 
and  explosives  from  balloons. 

XV.  Final  act.  — DENTS  P.  MYERS. 

PERMANENT  TRIBUNAL 

The  Second  Hague  Peace  Conference,  which  met  on  June 
15  and  adjourned  on  October  18,  1907,  approved,  among  other 
projects,  an  exceedingly  important  convention  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice  and  recommended 
that  the  Court  be  instituted  and  put  in  operation  as  soon  as 
an  agreement  could  be  reached  by  the  Powers,  through 
diplomatic  channels,  upon  the  appointment  of  the  judges. 
The  significance  of  this  action  lay  in  the  fact  that  for  the 
first  time  in  the  world's  history  the  representatives  of  forty- 
four  civilized  nations,  assembled  in  conference,  recognized 
not  merely  the  value  of  a  judicial  decision  of  international 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  195 

disputes  which  diplomacy  may  have  failed  to  adjust,  but  the 
inestimable  advantages  that  would  inevitably  flow  from  a 
determination  of  international  controversies  by  a  body  of 
trained  lawyers,  appointed  for  a  period  of  years  and  per- 
manently in  session,  and  acting  under  a  sense  of  judicial 
responsibility.  By  this  action  the  solidarity  of  nations,  to 
use  a  phrase  which  has  recently  come  into  use,  was  trans- 
ferred from  the  realm  of  theory  to  the  domain  of  fact,  and 
justice  between  nations  was  declared  to  be  of  interest  not 
merely  to  the  nations  in  controversy,  but  to  all  members  of 
the  society  of  nations  recognizing  and  applying  in  their  inter- 
course the  principles  of  international  law. 

— JAMES  BROWN  SCOTT,  The  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice, 

Extracts  from  pp.  3,  4,  in  Judicial  Settlement  of 

International  Disputes,  1910-12. 

If  there  could  be  any  assurance  that  the  Powers  could  be 
relied  upon  to  allow  serious  causes  of  quarrel  to  be  adjudi- 
cated by  the  permanent  tribunal  of  The  Hague,  created  at 
the  second  conference  in  1907,  there  would  be  little  reason 
to  fear  for  the  world's  peace.  As  matters  stand  to-day,  the 
weak  point  of  the  system  is  that  no  Power,  or  no  great  Power, 
is  bound,  or  even  pledged  by  its  own  promise,  to  submit  seri- 
ous disputes  to  arbitration.  It  was  hoped  that  the  Second 
Hague  Conference  would  result  in  some  common  and  binding 
agreement  in  this  respect.  Perhaps  the  time  was  not  ripe. 
All  that  was  done  was  to  put  on  record  a  solemn  declaration 
in  favor  of  compulsory  arbitration  and  to  renew  the  standing 
invitation  to  individual  Powers  to  enter  into  treaties  with 
each  other  in  favor  of  arbitration. 

— SIR  CHARLES  FITZPATRICK,  International  Arbitra- 
tion, Extract  from  p.  10,  in  Documents  of  The 
American  Association  for  International  Concilia- 
tion, 1911. 


196   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

In  an  address  on  the  next  Hague  Peace  Conference,  de- 
livered before  the  London  School  of  Economics  on  October 
5,  1912,  Lord  Justice  Kennedy  said,  as  reported  by  the 
London  Times: 

"The  objective  was  the  establishment  of  a  Court  which 
should  be  a  real  judicial  tribunal;  which  by  its  character 
should  command  the  respect  and  by  the  moral  weight  of  its 
judgments  compel  the  obedience  even  of  the  most  powerful 
and  warlike  nations.  He  did  not  mean  a  temporary  Board  of 
Arbitration,  but  a  permanent  Court  of  Justice.  That  was 
the  most  hopeful,  if  not  the  only  way  in  which  there  would 
be  gradually  evolved  in  the  civilized  world  a  recognized 
system  of  international  law.  He  could  see  no  insuperable 
difficulty  to  the  formation  or  working  of  such  a  Court.  The 
position  of  its  Judges  would  be  one  of  the  highest  in  the 
world.  If  all  the  conferring  Powers  would  subscribe  among 
themselves,  he  supposed  the  cost  would  not  amount  to  that 
of  a  single  modern  battleship." 

— JAMES  BROWN  SCOTT,  The  Court  of  Arbitral 
Justice,  Extracts  from  pp.  11,  12,  in  Judicial 
Settlement  of  International  Disputes,  1910-12. 

According  as  arbitration  fulfills  one  or  the  other  of  its 
functions,  the  role  of  the  arbitrator  differs  and  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  award  varies.  The  value  of  arbitration  as  an 
instrument  of  law  depends  above  all  on  the  award  because 
it  determines  legality.  The  arbitrator  ought  to  be  made  to 
feel  that  peace  does  not  depend  upon  his  decision.  He  may, 
and  legally  he  should,  say  without  ulterior  motive,  "Let 
justice  be  done" ;  he  should  fix  his  attention  less  on  the  adjust- 
ment of  difficulties  than  on  the  practical  application  of  the 
law. 

As  an  instrument  of  peace,  on  the  other  hand,  arbitration 
has  value  by  virtue  of  its  very  spirit,  that  is,  because  of  the 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  197 

pacific  intention  of  the  States  that  employ  it.  In  serious 
controversies,  involving  national  pride,  arbitration  has  a 
calming  effect.  That  effect  results  from  compromise.  The 
moment  an  agreement  to  resort  to  arbitration  is  reached, 
discussions  become  useless  and  recriminations  lose  their 
object.  Moreover,  the  award  is  then  only  of  secondary  in- 
terest. So  much  so  that  what  one  expects  from  it  is  simply 
to  confirm  the  desire  for  peace  which  is  already  manifested 
by  the  "compromise"  or  conditions  of  the  arbitration.  The 
arbitrator  should  concern  himself  with  justifying  the  confi- 
dence reposed  in  him  by  the  parties  to  the  controversy,  with 
rounding  the  angles  and  with  couching  his  award  in  prudent 
language  which  will  not  offend  the  susceptibilities  of  either 
party. 

Each  of  these  offices  of  arbitration  has  its  own  domain, 
that  of  justice  being  limited  to  controversies  of  a  juridical 
character,  that  of  peace  to  controversies  of  a  political  charac- 
ter. This  distinction  is  important  because,  if  it  leaves  its 
proper  domain,  each  runs  the  risk  of  failing  in  the  effect 
which  one  has  a  right  to  expect  of  it.  To  employ  pacific 
arbitration  in  legal  controversies  is  to  interpret  falsely  the 
conception  of  justice.  To  resort  to  judicial  arbitration  in 
political  controversies  is  to  endanger  the  maintenance  of 
peace. 

— N.  POLITIS,  The  Work  of  the  Hague  Court,  Ex- 
tract from  pp.  9-11,  in  Judicial  Settlement  of  In- 
ternational Disputes,  1910-12. 

The  spread  of  international  arbitration  depends,  after  the 
progress  of  common  sense,  more  upon  the  ever-expanding 
empire  of  law,  order,  and  commerce  than  upon  anything  else ; 
and  undoubtedly,  since  the  days  of  Montesquieu,  not  only 
have  divergent  systems  of  justice  and  law  in  all  civilized 
countries  been  brought  nearer,  and  many  imperfections  re- 


198       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

moved,  but  the  principles  of  public  and  private  jurispru- 
dence have  been  sufficiently  ascertained  and  agreed,  to  warrant 
us  in  expecting  rapid  and  fruitful  developments  of  interna- 
tional justice. 

— FRANCIS  W.  HIRST,  The  Arbiter  in  Council,  Ex- 
tracts from  pp.  350,  351. 

The  organization  of  an  international  judicial  system  goes 
steadily  on.  The  auspicious  settlement  of  the  differences  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  in  regard  to  the 
Newfoundland  Fisheries,  by  their  submission  to  the  Interna- 
tional Court  of  Arbitration  at  The  Hague,  was  at  once  a  long 
step  forward  in  international  practice  and  an  example  which 
has  not  been  without  its  effect  upon  the  public  opinion  of 
other  nations.  It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  an  International 
Court  of  Prize  was  created  by  the  Second  Hague  Conference, 
and  that  the  same  body,  composed  of  accredited  representa- 
tives from  forty-four  different  nations,  recommended  the 
establishment  of  an  International  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice. 
So  soon  as  these  two  Courts  shall  be  put  into  operation  at  The 
Hague  a  permanent  international  judiciary  will  have  been 
created — one  capable  of  hearing  and  deciding  any  and  every 
controversy  of  a  justiciable  character  which  may  arise  between 
nations  either  in  time  of  peace  or  because  of  the  existence  of 
a  state  of  war. 

The  convention  for  the  establishment  of  the  International 
Court  of  Prize  has  been  approved  by  thirty-four  nations. 
Despite  this  fact,  the  Court  has  not  yet  been  instituted. 
Various  objections  have  been  made  to  its  institution  as 
planned,  and  to  overcome  these  objections  no  little  time, 
patience,  and  diplomatic  skill  have  been  necessary. 

— NICHOLAS  MURRAY  BUTLER,  American  Association 
for  International  Conciliation,  1911,  Extracts 
from  pp.  13,  14. 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  199 

To  very  many  persons  Peace  advocacy  appears  as  made  up 
in  part  by  a  recoil  from  the  sacrifice  of  lives,  which,  however, 
is  considerably  less  than  that  which  he  sees  going  on  around 
him  every  day  in  the  interest  merely  of  material  wealth — 
a  sacrifice  which  in  that  case  excites  no  protest;  and  in  part 
by  disparagement  of  such  things  as  national  safety  and  honor, 
which  he  regards  as  of  infinitely  greater  worth  than  the  in- 
dustries and  commerce  which  take  a  heavier  toll  of  life  than 
does  war.  And  consequently,  looking  at  what  would  be 
achieved  by  the  change  and  what  is  jeopardized  by  it,  he 
opposes  to  all  ideas  which  seem  even  remotely  to  be  concerned 
with  schemes  of  international  peace,  either  a  ferocious  hostility 
which  he  feels  ought  to  be  excited  by  all  doctrines  that  imply 
indifference  to  this  country's  safety  and  interests,  or  a  tolerant 
contempt  which  he  would  mete  out  to  all  sentimental  or 
academic  futility,  just  as  five  hundred  years  ago,  he  dis- 
missed the  "theories"  of  Galileo  with  some  reference  to 
everybody  standing  on  their  heads,  and  fifty  years  ago  the 
theories  of  Darwin  by  some  reference  to  monkeys  and  their 
tails. 

May  I  say  that,  if  the  case  for  Pacifism  were  what  I  have 
just  indicated,  if  really  its  object  were  merely  the  avoidance 
of  suffering,  to  be  obtained  at  the  price  of  national  jeopardy, 
his  attitude  would  be  entirely  justified;  and  I  hope  you  will 
not  think  me  callous  if  I  say  that  did  Pacifism  offer  nothing 
more  than  the  mere  avoidance  of  that  physical  suffering  which 
war  involves,  you  would  not  find  me  here  to-night.  Because 
the  word  "peace"  generally  connotes  this  narrow  objective, 
and  leaves  aside  altogether  what  is  really  implied  in  our 
attempt  to  correct  what  we  believe  to  be  very  deep-seated 
errors  in  human  relationship,  I  almost  wish  that  that  word 
could  never  be  used.  Just  as  Galileo  knew  that  the  real  justi- 
fication of  his  attempt  to  correct  prevailing  error  was  not  a 
trivial  point  as  to  the  exact  place  or  shape  of  the  planet  on 


200   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

which  we  live,  but  the  right  understanding  of  the  physical 
universe,  its  laws  and  nature;  so  do  we  know  that  our  case  is 
bound  up  with  the  destruction  of  misconceptions  which  dis- 
tort and  falsify  the  fundamental  principles  on  which  human 
society  is  based. 

— NORMAN  ANQELL,  Arms  and  Industry,  Extract  from 
pp.  5,  6.   (G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  Publishers.) 

With  the  twentieth  century  mankind  has  entered  on  a  new 
era.  During  a  long  course  of  years  nations  have  become 
familiarized  to  the  settlement  of  differences  between  them  by 
means  of  arbitration.  But  international  arbitration  is  a 
rough  measure  of  justice.  Too  much  is  left  to  the  discretion 
of  the  arbitrators.  Too  much  is  ordinarily  left  to  their 
prejudices.  In  the  usual  tribunal  constituted  for  this  pur- 
pose, each  of  the  nations  which  are  parties  to  the  controversy 
names  one  of  the  arbitrators,  and  his  fellow  citizens  generally 
expect  him  to  vote  in  its  favor  when  the  decision  is  to  be 
made.  On  the  other  hand,  the  umpire,  or  if  there  be  one 
arbitrator,  the  person  who  fills  that  position,  is  strongly 
tempted  to  assume  the  position  of  a  mediator  rather  than 
that  of  a  judge.  .  .  . 

History  furnishes  illustrations  of  the  difference  between 
an  award  of  arbitrators  and  a  judicial  decision. 

A  judicial  tribunal  proceeds  by  certain  definite  rules. 
There  are,  in  the  normal  condition  of  things,  a  plaintiff  and  a 
defendant.  The  plaintiff  has  the  duty  of  proving  his  case. 
If  he  does  not  prove  it,  the  judgment  must  go  for  the  de- 
fendant. If  the  question  be  one  of  title  to  land,  the  plaintiff 
must  recover,  if  at  all,  on  the  strength  of  his  own  title,  not 
the  weakness  of  the  defendant's.  So  if  either  party  is  able 
to  show  that  the  point  in  dispute  has  been  settled  by  some 
authority  to  which  it  was  previously  referred,  he  prevails  on 
the  principle  of  res  adjudicata.  The  thing  having  been 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  201 

already  adjudged  the  former  judgment  is  conclusive.     An 
arbitrator  may  adopt  these  rules :  a  judge  must. 

— SIMEON  E.  BALDWIN,  Judicial  Settlement  of  Inter- 
national Disputes,  Extracts  from  pp.  3-7. 

Looking  from  the  Hague  Conferences  onward,  we  think 
we  can  see  clearly  five  steps  in  the  coming  organization : 

First.  The  International  Court  of  Justice,  already  existing 
in  embryo,  and  even  in  that  condition  with  more  than  a 
dozen  international  quarrels  settled  by  it;  but  not  such  a 
court  as  now,  summoned  with  difficulty  and  only  at  pleasure 
of  disputants — not  that,  but  one  in  permanent  session,  with 
regular  procedure,  and  regular  judges,  and  easy  of  access. 
The  nations,  meanwhile,  are  making  treaties  of  pledge  with 
each  other  to  refer  to  its  final  adjudication  their  questions  of 
difference — even  those  involving  "honor  and  vital  interests," 
if  President  Taft  has  his  way. 

Second.  An  International  Congress,  like  the  present  Inter- 
parliamentary Union,  but  official,  with  regular  sessions,  and 
with  members  delegated  by  the  nations  to  represent  them; 
its  work  to  be  the  discussion  and  shaping  and  recommendation 
of  measures  that  make  for  the  common  weal  of  the  world. 

Third.  A  Code  of  International  Laws,  gradually  evolved 
from  the  decisions  of  the  International  Court  and  the  recom- 
mendations of  the  International  Congress.  David  Jayne  Hill 
reminds  us  that  "the  price  of  a  single  battleship  has  never 
yet  been  expended  by  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  combined 
for  the  judicial  organization  of  peace."  Folly?  Yes;  and 
what  in  such  matter  was  folly  yesterday  and  insanity  to-day 
is  to-morrow  criminality.  If  ten  Powers — England,  France, 
Germany,  Russia,  Austria-Hungary,  Italy,  the  United  States, 
the  South  American  Eepublics  as  a  group,  China,  Japan — 
were  to  contribute  each  one  tenth  of  a  battleship's  cost  to 
endow  at  The  Hague  the  Arbitral  Court  of  the  Nations  and 


202   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

a  Commission  on  the  Codification  of  World  Law,  that  one 
tenth  apiece  would  save  whole  fleets  of  battleships  on  the 
seas,  and  promote  more  happiness  on  the  earth  than  probably 
any  other  million  which  any  of  those  nations  ever  has  spent, 
or  could  spend  to-day. 

Fourth.  The  Establishment  of  an  International  Police — 
an  international  army  and  navy,  with  constituents  furnished 
by  nations  in  league  for  the  purpose;  at  first  by  a  few,  and 
then  by  more;  at  first  having  very  limited  and  then  with 
widening  functions,  all  under  treaty  arrangements.  A  police 
system  is  needed  by  the  world,  and,  until  something  inter- 
national of  the  kind  is  created,  it  is  hard  to  see  how,  with 
the  nations  under  present  conditions  of  distrust,  disarmament 
on  any  large  scale  can  be  effected.  It  may  not  be  so  far  off 
as  we  think,  the  day  for  this  international  police  in  place  of 
the  separate  armies  and  navies  with  their  ruinous  cost.  Even 
Sir  Edward  Grey,  in  responding  to  President  Taft's  proposal, 
ventured  to  predict  it. 

Fifth.  An  International  Protectorate ;  that  is,  the  employ- 
ment of  the  joint  public  opinion  of  the  nations  thus  organized, 
and,  when  necessary,  employment  of  the  International  Police, 
as  a  protection  against  national  crimes.  Under  such  a  pro- 
tectorate we  may  look  for  a  great  extension  of  three  inter- 
national methods  of  maintaining  peace  in  the  world — Media- 
tion, Intervention,  and  the  Neutralization  of  nations  and 
territories. 

Call  this  a  dream,  if  you  will.  The  soldiers  will.  Half  the 
diplomatists  will.  Politicians  will,  unless  they  are  statesmen. 
Many,  not  all,  of  the  business  men  will.  Most  of  us  will.  But 
some  of  us  will  add,  "A  dream  that  is  even  now  beginning 
to  come  true,  and  which  the  twentieth  century  will  carry 
far  toward  fulfillment."  The  years  will  decide. 

— WILLIAM  C.  GANNETT,  International  Good-Will  as 
a  Substitute  for  Armies  and  Navies. 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  203 

The  greater  bulk  of  the  international  statute  law  written  at 
The  Hague  has  dealt  with  the  prospect  of  war  or  its  conduct. 
This  is  not  surprising,  since  that  abnormal  condition  of  the 
modern  state  must,  by  reason  of  its  abnormality,  be  more 
clearly  limited  and  defined  than  the  condition  of  peace,  in 
which  problems  are  far  more  diverse  and  usually  not  of 
equally  critical  character.  The  third  Conference — if  it  takes 
place  under  conditions  similar  to  its  predecessors  and  is  not 
superseded  by  a  closer  international  federative  body — will  in- 
evitably make  additions  to  the  statute  law  of  war,  and  for  the 
first  time  will  probably  take  long  steps  toward  codifying  the 
regulation  of  peaceful  relations  between  nations. 

It  is  the  Hague  Convention  for  the  Pacific  Settlement  of 
International  Disputes  which  has  been  most  in  the  public  eye 
and  by  which  the  work  at  The  Hague  has  been  publicly 
judged.  This  Convention  consists  of  four  constructive  parts 
relating  to  the  maintenance  of  general  peace,  good  offices  and 
mediation,  international  commissions  of  inquiry,  and  inter- 
national arbitration.  The  extent  to  which  these  methods  have 
been  used  is  the  test  of  the  Convention.  The  first  part  is 
declaratory  that  "the  contracting  powers  agree  to  use  their 
best  efforts  to  insure  the  pacific  settlement  of  international 
differences."  The  part  referring  to  good  offices  and  mediation 
relates  to  the  proffering  of  assistance  by  a  third  party  respect- 
ing differences  between  two  states.  It  is  provided  that  "the 
exercise  of  this  right  can  never  be  regarded  by  either  of  the 
parties  in  dispute  as  an  unfriendly  act."  The  provisions  of 
this  part  have  found  their  application  since  1899  in  many 
instances  of  international  strained  feeling.  The  mediation 
of  the  United  States  in  Central  and  South  America  has 
several  times  resulted  in  smoothing  over  serious  difficulties; 
and  at  a  more  recent  period  the  European  powers  were  acting 
as  mediators  under  this  convention  throughout  almost  the 
whole  course  of  the  Turko-ltalian  War  and  throughout  all  of 


204   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

the  Turko-Balkan  and  Inter-Balkan  conflicts.  It  is  generally 
accepted  in  diplomatic  circles  that  this  mediation  facilitated 
peace  negotiations  and  hastened  their  conclusion.  The  success 
of  mediation  by  Brazil,  Argentina,  and  Chile  in  the  Mexican 
difficulty  in  the  spring  of  1914,  saving  the  United  States  from 
a  threatened  war,  is  perhaps  in  itself  a  complete  justification 
of  this  part  of  the  Convention.  The  European  war  came 
about  only  after  the  failure  of  several  mediation  proposals 
and  had  hardly  begun  before  President  Wilson  had  tendered 
his  good  offices. 

The  part  referring  to  international  commissions  of  inquiry 
was  intended  to  set  up  machinery  "to  facilitate  a  solution  of 
disputes  by  elucidating  the  facts  by  means  of  an  impartial 
and  conscientious  investigation."  It  is  not  intended  to  pass 
on  the  quality  of  facts  and  actions,  but  simply  to  determine 
what  actually  occurred.  Twice  this  machinery  has  been 
availed  of,  both  times  successfully. 

The  part  of  the  Convention  referring  to  international 
arbitration  is  the  one  most  generally  known.  It  provides  for 
arbitration  at  The  Hague,  establishes  technical  rules  therefor, 
provides  a  bureau  corresponding  to  the  familiar  office  of  clerk 
of  court,  and  lays  down  general  rules  for  the  selection  of 
judges.  Choice  of  arbitrators  is  now  rather  clumsy,  and  the 
American  project  for  a  Judicial  Arbitral  Court  brought  up 
at  the  Second  Conference  was  designed  to  remedy  this  by 
providing  a  court  holding  regular  sessions.  At  present  "each 
contracting  power  selects  four  persons  at  the  most,  of  known 
competency  in  questions  of  international  law,  of  the  highest 
moral  reputation,  and  disposed  to  accept  the  duties  of  arbitra- 
tor." These  persons  form  the  so-called  Permanent  Court,  in 
reality  a  panel  of  judges.  When  states  have  a  question  to 
arbitrate  the  arbitrators  are  chosen  from  the  list  of  this  panel, 
three  or  five  members  being  named  by  a  method  previously 
agreed  upon.  One  is  designated  president,  and  the  court  so 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  205 

constituted  hears  the  case  and  renders  the  decision.  The 
court  was  declared  formed  by  a  note  of  the  Dutch  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs  of  April  9,  1901,  a  little  more  than  thirteen 
years  ago.  From  that  date  to  May  22,  1902,  it  awaited 
business.  From  then  until  the  present  time  business  has 
always  been  pending  before  the  court  in  some  stage,  except 
the  period  from  August  8,  1905,  to  March  14,  1908. 

— DENTS  P.  MYERS. 


CHAPTER  VII 
THE  INTERDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  NATIONS 

No  nation  liveth  to  itself  alone  in  the  Twentieth  Century. 

— GEORGE  E.  ROBERTS. 

INTERDEPENDENCE— A  REALITY  TO-DAY 

Any  species  of  birds  that  will  not  fly  together  as  they  fly 
South  shall  all  lose  their  way;  any  flock  of  sheep  that  cannot 
stand  together  in  a  winter's  storm  all  perish.  Any  utterly 
selfish  species  must  die  out  as  the  world  unfolds  and  develops. 
Deeper  than  any  possible  battle  of  group  with  group  is  the 
law  that  the  group  that  will  not  stand  with  the  other  groups 
shall  ultimately  lose  its  chance  in  the  unfolding  cosmic  order. 

— W.  H.  P.  FAUNCE. 

Human  rights,  national  integrity,  and  opportunity  against 
material  interests — that  is  the  issue  which  we  now  have  to 
face.  — WOODROW  WILSON. 

The  craftsmen  of  every  land  are  finding  out  that  their 
interests  are  common;  they  are  beginning  to  realize  that  it 
is  madness  to  seek  to  destroy  and  ruin  each  other.  The  edu- 
cated people,  and  especially  the  men  of  science,  have  long 
known  this.  By  interchange  of  periodicals,  by  frequent  inter- 
national visits,  by  the  actions  of  great  societies,  and  by  making 
use  everywhere  of  all  knowledge  wherever  it  be  acquired, 
they  have  long  practically  realized  the  solidarity  of  humanity ; 
and,  in  spite  of  such  political  hostilities  as  are  forced  upon 
their  notice,  their  attitude  to  all  coworkers  is  necessarily  and 

206 


THE   INTERDEPENDENCE   OF  THE  NATIONS         207 

essentially  one  of  fellow-feeling,  sympathy,  mutual  admira- 
tion, and  brotherhood.  No  warlike  enthusiasm  is  needed,  no 
alien  excitement  is  called  for,  to  break  the  monotony  of 
scientific  work.  In  work  such  as  this  there  is  no  monotony: 
excitement  and  thrill  are  provided  by  the  prospect  of  a 
discovery.  There  is  plenty  of  room  also  for  effort  and  strenu- 
ous exertion.  There  are  dangers,  too,  to  be  encountered, 
dangers  of  disease  and  accident — witness  the  self-sacrifice  of 
many  an  investigator,  whether  he  be  a  geographical  explorer, 
or  an  X-ray  worker,  or  a  student  of  tropical  disease.  There 
is  very  little  monotonous  toil,  though  there  is  much  steady 
work.  An  eruption  of  barbarism  would  be  no  relief ;  it  would 
be  a  discord,  an  interruption  as  painful  and  perturbing  as  an 
earthquake. 

It  is  the  deadly  monotony  of  the  ordinary  life  of  the  multi- 
tude that  constitutes  a  civic,  a  national,  danger.  It  is  this 
that  drives  people  to  drink  and  unworthy  relaxation.  It  is 
this  that  makes  people  welcome  the  feverish  excitement  of  a 
catastrophe  or  of  the  imminence  of  war.  It  is  this  which  is 
responsible  for  much  of  the  gambling  that  goes  on.  The 
deadly  monotony  must  be  broken,  daily  life  must  be  made 
more  interesting,  work  more  joyous,  human  nature  must  be 
given  a  fair  chance  of  equable  development.  The  nation 
which  first  realizes  the  magnitude  of  the  opportunity  afforded 
by  earthly  existence,  and  the  responsibility  resting  upon  these 
who  cooperatively  waste  it  in  the  mere  apparatus  and  material 
of  bodily  life,  the  nation  which  by  social  reform  liberates  the 
spirit  of  humanity — that  nation  will  arouse  in  its  citizens  a 
fervor  of  patriotism  hitherto  unknown,  and  to  it  will  belong, 
not  by  military  conquest  but  by  divine  right,  the  supremacy 
of  the  future  and  the  gratitude  of  the  human  race. 

— SIR  OLIVER  LODGE,  The  Irrationality  of  War,  pp. 
13,  14,  in  Documents  of  The  American  Associa- 
tion for  International  Conciliation,  1912. 


208   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Any  great  city  like  New  York  or  London,  in  the  advanced 
state  of  social  development  which  such  a  city  implies,  is 
always  within  a  week  of  starvation  if  suddenly  cut  off  from 
the  rest  of  the  world.  Every  clime  and  every  industry  con- 
tributes daily  to  the  supply  of  its  needs.  It  raises  not  a  bushel 
of  wheat,  not  a  load  of  corn.  It  fats  no  beeves  or  swine.  It 
produces  not  a  ton  of  coal,  not  a  board  of  lumber.  The  wool 
and  cotton  which  it  uses  are  grown  far  away  from  its  borders. 
When  the  cars  cease  to  come  in  from  the  suburban  gardens, 
the  trains  of  freight  to  thunder  into  its  stations,  or  the  boats 
of  merchandise  to  drop  anchor  in  its  harbor,  it  becomes  at 
once  as  helpless  as  a  child,  and  begins  to  cry  out  for  the  breast 
of  the  great  world-mother.  A  strike  on  a  modern  street-car 
line  deranges  the  plans  of  every  home  in  a  city;  a  strike  on 
a  great  railway  system  throws  every  corner  of  the  land  into 
confusion. 

This  interlacing  and  interdependence  of  individuals,  of 
families,  of  communities  and  of  classes,  in  every  relation  of 
life,  might  be  traced-  out,  with  interest  and  profit,  ad  libitum. 
But  the  lesson  is  as  clear  from  the  cases  given  as  it  could  be 
made  by  any  multiplication  of  the  number.  The  curious 
thing  about  this  fact  is  that  men  in  their  normal  condition 
create,  spontaneously  and  intentionally,  by  the  very  necessities 
of  their  nature,  the  conditions  which,  while  making  them 
infinitely  stronger  and  more  prosperous  when  united  with 
their  fellow-men,  render  them  more  and  more  helpless  when 
left  to  themselves. 

—BENJAMIN  F.  TRUEBLOOD,  The  Federation  of  the 
World,  Extract  from  pp.  11-13. 

If  a  cross-section  showing  a  single  day  in  the  life  of  a 
civilized  man  could  be  exposed,  it  would  disclose  the  services 
of  a  multitude  of  helpers.  When  he  rises,  a  sponge  is  placed 
in  his  hand  by  a  Pacific  Islander,  a  cake  of  soap  by  a  French- 


THE   INTERDEPENDENCE   OF  THE  NATIONS         209 

man,  a  rough  towel  by  a  Turk.  His  merino  underwear  he 
takes  from  the  hand  of  a  Spaniard,  his  linen  from  a  Belfast 
manufacturer,  his  outer  garments  from  a  Birmingham  weaver, 
his  scarf  from  a  French  silk-grower,  his  shoes  from  a  Brazilian 
grazier.  At  breakfast,  his  cup  of  coffee  is  poured  by  natives 
of  Java  and  Arabia;  his  rolls  are  passed  by  a  Kansas 
farmer,  his  beefsteak  by  a  Texan  ranchman,  his  orange  by  a 
Florida  Negro.  He  is  taken  to  the  city  by  the  descendants 
of  James  Watt;  his  messages  are  carried  hither  and  thither 
by  Edison,  the  grandson  by  electrical  consanguinity  of  Ben- 
jamin Franklin;  his  day's  stint  of  work  is  done  for  him  by 
a  thousand  Irishmen  in  his  factory;  or  he  pleads  in  a  court 
which  was  founded  by  ancient  Eomans,  and  for  the  support 
of  which  all  citizens  are  taxed;  or  in  his  study  at  home  he 
reads  books  composed  by  English  historians  and  French 
scientists,  and  which  were  printed  by  the  typographical 
descendants  of  Gutenberg.  In  the  evening  he  is  entertained 
by  German  singers  who  repeat  the  myths  of  Norsemen,  or 
by  a  company  of  actors  who  render  the  plays  of  Shakespeare ; 
and,  finally,  he  is  put  to  bed  by  South  Americans  who  bring 
hair,  by  Pennsylvania  miners  and  furnace-workers  who  bring 
steel,  by  Mississippi  planters  who  bring  cotton,  or,  if  he 
prefers,  by  Eussian  peasants  who  bring  flax,  and  by  Labrador 
fowlers  who  smooth  his  pillow.  A  million  men,  women,  and 
children  have  been  working  for  him  that  he  may  have  his 
day  of  comfort  and  pleasure.  In  return  he  has  contributed 
his  mite  to  add  a  unit  to  the  common  stock  of  necessaries  and 
luxuries  from  which  the  world  draws.  Each  is  working  for 
all ;  all  are  working  for  each.  When  Robert  Louis  Stevenson 
was  living  near  a  deserted  mine  in  the  heart  of  the  California 
mountains,  it  was  almost  impossible  to  get  fresh  meat  and 
milk;  and  in  his  sketch  entitled  "The  Silverado  Squatters" 
he  observes  parenthetically  that  "it  is  really  disheartening 
how  we  depend  on  other  people  in  this  life."  Man  is  never 


210   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

separate  from  mankind.    It  has  been  truly  said  that  no  com- 
parison can  be  made  between  man  alone  and  society,  but  only 
between  man  in  early  and  later  stages  of  social  development. 
— GEORGE  HARRIS,  Moral  Evolution,  pp.  36,  37. 

THE  GROWTH  OF  INTERDEPENDENCE  DESIRABLE 

Here  are  two  tribes  of  one  hundred  men  each  living  on 
opposite  sides  of  a  river,  both  engaged  in  growing  corn  or 
some  other  simple  form  of  agriculture.  It  occurs  one  day  to 
one  of  the  tribes  that  it  would  be  much  simpler  to  go  and  take 
the  corn  of  the  other  tribe  than  to  labor  at  growing  corn 
themselves.  So  some  fifty  of  the  best-trained  men  sally  forth 
to  despoil  their  neighbors.  The  second  tribe  resists:  some 
of  the  fifty  are  killed,  a  portion  of  the  corn  is  captured.  The 
first  tribe  then  argues  that  they  did  not  employ  force  enough, 
and  they  begin  to  increase  the  number  of  their  fighting  men 
and,  by  definite  training,  their  efficiency.  The  second  tribe, 
determined  not  again  to  be  the  victims  of  spoliation,  does  the 
same,  and  you  start  a  competition  of  armaments,  with  this 
result,  that  at  the  next  foray,  you  find  seventy-five  men  of  the 
first  tribe  ranged  in  battle  against  the  seventy-five  of  the 
second.  We  will  assume  that  the  first  tribe  is  successful,  beats 
the  seventy-five  of  the  defenders — who,  like  themselves,  have 
been  devoting  their  energies  to  warlike  training,  and  not  to 
the  production  of  grain — and  as  the  result  of  their  victory 
they  capture  grain  produced  by  twenty-five  men.  Thus,  the 
result  of  labor  (in  warlike  preparations,  the  production  of 
weapons,  training,  etc.)  of  seventy-five  men  yields  the  amount 
of  wealth  represented  by  the  labor  of  twenty-five  men.  Would 
not  the  result  have  been  exactly  three  times  as  great  if  their 
force  had  been  turned  directly  against  Nature  instead  of  using 
it  against  men  ? 

— NORMAN  ANGELL,  Arms  and  Industry,  Extract  from 
pp.  15,  16.     (G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  Publishers.) 


THE   INTERDEPENDENCE   OF  THE  NATIONS         211 

Even  if  a  nation  supposes  that  it  can  act  as  it  pleases 
inside  its  own  limits,  it  finds  its  mistake  if  it  passes  beyond 
a  certain  line  which  the  sensibilities  or  common  sense  of  out- 
side nations  regard  as  the  limit  of  conduct  to  be  tolerated. 
Spain  in  Cuba  is  a  sufficient  illustration  for  the  people  of 
this  country,  while  the  condemnation  of  the  European  gov- 
ernments by  the  outraged  sentiment  of  Christendom  for  fail- 
ing to  prevent  the  massacres  of  the  Armenians  illustrates 
what  would  have  been  the  verdict  of  civilization  if  those  un- 
speakable horrors  had  been  stopped  by  force.  Slave  traders 
and  pirates  are  recognized  as  common  enemies  of  mankind, 
and  slave-trading  and  piratical  peoples,  as  in  the  case  of 
Arabs  in  equatorial  Africa  and  the  Mediterranean  pirates  of 
the  early  days  of  the  American  republic,  can,  in  so  far  as  their 
deeds  offend  the  common  conscience  of  other  nations,  be  right- 
fully deprived  of  sovereign  powers  at  the  will  of  these  nations, 
with  no  claim  to  redress. 

When  we  come  to  examine  thus  the  positions  already  held 
by  civilized  nations,  it  is  clear  that  they  practically  recognize 
material  encroachments  upon  the  principle  of  national 
sovereignty.  In  order  to  secure  assent  to  a  position  essential 
to  successful  world  organization,  a  further  clearing  up  of  ideas 
rather  than  any  radical  change  is  the  need  of  the  hour.  Com- 
mon conditions  imposed  upon  all  nations  make  their  status 
substantially  the  same  in  their  relation  to  each  other.  Each 
people  exercises  a  limiting  and  conditioning  influence  upon 
every  other  people.  Each  people  must  recognize  conditions 
which  every  other  must  recognize.  It  is  for  the  common  good 
that  these  conditions  be  submitted  to. 

It  is  somewhat  with  nations  as  it  is  with  men.  Nations 
are  sovereign;  men  are  free.  But  the  recognized  limitations 
upon  the  free  action  of  men  are  no  more  real  than  the  limita- 
tions upon  the  sovereignty  of  nations.  From  the  savage  up 
to  the  highest  product  of  civilization,  the  individual  man, 


212   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

with  a  will  truly  free,  is  yet  so  limited  by  circumstances 
that  his  freedom  is  rather  a  freedom  of  choice  between  right 
and  wrong  than  full  freedom  of  choice  regarding  the  acts 
of  life. 

— RAYMOND  L.  BRIDGMAN,  World  Organization, 
pp.  8,  9. 

The  one  postulate  of  the  principle  we  are  discussing  is  that 
variety  of  the  types  of  civilization  among  mankind — rather 
than  the  universal  prevalence  of  a  single  type,  the  others  being 
suppressed — is  desirable,  and  not  only  desirable,  but  the 
ethical  aim  toward  which  the  efforts  of  the  genuine  lovers 
of  progress  should  be  bent.  It  may  seem  strange  that  a 
proposition  of  this  kind  requires  to  be  emphasized;  and  yet 
this  is  undoubtedly  necessary  in  view  of  the  tendencies  now 
clearly  prevailing  in  the  opposite  direction.  Surely  the  inter- 
dependence of  the  different  species  of  culture  is  a  patent  fact. 
Surely  the  reciprocal  influence  of  French,  Italian,  English, 
German  culture  on  each  other  is  obvious  to  the  most  casual 
student  of  history. 

— FELIX  ABLER,  The  Fundamental  Principle  of  Inter- 
Racial  Ethics,  and  Some  Practical  Applications 
of  it,  in  Inter-Racial  Problems,  p.  265. 

Though  we  talk  of  foreign  nations,  there  are  in  fact  no 
"foreign"  nations.  So  inextricably  interwoven  are  the  in- 
terests of  different  countries  that,  as  Lord  Avebury  puts  it,  "if 
one  suffers,  all  suffer ;  if  one  flourishes,  it  is  good  for  the  rest." 
.  .  .  National  policy  may  often  fall  below,  but  it  cannot  rise 
above  the  national  Ideal.  Thus,  however  the  question  is 
approached,  we  are  always  brought  back  to  the  same  point. 
And  that  point  is,  the  urgent  necessity  of  a  changed  standard 
of  thought  and  feeling. 

The  wonderful  efficacy  of  changed  national  sentiment  in 


THE   INTERDEPENDENCE  OP  THE  NATIONS        213 

promoting  friendly  relations  is  constantly  before  our  eyes. 
Take  the  case  of  England  and  France.  After  some  seven 
hundred  years  of  warfare,  France  had  come  to  be  thought  the 
traditional,  the  so-called  "natural,"  enemy  of  England.  She 
might  be  so  now,  but  for  the  genius  of  Edward  the  Peace- 
maker, who — without  ever  seeming  to  be  so  engaged — simply 
reversed  the  currents  of  feeling  in  both  nations,  and  set  them 
running  in  a  new  direction  of  goodwill  and  amity,  which  has 
every  promise  of  permanence.  The  genius  who  does  the  same 
for  the  present  relations  between  Germany  and  England  will 
deserve  the  gratitude  of  Europe. 

— W.  L.  GRANE,  The  Passing  of  War,  Extracts  from 
pp.  231,  232.     (The  Macmillan  Co.,  Publishers.) 

Peace,  commerce,  friendship  with  all  nations,  entangling 
alliance  with  none. 

— THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 

What  is  the  real  guarantee  of  the  good  behavior  of  one 
State  to  another  ?  It  is  the  elaborate  interdependence,  which, 
not  only  in  the  economic  sense,  but  in  every  sense,  makes  an 
unwarrantable  aggression  of  one  State  upon  another  react 
upon  the  interests  of  the  aggressor.  Switzerland  has  every 
interest  in  affording  an  absolutely  secure  asylum  to  British 
subjects ;  that  fact,  and  not  the  might  of  the  British  Empire, 
gives  protection  to  British  subjects  in  Switzerland.  Where, 
indeed,  the  British  subject  has  to  depend  upon  the  force  of  his 
government  for  protection,  it  is  a  very  frail  protection  indeed, 
because  in  practice  the  use  of  that  force  is  so  cumbersome,  so 
difficult,  so  costly,  that  any  other  means  are  to  be  preferred 
to  it.  When  the  traveler  in  Greece  had  to  depend  upon 
British  arms,  great  as  was  relatively  the  force  of  those  arms,  it 
proved  but  a  very  frail  protection.  In  the  same  way,  when 
physical  force  was  used  to  impose  on  the  South  American 


214   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

and  Central  American  States  the  observance  of  their  financial 
obligations,  such  an  attempt  failed  utterly  and  miserably — so 
miserably  that  Great  Britain  finally  surrendered  any  attempt 
at  such  enforcement.  What  means  have  succeeded?  The 
bringing  of  those  countries  under  the  influence  of  the  great 
economic  currents  of  our  time,  so  that  now  property  is  in- 
finitely more  secure  in  Argentina  than  it  was  when  British 
gunboats  were  bombarding  its  ports.  More  and  more  in 
international  relationship  is  the  purely  economic  motive — 
and  the  economic  motive  is  only  one  of  several  possible  ones — 
being  employed  to  replace  the  use  of  physical  force. 

— NORMAN  ANGELL,  The  Great  Illusion,  pp.  302,  303. 
(G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  Publishers.) 

CHANGING  CONDITIONS 

The  revolution  in  the  economic  and  therefore  in  the  politi- 
cal state  of  the  world  in  the  past  century,  or  rather  in  the  last 
two  or  three  centuries,  has  been  so  gradual  as  to  be  almost 
imperceptible,  but  if  one  looks  back  to  the  conditions  prevail- 
ing even  within  the  memory  of  living  men  and  contrasts 
them  with  those  of  to-day  one  appreciates  the  really  wonder- 
ful and  striking  changes  that  have  been  evolved.  As  recently 
as  a  century  ago  production  was  on  a  limited  scale,  and 
practically  everyone  with  but  few  privileged  exceptions  had 
to  labor  from  dawn  to  dark  for  an  income  which  did  not  much 
more  than  keep  body  and  soul  together.  Moreover,  the 
pressure  of  existence  made  everyone  not  only  jealous  for  his 
own  welfare  but  regard  with  fear  any  measure  that  seemed 
likely  to  bring  benefits  to  others.  But  if  the  jealousy  of  indi- 
viduals was  great  it  was  small  in  comparison  with  the  jealousy 
of  nations.  The  strenuous  economic  conditions  of  the  time 
caused  nations  to  regard  even  the  interchange  of  goods  and 
produce  with  other  states  as  opposed  to  their  interests.  The 
cause  of  the  insular  attitude  of  country  to  country,  of  district 


THE   INTERDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  NATIONS         215 

to  district,  and  of  man  to  man  was  inherent  in  the  economic 

conditions  which  then  prevailed. 

— SIR  GEOEGE  PAISH,  International  Investments  and 
Their  Important  Influence  Upon  International 
Unity,  p.  49,  in  Documents  of  the  American 
Association  for  International  Conciliation,  1912. 

The  interdependence  of  nations  was  first  argued  seriously  in 
the  modern  world  by  Hume  in  1752.  He  was  followed  by 
Adam  Smith  in  a  work  of  far  wider  reach,  thirty  years  later. 
Yet  their  arguments  had  evidently  not  affected  general  policy 
at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  as  political  discussion 
in  England  at  the  time  of  the  American  Eevolution,  and  on 
the  Continent  at  the  time  of  the  Napoleonic  wars,  showed 
plainly  enough.  Indeed  the  practical,  vital  interdependence 
of  States  was  then  very  small,  as  the  results  of  Napoleon's 
continental  system  clearly  showed.  Even  England,  indus- 
trially the  most  developed  of  all,  was  only  dependent  upon 
foreigners  (except  occasionally  in  years  of  great  scarcity) 
for  luxuries,  spices,  wines,  brandies,  silks — things  which, 
while  the  trade  in  them  was  considerable,  affected  only  an 
infinitesimal  part  of  the  population,  and  which  were  not  much 
affected  by  the  prosperity  or  otherwise  of  the  neighboring 
peoples.  England  had  not  yet  a  great  national  industry  which 
depended  upon  the  prosperity  of  her  neighbors — upon,  that  is, 
the  neighbors  being  able  to  send  her  food  and  raw  material  in 
abundant  quantities,  upon  their  being  able  to  carry  on  their 
industries.  This  is  the  crucial  test  of  vital  interdependence 
and  it  did  not  exist  in  any  other  country  in  the  world  at  the 
beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

— NORMAN  ANGELL,  Arms  and  Industry,  Extract  from 
pp.  115,  116.    (G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  Publishers.) 

Although  remnants  of  the  old  order  of  things  still  survive 


216   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

the  world  has  long  since  abandoned  the  archaic  principle  of 
self-sufficiency  and  to-day  no  family  or  district  or  nation 
endeavors  to  be  self-contained.  Indeed,  the  economic  and 
political  principles  of  society  of  former  centuries  have  been 
completely  revolutionized  by  the  progress  of  invention  which 
has  made  every  individual,  family,  and  nation  dependent 
upon  others  for  both  the  necessaries  and  luxuries  of  life. 
Interdependence  has  replaced  self-sufficiency,  and  common 
interests  among  nations  have  taken  the  place  of  international 
antagonism.  It  is  true  that  commercial  jealousies  exist,  even 
now,  between  countries  producing  the  same  description  of 
produce  or  manufacturing  similar  kinds  of  goods,  but  these 
jealousies  arise  from  the  largeness  of  the  production  of  surplus 
supplies  of  food,  raw  materials,  or  manufactured  articles  for 
sale  to  other  lands  by  individual  countries,  not  from  the 
smallness  of  their  surpluses.  In  brief,  the  emulation  to-day 
comes  from  the  desire  of  each  state  to  enjoy  the  largest  com- 
merce, and  thus  to  be  able  to  purchase  the  greatest  quantity 
of  produce  or  services  from  other  lands  for  the  consumption 
and  use  of  its  people. 

— SIR  GEORGE  PAISH,  International  Investments 
and  Their  Important  Influence  Upon  Inter- 
national Unity,  p.  58,  in  Documents  of  the 
American  Association  for  International  Con- 
ciliation, 1912. 

I  want  you  to  recall  the  propositions  with  which  I  started, 
namely,  that  the  relations  of  States  are  rapidly  modifying  in 
obedience  to  changing  conditions — the  greater  division  of 
labor  set  up  by  quicker  communications ;  that  this  intensified 
division  of  labor  sets  up  a  condition  of  necessary  interdepend- 
ence between  those  who  share  the  labor;  that  this  condition 
of  interdependence  in  its  turn  involves  a  necessary  subsidence 
of  the  factor  of  physical  force  between  them;  that  this  sub- 


THE   INTERDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  NATIONS         217 

sidence  of  physical  force  not  only  weakens  necessarily  the  role 
of  political  control,  but  the  very  complexity  of  the  division  of 
labor  tends  to  set  up  cooperation  in  groups  which  cut  right 
athwart  political  frontiers,  so  that  the  political  no  longer 
limits  or  coincides  with  the  economic  frontier;  and  that, 
finally,  partly  as  the  cumulative  effect  of  all  these  factors,  and 
partly  as  the  direct  effect  of  devices  born  of  the  necessity  of 
coordinating  such  factors,  you  get  what  I  may  term  tele- 
graphic financial  reaction — a  condition  of  sensibility  by  which 
the  organism  as  a  whole  becomes  quickly  conscious  of  any 
damage  to  a  part;  that  the  matter  may  be  summarized  in  the 
statement  that  military  force  is  more  and  more  failing  in  its 
effect,  and  must  finally  become — I  think  it  has  already  become 
— economically  futile. 

— NORMAN  ANGELL,  Arms  and  Industry,  Extract  from 
pp.  130, 131.    (G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  Publishers.) 

Speaking  of  the  impulse  toward  social  coordination,  Judge 
Baldwin  has  said : 

"This  impulse  will  be  felt  as  a  cosmic  force  in  precise  pro- 
portion to  the  psychological  contact  of  nation  with  nation. 
Until  the  days  of  steam  transportation  there  were  few  in  any 
country,  even  among  its  leaders,  who  ever  went  far  from  their 
own  land.  The  seventeenth  century  had  indeed  established 
the  practice  of  maintaining  permanent  legations  for  diplo- 
matic intercourse ;  but  it  was  an  intercourse  limited  to  official 
circles.  Modern  facilities  for  travel,  modern  uses  of  elec- 
tricity and  the  modern  press  have  put  the  world,  and  even  the 
embassy,  on  a  different  footing.  There  is  no  place  left  that 
is  safe  enough  to  hide  state  secrets.  The  telegraph  and  tele- 
phone have  conquered  time  and  space.  The  newspapers  give 
daily  to  every  one  for  two  cents  what  a  hundred  years  ago 
all  the  governments  in  the  world  could  not  have  commanded 
in  a  year. 


218   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

"Nations  have  been  brought  together  by  material  forces, 
starting  into  action  greater  immaterial  forces.  Electricity  is 
finishing  what  steam  began.  Men  come  close  together  who 
breathe  a  common  intellectual  atmosphere ;  who  are  fed  daily 
by  the  same  currents  of  thought;  who  hear  simultaneously  of 
the  same  events ;  who  are  eager  to  disclose  to  each  other  what- 
ever new  thing,  coming  to  the  knowledge  of  any,  is  worthy 
the  notice  of  all." 

The  disposition,  then,  to  take  concerted  international  action 
grows  with  the  opportunity  in  the  means  of  communication. 
Each  nation  instantaneously  feels  the  compulsion  of  the 
public  opinion  of  all  nations.  Compare,  for  example,  modern 
exchanges  of  views  between  governments,  swiftly  reaching  a 
common  basis  of  action  and  resulting  increasingly  in  ends 
beneficent  to  the  whole  world,  with  former  ignorance  and 
mutual  suspicion  largely  due  to  ignorance,  resulting  in  no 
common  action  and  permitting  aggressions  and  abuses  by 
single  nations  or  small  groups  which  to-day  the  concert  of 
all  nations  protests  against  more  and  more  loudly  and  less 
and  less  tolerates. 

— PHILANDER  C.  KNOX,  International  Unity,  pp.  11, 
12,  in  Documents  of  the  American  Association  for 
International  Conciliation,  1910. 

The  United  States  is  a  noteworthy  example  of  a  country 
which  is  drifting  away  from  agriculture  as  the  predominant 
national  industry  and  is  steadily  concentrating  its  energies 
in  manufactures  and  foreign  commerce,  and  thus  the  nation 
is  constantly  binding  itself  more  intimately  with  other 
nations.  In  proportion  as  these  solidarities  are  multiplied  it 
becomes  more  difficult  to  break  the  ties  existing  among  differ- 
ent countries,  and  consequently  the  proposition  of  war  be- 
comes more  unpopular. 

Commerce  to-day  rests  on  the  broad  and  equitable  principles 


THE  INTERDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  NATIONS        219 

of  reciprocity.  In  former  times  every  nation  was  arrayed 
against  every  other  nation,  prepared  to  do  it  all  the  injury 
possible  by  prohibitions  and  restrictions  on  trade,  and,  if 
necessary,  to  go  to  war  to  accomplish  its  ruin.  This  policy 
has  been  abandoned,  although  vestiges  of  the  old  idea  that 
one  commercial  nation  may  gain  by  ruining  another  still  pre- 
vail. It  was  Gladstone  who  said  that  the  ships  that  pass 
between  one  country  and  another  are  like  the  shuttle  of  the 
loom,  weaving  a  web  of  concord  among  the  nations.  It  is 
now  widely  recognized  that  the  interest  of  any  one  nation 
accords  with  the  common  interest  of  all.  This  indeed  was 
the  keynote  of  the  late  President  McKinley's  farewell  speech 
at  Buffalo,  wherein  he  reminded  the  American  people  that  a 
system  which  provides  a  mutual  exchange  of  commodities  is 
manifestly  essential  to  the  continued  and  healthful  growth 
of  our  export  trade,  and  that  we  must  not  repose  in  fancied 
security  that  we  can  forever  sell  everything  and  buy  little 
or  nothing;  but  that  if  such  a  thing  were  possible,  it  would 
not  be  the  best  for  us  or  for  those  with  whom  we  deal.  Hence 
he  recommended  the  policy  of  reciprocity  as  one  which  would 
promote  good  will  and  friendly  trade  relations  between  the 
United  States  and  foreign  countries. 

— JOHN  BALL  OSBORNE,  Influence  of  Commerce  in  the 
Promotion  of  International  Peace,  pp.  6,  7,  in 
the  Documents  of  the  American  Association  of 
International  Conciliation,  1909. 

Bankers  are  awaking,  and  in  January,  1912,  when  Mr. 
Angell  addressed  the  "Institute  of  Bankers"  in  London,  there 
was  so  great  a  crowd  that  the  doors  had  to  be  closed  against 
those  for  whom  there  was  no  room.  The  gist  of  his  teaching 
was  profoundly  ethical,  though  couched  in  the  language  of 
the  Exchange.  He  showed  his  hearers  that  banking  all  un- 
consciously is  bringing  peace,  by  making  nations  financially 


220   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

interdependent.  This  interdependence  is  largely  the  product 
of  the  last  twenty  years  and  reverses  those  conditions  in  which 
for  ages,  however  wrong  aggression  might  be,  there  was  some 
material  reward  for  it,  by  levying  tribute,  or  by  the  conquest 
of  neighboring  colonies.  Not  even  the  peace  advocates  have 
been  alive  to  this  stupendous  argument  from  the  recent  changes 
in  world  conditions,  but  have  dwelt  on  the  unchristian  charac- 
ter of  war,  while  often  tacitly  assuming  with  their  opponents 
that,  if  a  nation  stole,  it  might  gain  somewhat  material 
advantage  in  spite  of  wickedness.  This  is  to-day  the  illusion 
that  Norman  Angell's  facts  and  figures  have  made  plain. 
That  we,  being  many,  are  members  one  of  another  is  the 
profound  truth  to  which  he  has  suddenly  revealed  a  new  and 
stunning  application,  one  that  of  necessity  could  not  have 
been  so  fully  perceived  before. 

When  the  prosperity  of  an  average  German  factory  is  dis- 
tributed pretty  evenly  over  some  such  factors  as  these;  the 
capacity  of  a  peasant  in  Provence  who  sells  his  olives  in  New 
York  to  subscribe  to  a  South  American  loan,  in  order  that  a 
dock  might  be  built  on  the  Amazon  to  enable  the  manufac- 
turer in  Manchester  to  sell  furniture  in  Baku  to  a  merchant 
whose  wealth  is  due  to  the  development  of  petrol  consumption 
in  an  automobile  trade  created  in  Paris — in  a  world  where 
business  is  done  under  such  conditions  as  these,  we  are  told 
that  the  limits  of  commercial  or  industrial  activity  are  deter- 
mined by  the  limits  of  political  influence,  and  that  there 
exists  some  direct  relation  between  political  power  and  eco- 
nomic advantage!  And  we  are  still  told  it  even  when  the 
prosperity  of  lesser  states  with  no  political  power  gives  it  daily 
the  lie.  The  whole  thing  is  one  vast  mystification,  the  most 
colossal  illusion  of  the  modern  world. 

— LUCIA  AMES  MEAD,  Swords  and  Ploughshares, 
Extracts  from  pp.  143-145. 


THE  INTERDEPENDENCE  OP  THE  NATIONS        221 

INTERNATIONAL  COOPERATION 

The  International  Institute  of  Agriculture  may  be  deemed 
a  step  in  evolutionary  development,  development  in  the  field 
of  economics.  It  is  substantially  a  world  cooperative  institu- 
tion, a  world  clearing-house  of  economic  information.  It  is, 
in  fact,  the  first  permanent  international  parliament,  a  per- 
manent parliament  for  economic  betterment. 

The  initiative  toward  founding  this  Institute  was  taken  by 
His  Majesty  the  King  of  Italy,  who  called  a  conference  of  the 
governments  for  this  purpose.  This  conference  met  in  Eome 
in  1905,  and  formulated  a  treaty  for  the  establishment  of  the 
Institute.  This  treaty  was  ratified  by  forty-seven  govern- 
ments, and  the  adhering  countries  now  embrace  ninety-eight 
per  cent  of  the  population  and  ninety-five  per  cent  of  all  the 
land  of  the  world. 

— DAVID  LUBIN,  The  International  Institute  of  Agri- 
culture at  Eome,  in  Papers  on  Inter-Eacial  Prob- 
lems, Extract  from  pp.  254,  255. 

The  countries  of  the  world  have  so  much  in  common  that 
there  are  now  more  than  fifty  official  International  Bureaux 
with  permanent  offices ;  there  are  nearly  five  hundred  private 
international  associations;  and  year  by  year  not  less  than  one 
hundred  and  fifty  international  congresses  meet. 

Numerous  offices  are  constantly  engaged  on  important 
matters  that  affect  the  civilized  world,  such  as  postal  arrange- 
ments, telegraphs,  commerce,  trade-marks,  patents,  copyright, 
agriculture  and  the  transmission  of  diseases,  sanitary  laws, 
weights  and  measures,  maritime  and  river  naigation,  light- 
houses, signaling,  Suez  Canal,  transport,  coinage,  customs, 
crime  and  prisons,  police,  Eed  Cross  and  Geneva  Convention, 
fisheries,  and  a  great  number  more. 

— T.  P.  NEWMAN,  The  Approach  of  Nations, 
Extract  from  p.  4. 


222       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

We  talk  of  the  flag,  of  liberty,  of  freedom,  but  in  the  one 
hundred  cents  of  a  dollar,  is  not  each  cent  a  measure  of 
liberty,  a  measure  of  freedom  ?  Has  not  its  owner  the  liberty 
to  exchange  each  cent  for  a  certain  measure  of  goods  or  for 
a  certain  measure  of  leisure?  Hence  it  must  follow  that  a 
cause  which  robs  the  cent  of  its  purchasing  power  robs  its 
owner  of  a  like  measure  of  liberty  and  freedom. 

It  was  to  prevent  this  universal,  this  international,  robbery 
that  the  nations  ratified  the  treaty  establishing  this  Institute. 

But  a  most  important  function  of  the  Institute  has  yet  to  be 
stated :  the  International  Institute  of  Agriculture  is  destined 
to  become  the  world's  temple  of  peace. 

Professor  Carver  of  Harvard  University  says : 

I  am  particularly  interested  in  the  possibilities  of  the 
Institute  as  a  factor  in  International  Peace.  If  the  leading 
nations  can  be  brought  together  in  any  kind  of  cooperative 
work  for  the  general  good  of  the  civilized  world,  such  as  your 
system  of  crop-reporting,  the  very  fact  of  working  together 
will  tend  to  produce  friendship,  and  to  make  war  hereafter 
impossible.  It  is  probable  that  International  unity  will  never 
come  about  by  merely  saying  "Go  to  now,  let  us  be  united/'  but 
it  will  come  about  by  just  this  form  of  cooperative  work  for 
a  useful  purpose,  without  much  immediate  thought  as  to  its 
future  reactions  in  the  field  of  international  friendship. 

The  sages  and  prophets  of  our  day  find  their  task  easier 
than  of  yore,  for  the  time  has  at  last  come  when  it  is  begin- 
ning to  be  understood  that  robbery,  covetous  greed,  or  dis- 
order is  not  nearly  as  profitable  as  Equity,  Service,  and  Order. 
It  is  now  beginning  to  be  understood  that  the  economic  gloom 
of  one  country  casts  its  dark  shadow  of  loss  and  suffering  on 
all  other  countries,  and  that  the  sun  of  prosperity  which 
shines  in  one  country  sheds  its  beneficent  rays  abroad,  blessing 
all  the  other  countries. 

And  what  mode  is  there  for  the  surer  and  quicker  realiza- 


THE   INTERDEPENDENCE   OF  THE   NATIONS         223 

tion  of  International  Equity,  of  International  Service,  and  of 
International  Order  than  through  an  International  Parlia- 
ment? 

But  Parliaments,  and  above  all  International  Parliaments, 
do  not  come,  nor  would  they  endure,  without  a  struggle.  And 
this  applies  particularly  to  this  first  international  economic 
parliament,  the  International  Institute  of  Agriculture.  The 
forces  which  find  it  in  their  interest  to  disintegrate  its  struc- 
ture are  among  the  most  crafty  and  powerful  in  the  world, 
and  they  have  a  reach  which  goes  direct  to  the  heart  of 
governments. 

Those,  therefore,  who  champion  the  cause  of  international 
amity,  should  be  among  the  first  to  take  up  an  unmistakable 
stand  in  relation  to  this  beginning  of  international  adminis- 
trative life. 

— DAVID  LUBIN,  The  International  Institute  of  Agri- 
culture at  Rome,  in  Inter-Racial  Problems,  Ex- 
tracts from  pp.  257,  258. 

It  requires  no  argument  to  demonstrate  the  potent  influ- 
ence of  satisfactory  commercial  relations  in  maintaining  a 
secure  and  enduring  peace  between  nations,  for  it  is  one  of 
those  self-evident  truths  which  logic  teaches  and  history  con- 
firms. The  basic  principle  of  this  great  silent  influence  is 
mutuality  of  interest.  The  same  restraining  forces  are  at 
work  to  avert  a  rupture  of  friendly  relations  between  two 
countries  engaged  in  commerce  with  each  other  as  operate  to 
prevent  a  quarrel  between  a  business  man  and  his  customers 
or  a  lawyer  and  his  clients. 

Commerce  is  vitally  dependent  upon  peace.  So  long  as 
harmony  prevails  among  the  nations  their  commerce  flourishes 
and  develops  normally  from  year  to  year;  but  upon  the  first 
rumors  of  war  it  begins  to  dwindle  and  to  seek  new  channels 
where  it  will  be  least  exposed  to  the  many  dangers  of  war.  .  .  . 


224   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

The  best  illustration  in  our  times  of  the  principle  above 
enunciated  that  intimate  commercial  relations  are  an  effective 
guaranty  of  peace  is  furnished  by  our  trade  relations  with 
Great  Britain.  Notwithstanding  the  circumscribed  area  of 
the  British  Isles,  no  less  than  forty  per  cent  of  the  total  trade 
(imports  and  exports)  between  the  United  States  and  Europe 
is  with  the  United  Kingdom. 

Here,  in  our  trade  relations  with  Great  Britain,  is  strik- 
ingly exemplified  the  fact  that  the  numerous  ships  which  ply 
unceasingly  between  the  two  countries  are  engaged  in  the 
noble  work  of  binding  the  nations  together  in  international 
friendship  and  concord,  and  each  and  every  vessel  that  comes 
and  goes  loaded  to  the  full  with  the  national  products  of  one 
country  destined  for  the  people  of  the  other  is  an  effective 
agent  in  the  cause  of  peace,  tying,  at  each  successive  voyage, 
an  additional  knot  in  the  bonds  of  mutual  interest  which 
unite  the  two  nations. 

— JOHN  BALL  OSBORNE,  American  Association  for  In- 
ternational Conciliation. 

The  closer  and  more  numerous  the  ties  between  nations 
which  are  created  by  commerce,  the  greater  will  be  the  reluc- 
tance on  the  part  of  any  nation  to  begin  a  war;  hence  the 
greater  the  security  against  war.  I  have  seen  it  suggested 
that  these  very  ties  created  by  commerce  make  war  easier,  for 
they  afford  just  so  many  provocations  for  war.  This  is  easy 
enough  to  allege  and  might  seem  plausible,  especially  to  those 
whose  minds  are  steeped  in  the  history  of  the  mercantile 
system,  colonial  conquests,  and  the  struggle  for  commercial 
supremacy  of  long  ago;  but  the  experience  of  modern  times 
has  been  quite  otherwise.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  these  com- 
mercial ties  make  the  damages  created  by  war  so  much  in 
excess  of  any  gains  possible  by  war  as  to  intensify  the  love  of 
peace  and  the  horror  of  war. 


THE  INTERDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  NATIONS         225 

There  are  countless  instances  in  history  to  illustrate  the 
principle  that  commercial  intimacy  between  two  countries 
promotes  and  preserves  peaceful  relations  between  them.  One 
of  the  most  impressive  is  the  case  of  England  and  Portugal, 
united  in  bonds  of  amity  and  mutality  of  trade  interests  for 
a  century  and  a  third  by  the  famous  Methuen  Treaty  of 
Reciprocity. 

— JOHN  BALL  OSBORNE,  American  Association  for  In- 
ternational Conciliation. 


One  of  the  most  persuasive  books  of  recent  years  is  entitled 
"The  Great  Illusion,"  and  the  illusion  of  which  it  treats  is 
the  idea  that  any  people  can  possibly  benefit  itself  by  conquer- 
ing, impoverishing  or  even  annexing,  forcibly,  another  people. 
The  author  shows  that  if  it  were  possible  for  a  German  army 
to  capture  London  there  is  nothing  it  could  do  to  disturb  the 
activities  or  prosperity  of  its  inhabitants  that  would  not  react 
disastrously  upon  the  people  of  Germany.  It  might  be  able 
to  loot  the  Bank  of  England,  but  if  the  Bank  of  England  was 
looted  there  would  be  a  panic  throughout  the  world,  and  no- 
where greater  than  in  Berlin.  An  illustration  of  this  was 
afforded  two  years  ago  when  a  German  warship  steamed  into 
a  port  of  Morocco,  with  a  remotely  implied  threat  of  war  with 
France,  with  the  result  that  so  much  French  money  was  with- 
drawn from  Germany  that  the  Imperial  Bank  was  obliged  to 
expand  its  loans  by  $200,000,000  within  thirty  days,  and 
meantime  the  Berlin  stock  exchange  was  in  panic  and  German 
industries  lost  hundreds  of  millions  more.  No  nation  liveth 
to  itself  alone  in  the  twentieth  century.  The  wealth  of  the 
world  is  now  a  common  fund.  There  is  a  reservoir  in  London, 
another  in  New  York,  another  in  Montreal,  and  others  else- 
where, but  they  are  all  connected.  You  cannot  draw  down  the 
supply  of  capital  in  one  without  affecting  the  supply  in  all. 


226   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

You  cannot  burn  up,  confiscate,  or  destroy  property  anywhere 
that  the  whole  civilized  world  does  not  suffer  loss. 

— GEOKGE  E.  EGBERTS,  The  Common  Interest. 

Man's  struggle  is  the  struggle  of  the  organism,  which  is 
human  society,  in  its  adaptation  to  its  environment,  the  world 
— not  the  struggle  between  different  parts  of  the  same  organ- 
ism. .  .  .  Britain  to-day  supports  forty  millions  in  greater 
comfort  than  it  supported  twenty  a  little  over  half  a  century 
ago.  This  has  been  accomplished,  not  by  the  various  groups 
— Scots,  English,  Welsh,  Irish — preying  upon  one  another, 
but  by  exactly  the  reverse  process :  close  cooperation  between 
themselves  and  with  populations  outside. 

That  mankind  as  a  whole  represents  the  organism  and  the 
planet  the  environment,  to  which  he  is  more  and  more  adapt- 
ing himself,  is  the  only  conclusion  that  consorts  with  the 
facts.  If  struggle  between  men  is  the  true  reading,  those 
facts  are  absolutely  inexplicable,  for  he  is  drifting  away  from 
conflict,  from  the  use  of  physical  force  and  toward  coopera- 
tion. This  much  is  unchallengeable,  as  the  facts  which  follow 
will  show. 

But  in  that  case,  if  struggle  for  extermination  of  rivals 
between  men  is  the  law  of  life,  mankind  is  setting  at  naught 
the  natural  law,  and  must  be  on  its  way  to  extinction. 

Happily  the  natural  law  in  this  matter  has  been  misread. 
Man  in  his  sociological  aspect  is  not  the  complete  organism. 
The  man  who  attempts  to  live  without  association  with  his 
fellows,  dies.  Nor  is  the  nation  the  complete  organism.  If 
Britain  attempted  to  live  without  cooperation  with  other 
nations,  half  the  population  would  starve.  The  completer  the 
cooperation,  the  greater  the  vitality;  the  more  imperfect  the 
cooperation,  the  less  the  vitality.  Now  a  body,  the  various 
parts  of  which  are  so  interdependent  that  without  coordina- 
tion vitality  is  reduced  or  death  ensues,  must  be  regarded,  in 


THE   INTERDEPENDENCE   OF  THE   NATIONS         227 

so  far  as  those  functions  are  concerned,  not  as  a  collection  of 
rival  organisms,  but  as  one.  This  is  in  accord  with  what  we 
know  of  the  character  of  living  organisms  in  their  conflict 
with  environment.  The  higher  the  organism,  the  greater  the 
elaboration  and  interdependence  of  its  parts,  the  greater  the 
need  for  coordination.  ,  .  . 

Indeed,  where  the  cooperation  between  the  parts  of  the 
social  organism  is  as  complete  as  our  mechanical  development 
has  recently  made  it,  it  is  impossible  to  fix  the  limits  of  the 
community,  and  to  say  what  is  one  community  and  what  is 
another.  Certainly  the  State  limits  no  longer  define  the 
limits  of  the  community;  and  yet  it  is  only  the  State  limits 
which  international  antagonism  predicates.  If  the  Louisiana 
cotton  crop  fails,  a  part  of  Lancashire  starves.  There  is  closer 
community  of  interest  in  a  vital  matter  between  Lancashire 
and  Louisiana  than  between  Lancashire  and  say,  the  Orkneys, 
part  of  the  same  State.  There  is  much  closer  intercommuni- 
cation between  Britain  and  the  United  States  in  all  that 
touches  social  and  moral  development  than  between  Britain 
and,  say,  Bengal,  part  of  the  same  State.  An  English  noble- 
man has  more  community  of  thought  and  feeling  with  a 
European  Continental  aristocrat  (will  marry  his  daughter, 
for  instance)  than  he  would  think  of  claiming  with  such 
"fellow"  British  countrymen  as  a  Bengal  babu,  a  Jamaica 
Negro,  or  even  a  Dorset  yokel.  A  professor  at  Oxford  will 
have  closer  community  of  feeling  with  a  member  of  the 
French  Academy  than  with,  say,  a  Whitechapel  publican. 
One  may  go  further  and  say  that  a  British  subject  of 
Quebec  has  closer  contact  with  Paris  than  with  London;  the 
British  subject  of  Dutch-speaking  Africa  with  Holland 
than  with  England;  the  British  subject  of  Hong  Kong  with 
Pekin  than  with  London,  and  so  on.  In  a  thousand  respects 
association  cuts  across  State  boundaries,  which  are  purely 
conventional,  and  renders  the  biological  division  of  man- 


228   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

kind  into  independent  and  warring  States  a  scientific  inepti- 
tude. .  .  . 

No  one  thinks  of  respecting  a  Russian  mujik  because  he 
belongs  to  a  great  nation,  or  despising  a  Scandinavian  or 
Belgian  gentleman  because  he  belongs  to  a  small  one;  and 
any  society  will  accord  prestige  to  the  nobleman  of  Norway, 
Holland,  Belgium,  Spain,  or  even  Portugal,  where  it  refuses 
it  to  an  English  "bounder."  The  nobleman  of  any  country 
will  marry  the  noblewoman  of  another  more  readily  than  a 
woman  from  a  lower  class  of  his  own  country.  The  prestige 
of  the  foreign  country  rarely  counts  for  anything  in  the 
matter  when  it  comes  to  the  real  sentiment  which  now  divides 
states.  Just  as  in  material  things  community  of  interest  and 
relationship  cut  clear  across  State  boundaries,  so  inevitably 
will  the  psychic  community  of  interest  come  so  to  do. 

— NORMAN  ANGELL,  The  Great  Illusion,  Extracts  from 
pp.  177-189.    (G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  Publishers.) 

Comprehension  must  be  the  soil  in  which  shall  grow  all  the 
fruits  of  friendship;  and  there  is  a  reason  and  a  compulsion 
lying  behind  all  this  which  is  dearer  than  anything  else  to 
the  thoughtful  men  of  America.  I  mean  the  development 
of  constitutional  liberty  in  the  world.  Human  rights, 
national  integrity,  and  opportunity  as  against  material  in- 
terests— that  is  the  issue  which  we  now  have  to  face.  I  want 
to  take  this  occasion  to  say  that  the  United  States  will  never 
again  seek  one  additional  foot  of  territory  by  conquest.  She 
will  devote  herself  to  showing  that  she  knows  how  to  make 
honorable  and  fruitful  use  of  the  territory  she  has,  and  she 
must  regard  it  as  one  of  the  duties  of  friendship  to  see  that 
from  no  quarter  are  material  interests  made  superior  to 
human  liberty  and  national  opportunity.  I  say  this,  not 
with  a  single  thought  that  any  one  will  gainsay  it,  but  merely 
to  fix  in  our  consciousness  what  our  real  relationship  with 


THE   INTERDEPENDENCE   OF  THE   NATIONS         229 

the  rest  of  America  is.  It  is  the  relationship  of  a  family 
of  mankind  devoted  to  the  development  of  true  constitu- 
tional liberty.  We  know  that  that  is  the  soil  out  of  which  the 
best  enterprise  springs.  We  know  that  this  is  a  cause  which 
we  are  making  in  common  with  our  neighbors,  because  we 
have  had  to  make  it  for  ourselves. 

— WOODROW  WILSON,  The  United  States  and 
Latin  America. 

COOPERATION  A  LAW  OF  LIFE 

One  idea  that  we  can  inculcate  in  all  the  schools,  from 
the  lowest  to  the  highest,  is  that  the  "ferocious  interpretation 
of  nature,"  on  which  a  false  ethical  code  has  been  based,  was 
due  to  a  partial  reading  of  nature,  for  which  there  is  no 
longer  any  warrant  or  excuse.  I  was  taught  in  childhood 
that  the  law  of  struggle  was  the  highest  law  that  creation 
knows ;  that  every  wayside  pool  was  the  scene  of  battle ;  that 
the  ocean  was  the  scene  of  a  struggle,  which  might  the 
"multitudinous  seas  incarnadine/'  and  the  law  of  life  every- 
where a  battle  in  which  no  quarter  was  given.  Of  course 
there  is  truth  in  that,  but  now  we  are  coming  to  see  it  is  only 
one  side  of  the  process,  only  a  phase  of  the  law,  and  that 
deeper  and  more  fundamental  than  any  competition  is  the 
law  of  cooperation  through  all  the  orders  of  the  world.  Any 
species  of  birds  that  will  not  fly  together  as  they  fly  South, 
shall  all  lose  their  way;  any  flock  of  sheep  that  cannot  stand 
together  in  a  winter's  storm,  all  perish.  Any  utterly  selfish 
species  must  die  out  as  the  world  unfolds  and  develops ;  and 
deeper  than  any  possible  battle  of  group  with  group  is  the 
law  that  the  group  that  will  not  stand  together  and  stand 
with  the  other  groups  shall  ultimately  lose  its  chance  in  the 
unfolding,  cosmic  order.  I  believe  we  must  teach  that  the 
laws  of  ethics  are  of  universal,  and  not  of  local  and  provincial 


230   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

application;  that  the  law  which  binds  man  to  man  is  in  the 
last  analysis  identical  with  that  which  binds  kingdom  to 
kingdom,  state  to  state,  race  to  race.  The  law  which  prevails 
in  a  little  province  only  is  no  law  whatever.  The  law  which 
prevails  in  a  drop  of  water,  and  not  in  the  solar  system,  is 
a  law  which  is  not  understood;  but  when  we  do  understand 
it,  we  find  it  absolutely  without  exception  and  universal. 
Chesterton,  in  one  of  those  paradoxes  which  have  set  our 
generation  thinking,  has  said:  "When  you  break  the  great 
laws,  you  do  not  get  freedom,  you  do  not  even  get  anarchy, 
you  simply  get  the  small  laws."  I  believe  that  is  profoundly 
true  in  international  relations.  When  a  nation  breaks  the 
great  law  of  international  concord,  of  human  brotherhood, 
of  racial  amity,  it  simply  comes  under  the  dominion  of  the 
small  laws  of  shot  and  shell,  of  increase  of  armor,  of  in- 
creased burden  of  taxation.  Having  appealed  away  from 
brotherhood  unto  Cassar,  unto  Caesar  it  shall  go;  having 
resolved  to  rely  on  the  defense  of  Napoleon,  to  Napoleon  it 
shall  go,  and  with  Napoleon  it  shall  end.  We  have  our  choice 
between  adhering  to  the  great  laws  which  antedate  and  sur- 
pass all  individual  and  local  needs,  and  simply  appealing 
to  the  smaller  laws  which  in  turn  will  impose  the  heaviest 
possible  burden. 

— W.  H.  P.  FATJNCE,  How  We  May  Educate  for  Peace, 

in  Eeport  of  Lake  Mohonk   Conference,   1909, 

p.  139. 

This  nation  has  the  one  opportunity  of  all  history  to  teach 
the  world  how  men  of  all  nationalities  can  work  together, 
play  together,  live  together,  govern  themselves  together, 
cooperate  together,  and  serve  each  other  regardless  of  any 
racial  or  national  distinctions.  The  world  does  not  believe 
this.  It  will  have  to  believe  it  if  the  United  States  is  true 
to  its  divine  calling  and  one  great  opportunity.  Even  now, 


THE  INTERDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  NATIONS         231 

one  who  knows  Europe  well  finds  echoes  of  it  everywhere. 
The  author  of  these  lines  himself  heard  a  distinguished 
German  say :  "How  is  it  that  in  America  Germans  and  Eng- 
lish can  dwell  together  as  friends  and  brothers,  while  here  we 
must  be  forever  enemies  ?"  And  the  United  States  is  going 
to  show  Germany  and  England  and  the  other  nations  that 
not  only  can  these  men  dwell  side  by  side  as  brothers,  but  she 
is  going  to  answer  this  question:  "How?  Why?"  It  is 
simply  that  we  are  learning  here  that  the  things  we  all  hold 
in  common  are  infinitely  more  important  than  the  things 
wherein  we  differ.  They  are  more  a  part  of  our  real  selves, 
compose  our  being,  make  us  men,  while  nationality,  race, 
language,  even  color,  are  only  clothes  covering  a  soul  which 
everywhere  is  one  and  the  same.  Love,  happiness,  health, 
kindliness  of  soul,  are  the  same  in  every  heart  and  nation, 
and  are  greater  than  the  things  that  divide  us.  Here  we 
emphasize  these  and  find  that  we  who  once  thought  ourselves 
different  are  really  one. 

— FREDERICK  LYNCH,  What  Makes  a  Nation 
Great,  pp.  28,  29. 

THE  COMING  DAY 

If  four  centuries  ago,  at  the  period  when  war  was  made 
by  one  district  against  the  other,  between  cities,  and  between 
provinces — if,  I  say,  some  one  had  dared  to  predict  to  Lor- 
raine, to  Picardy,  to  Normandy,  to  Brittany,  to  Auvergne, 
to  Provence,  to  Dauphiny,  to  Burgundy — "A  day  shall  come 
when  you  will  no  longer  make  wars — a  day  shall  come  when 
you  will  no  longer  arm  men  one  against  the  other — a  day 
shall  come  when  it  will  no  longer  be  said  that  the  Normans 
are  attacking  the  Picards,  or  that  the  people  of  Lorraine  are 
repulsing  the  Burgundians — you  will  still  have  many  dis- 
putes to  settle,  interests  to  contend  for,  difficulties  to  resolve ; 
but  do  you  know  what  you  will  substitute  instead  of  armed 


232   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

men,  instead  of  cavalry  and  infantry,  of  cannon,  of  falconets, 
lances,  pikes,  and  swords — you  will  select,  instead  of  all  this 
destructive  array,  a  small  box  of  wood,  which  you  will  term 
a  ballot-box,  and  from  which  shall  issue — what  ? — an  assembly 
— an  assembly  in  which  you  shall  all  live — an  assembly  which 
shall  be,  as  it  were,  the  soul  of  all — a  supreme  and  popular 
council,  which  shall  decide,  judge,  resolve  everything — which 
shall  make  the  sword  fall  from  every  hand,  and  excite  the 
love  of  justice  in  every  heart — which  shall  say  to  each,  'Here 
terminates  your  right,  there  commences  your  duty :  lay  down 
your  arms!  Live  in  peace!'  And  in  that  day  you  will 
all  have  one  common  thought,  common  interests,  a  common 
destiny;  you  will  embrace  each  other,  and  recognize  each 
other  as  children  of  the  same  blood,  and  of  the  same  race; 
that  day  you  will  no  longer  be  hostile  tribes — you  will  be  a 
people;  you  will  no  longer  be  Burgundy,  Normandy,  Brit- 
tany, or  Provence — you  will  be  France !  You  will  no  longer 
make  appeals  to  war — you  will  do  so  to  civilization."  If, 
at  the  period  I  speak  of,  some  one  had  uttered  these  words, 
all  men  of  a  serious  and  positive  character,  all  prudent  and 
cautious  men,  all  the  great  politicians  of  the  period,  would 
have  cried  out,  "What  a  dreamer!  what  a  fantastic  dream! 
How  little  this  pretended  prophet  is  acquainted  with  the 
human  heart!  What  ridiculous  folly!  what  an  absurd 
chimera!"  Yet,  gentlemen,  time  has  gone  on  and  on,  and 
we  find  that  this  dream,  this  folly,  this  absurdity,  has  been 
realized.  And  I  insist  upon  this,  that  the  man  who  would 
have  dared  to  utter  so  sublime  a  prophecy  would  have  been 
pronounced  a  madman  for  having  dared  to  pry  into  the 
designs  of  the  Deity.  Well,  then,  you  at  this  moment  say — 
and  I  say  it  with  you — we  who  are  assembled  here  say  to 
Trance,  to  England,  to  Prussia,  to  Austria,  to  Spain,  to 
Italy,  to  Russia — we  say  to  them,  "A  day  will  come  when 
from  your  hands  also  the  arms  you  have  grasped  will  fall. 


THE  INTERDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  NATIONS 


233 


A  day  will  come  when  war  will  appear  as  absurd,  and  be 
as  impossible,  between  Paris  and  London,  between  Saint 
Petersburg  and  Berlin,  between  Vienna  and  Turin,  as  it 
would  be  now  between  Eouen  and  Amiens,  between  Boston 
and  Philadelphia.  A  day  will  come  when  you,  France — you, 
Eussia — you,  Italy — you,  England — you,  Germany — all  of 
you,  nations  of  the  Continent,  will,  without  losing  your  dis- 
tinctive qualities  and  your  glorious  individuality,  be  blended 
into  a  superior  unity,  and  constitute  a  European  fraternity, 
just  as  Normandy,  Brittany,  Burgundy,  have  been  blended 
into  France.  A  day  will  come  when  the  only  battlefield  will 
be  the  market  open  to  commerce  and  the  mind  opening  to 
new  ideas.  A  day  will  come  when  bullets  and  bombshells 
will  be  replaced  by  votes,  by  the  universal  suffrage  of  nations, 
by  the  venerable  arbitration  of  a  great  Sovereign  Senate. 
But,  French,  English,  Germans,  Eussians,  Slavs,  Europeans, 
Americans,  what  have  we  to  do  in  order  to  hasten  the  advent 
of  that  great  day  ?  We  must  love  each  other !  To  love  each 
other  is,  in  this  immense  labor  of  pacification,  the  best  man- 
ner of  aiding  God ! 

— VICTOR  HUGO,  The  United  States  of  Europe,  pp.  4,  5. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  PRESENT  NEED  OF  INTERRACIAL 
APPRECIATION  AND  GOOD  WILL 

The  narrow-minded  ask,  Is  this  one  of  our  tribe,  or  is  he 
a  stranger  ?  But  to  those  who  are  of  a  noble  disposition,  the 
whole  world  is  but  one  family.  — ANCIENT  HINDU. 

THE  FATHERLAND 

Where  is  the  true  man's  fatherland? 

Is  it  where  he  by  chance  is  born? 

Doth  not  the  yearning  spirit  scorn 
In  such  scant  borders  to  be  spanned? 
Oh  yes!  his  fatherland  must  be 
As  the  blue  heaven  wide  and  free! 

Is  it  alone  where  freedom  is, 

Where  God  is  God  and  man  is  man? 

Doth  he  not  claim  a  broader  span 
For  the  soul's  love  of  home  than  this? 
Oh  yes!   his  fatherland  must  be 
As  the  blue  heaven  wide  and  free! 

Where'er  a  human  heart  doth  wear 

Joy's  myrtle-wreath  or  sorrow's  gyves, 

Where'er  a  human  spirit  strives 
After  a  life  more  true  and  fair, 
There  is  the  true  man's  birthplace  grand, 
His  is  a  world-wide  fatherland! 

Where'er  a  single  slave  doth  pine, 
Where'er  one  man  may  help  another — 
Thank  God  for  such  a  birthright,  brother — 

That  spot  of  earth  is  thine  and  mine! 

There  is  the  true  man's  birthplace  grand, 

His  is  a  world-wide  fatherland! 

— LOWELL. 

234 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND  GOOD  WILL     235 

BETTER    RACIAL    UNDERSTANDING 

Among  nations  as  among  individuals,  good  understanding 
is  the  basis  of  good  feeling.  The  fact  that  here,  throughout 
the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land,  our  citizens  of  so  many 
different  origins  live  together  on  terms  of  amity  and  good 
will,  is  itself  an  illustration  of  what  may  yet  be  hoped  for 
among  the  countries  of  their  diverse  origin,  as  good  under- 
standing takes  the  place  of  misunderstanding  and  good  neigh- 
borhood takes  the  place  of  purely  formal  relationship. 

As  a  result  of  the  facilities  for  travel  which  are  charac- 
teristic of  our  day,  the  nations  of  the  modern  world  are 
being  brought  into  contact  with  each  other  as  never  before. 
President  Wheeler,  of  the  University  of  California,  in  a 
speech  made  at  the  dinner  of  the  American  Asiatic  Associa- 
tion, pointed  out  that  all  of  the  world  lying  west  of  the 
Hydaspes  River,  the  point  which  marked  the  furthest  reach 
of  the  conquests  of  Alexander  the  Great,  had  developed  more 
or  less  directly  under  the  influence  of  the  civilization  of  the 
Mediterranean,  while  all  of  the  world  lying  beyond  the 
Hydaspes — India,  China,  and  Japan — had  developed,  until 
recently,  untouched  by  that  civilization;  so  that  to-day  the 
East  and  West  are  looking  into  each  other's  eyes  after  a 
development  that  has  been  different  for  century  after  cen- 
tury; with  a  different  social  order,  with  a  different  code  of 
morals,  with  a  different  literature,  with  a  different  religious 
faith :  in  a  word,  with  everything  different  that  tends  to  make 
individuality  in  a  nation.  What  will  come  out  of  the  close 
contact  forced  upon  both  East  and  West  by  the  developments 
of  modern  life  it  is  impossible  to  foresee ;  but  this  at  least  is 
clear,  that,  if  a  good  understanding  is  permanently  to  prevail, 
it  must  begin  with  a  recognition  of  this  fundamental  differ- 
ence in  training.  Such  a  recognition  must  take  every  serious 
difference  in  point  of  view  for  granted,  and  both  East  and 
West  must  try  to  discover,  behind  these  differences  in  point 


236   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

of  view,  what  is  fine  and  admirable  in  each  other's  civilization. 
Approached  in  that  spirit,  it  is  reasonable  to  believe  that  the 
close  contact  necessitated  between  East  and  West,  in  our 
modern  times,  may  prove  to  be  for  the  advantage  of  both. 
If  approached  in  any  other  spirit,  no  one  can  imagine  the 
disastrous  consequences  that  may  follow. 

— SETH  Low,  The  East  and  the  West,  American  Asso- 
ciation for  International  Conciliation,  1910,  Ex- 
tracts from  pp.  6,  7. 

"A  man  must  learn  a  great  deal,"  says  Marcus  Aurelius, 
"to  enable  him  to  pass  a  correct  judgment  on  another  man's 
acts."  And  among  the  things  which  he  must  first  learn  is 
this — that  the  men  of  every  age  have  their  own  standard  of 
excellence  and  that  they  can  be  judged  fairly  only  by  their 
own  code  of  morals.  It  is  largely  because  of  the  general 
ignorance  of  the  history  of  moral  ideals  that  there  is  so  much 
uncharitableness  in  the  world,  so  much  intolerance,  so  much 
race  prejudice  and  hatred.  As  one's  intellectual  outlook 
broadens,  as  he  becomes  acquainted  with  the  various  types 
of  goodness  of  different  peoples  and  different  ages,  he  becomes 
more  liberal  and  charitable  in  his  moral  judgments,  since  he 
comes  to  understand  that  moral  character  is  determined  not 
by  the  ideal  of  conduct  but  by  the  way  in  which  this  ideal  is 
lived  up  to.  "There  may  be  as  genuine  self-devotion,"  de- 
clares the  moralist  Professor  Green,  "in  the  act  of  the  bar- 
barian warrior  who  gives  his  life  that  his  tribe  may  win  a 
piece  of  land  from  its  neighbors,  as  in  that  of  the  missionary 
who  dies  in  carrying  the  gospel  to  the  heathen." 

Studying  the  ideals  of  races  and  epochs  in  the  spirit  of 
these  words,  we  shall  make  some  fruitful  discoveries.  We 
shall  learn  for  one  thing  that  since  the  beginning  of  the  truly 
ethical  age  there  has  ever  been  about  the  same  degree  of 
conscientiousness  in  the  world ;  that  the  different  ages,  viewed 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND   GOOD  WILL     237 

in  respect  to  their  moral  life,  have  differed  chiefly  in  the 
degree  of  light  they  have  enjoyed,  and  consequently  in  their 
conception  of  what  is  noblest  in  conduct,  of  what  constitutes 
duty,  not  in  their  fealty  or  lack  of  fealty  to  their  chosen 
standard  of  excellence.  That  is  to  say,  speaking  broadly,  the 
majority  of  men  in  every  age  and  in  every  land  have  ever 
followed  loyally  the  right  as  they  have  been  given  to  see  the 
right.  "If  men  and  times  were  really  understood,"  the  his- 
torian Von  Hoist  truly  observes,  "the  moral  fault  of  their 
follies  and  crimes  will  almost  always  appear  diminished  by 
one  half." — From  pp.  10,  11,  History  as  Past  Ethics,  by 
PHILIP  VAN  NESS  MYERS;  by  permission  of  Ginn  and  Com- 
pany, Publishers. 

If  America  is  to  meet,  in  any  adequate  fashion,  the  chal- 
lenge of  the  modern  age,  it  is  obvious  that  it  must  not  only 
come  to  terms  with  its  inherited  Puritan  ideal,  with  all  that 
that  implies,  but  must  also  specifically  face  its  great  peculiar 
problems  of  relation  to  the  Negro  race.  There  has  been 
forced  upon  us,  again  and  again  in  the  course  of  our  discus- 
sion, the  primary  and  essential  significance  of  reverence  for 
personality  as  a  guiding  principle  in  human  development. 
We  cannot  pretend,  therefore,  even  superficially,  to  have 
faced  the  challenge  of  the  times,  if  we  refuse  to  note  with  care 
the  bearing  of  this  principle  upon  the  Negro  problem.  .  .  . 

We  need  the  clarifying  and  steadying  power  of  great 
principles  nowhere  more  than  here,  where  prejudice  and 
passion  are  so  easily  aroused.  Surely  we  want  to  know  the 
truth,  the  path  of  real  justice,  and  to  follow  it.  The  history 
of  the  race  should  make  clear  that  no  question  can  be  settled 
until  it  is  settled  right.  And  we  can  be  perfectly  certain 
that  we  cannot  here  lightly  turn  our  backs  on  that  principle, 
which  we  have  seen  to  be  an  absolutely  basic  moral  and 
Christian  principle,  a  principle  whose  dominion  is  demanded 


238   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

by  modern  conditions  at  multiplied  points,  and  a  principle 
that  has  proved  itself  the  supreme  test  of  civilization  in 
human  history.  Only  one  principle  can  guide  us  in  the  diffi- 
culties of  the  relations  of  race  to  race — reverence  for  the 
person  as  such,  absolutely  unaffected  by  color  or  race  con- 
nection. .  .  . 

Whites  and  blacks  may  be  reminded,  also,  that,  as  a  great 
philosopher  has  pointed  out,  the  qualities  that  have  made 
the  Anglo-Saxon  so  often  dominant  are  not  altogether 
enviable  qualities;  they  have  their  distinctly  ungenerous, 
hard,  selfish,  domineering  side,  that  any  race  may  well  avoid. 
The  so-called  "John  Bull  attitude"  the  Negro  need  not  envy. 
As  contrasted  with  this,  the  pure  Negro  seems  often  to  have 
a  temperamental  kindliness  of  disposition,  a  good-nature,  a 
readiness  to  make  the  most  of  a  situation,  and  to  find  none 
insufferable,  that,  while  it  may  often  be  an  obstacle  to  ad- 
vancement, has  a  great  gift  to  make  to  the  contentment  and 
happiness  of  life.  It  is  possible  to  make  life  quite  too  strenu- 
ous, to  live  so  completely  in  the  future  as  never  really  to 
live  in  the  present — to  take  no  enjoyment  in  life  as  it  passes. 
And  this  is  the  certain  danger  of  the  American  rush.  The 
Negro's  tendency  to  content — while  undoubtedly  a  tempta- 
tion to  laziness — has  in  it,  thus,  a  real  element  of  strength, 
and  much  suggestion  for  an  over-enterprising  people  that  has 
become  frantic  in  its  haste. 

All  these  characteristics  of  the  Negro  are  connected  with 
his  unusual  emotional  endowment.  And  the  whites  may  well 
be  on  their  guard  against  that  "certain  blindness  in  human 
beings"  which  should  keep  them  from  at  least  some  imagina- 
tive appreciation  of  the  power  of  insight,  revelation,  and 
enjoyment  involved  in  such  emotional  capacities.  Dangers, 
this  immense  emotional  endowment  surely  has;  but  let  one 
measure  its  worth  by  remembering  that  the  sense  of  reality 
itself  roots  in  feeding,  and  by  recalling  the  difference  between 


the  hours  in  which  life  seems  cold  and  dead,  and  those  in 
which,  in  warmth  of  feeling,  his  being  tingles  with  the  sense 
of  life's  meaning. 

And  we  may  not  forget — what  Stanley  Hall  and  Booker 
T.  Washington  have  both  recalled — the  positive  genius  which 
the  Negro  seems  to  have  for  religion.  His  natural  religious 
endowment  is  probably  unsurpassed  by  that  of  any  race, 
unless  it  be  the  Jewish.  And  the  modern  Jew  is  hardly  his 
rival  here.  That  his  religious  feeling  needs  much  intelligent 
direction  is  undoubted,  but  quite  unwonted  religious  capacity 
he  certainly  has.  He  is  a  natural  seer;  and  the  more  utili- 
tarian the  triumphs  of  the  race,  the  less  can  it  spare  the 
Negro,  with  his  undying  sense  of  another  world  and  another 
life  and  of  the  presence  of  God  in  the  world.  .  .  . 

Undoubtedly,  with  the  many  differences  between  indi- 
viduals and  races,  the  feeling  of  uncongeniality  must  often 
be  present,  sometimes  in  such  marked  degree  that  some  kinds 
of  association,  at  least,  are  better  not  attempted.  But  even 
then  the  feeling  is  not  one  to  be  proud  of;  and  one  needs  to 
recognize  a  certain  limitation  and  blindness  in  himself  that 
prevents  him  from  entering  with  sympathetic  understanding 
into  the  life  and  thought  of  the  other  man  or  race,  and 
finding  some  larger  basis  of  agreement.  While,  then,  we 
recognize  race  antipathy  as  a  fact,  with  a  measure  of  justifi- 
cation, we  may  not  defend  it  as  a  final  good,  but  we  are 
rather  to  see  it,  in  the  light  of  present-day  world  conditions 
already  pointed  out,  as  one  of  the  greatest  present  obstacles 
to  the  progress  of  the  human  race.  .  .  . 

No  feeling  of  uncongeniality  can  justify  essential  injustice, 
and  the  white  cannot  keep  his  own  self-respect,  however 
brilliantly  he  may  argue,  if  he  refuses  complete  justice  to  the 
Negro,  or  refuses  obedience  to  the  finer  fundamental  moral 
and  Christian  principle  of  reverence  for  the  person.  ...  To 
preserve  his  own  self-respect,  therefore,  the  white  man  must 


240   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

be  scrupulously  just,  never  denying  the  Negro  his  fair  and 
equal  chance — his  chance  for  all  the  development  of  which 
he  is  capable.  Any  other  policy  is  suicidal  for  the  nation. 
We  are  a  professed  democracy.  Now  it  is  impossible  to  look 
at  the  question  of  democracy  in  the  large  and  not  see  that 
any  attempt  to  hold  the  Negro  down  is  a  blow  to  the  nation's 
life.  .  .  . 

The  present  situation  as  to  race  prejudice  and  race  an- 
tipathy of  all  kinds  is  a  divine  challenge  to  us  all  of  every 
race,  and  a  solemn  call  to  the  rededication  of  ourselves  to  the 
finer  fruits  of  the  moral  and  Christian  spirit — to  the  spirit 
of  reverence  for  the  person.  Like  Christ,  we  are  to  stand  and 
knock  at  the  door  of  the  humblest  personality.  Like  Christ, 
we  stoop  in  shame  wherever  the  inner  sanctities  of  any  soul 
are  violated. 

— HENRY  CHURCHILL  KING,  The  Moral  and  Keli- 
gious  Challenge  of  Our  Times,  Extracts  from 
pp.  283-308.  (The  Macmillan  Co.,  Publishers.) 

The  problem  of  the  South  is  not  that  of  two  races  inhabit- 
ing the  same  region,  nor  of  a  people  of  different  habits,  the 
one  thinly  scattered  among  the  other.  It  is  the  problem  of 
a  mixed  race,  its  parentage  on  the  one  hand  and  some- 
times on  both  regarded  as  inferior — suddenly  raised  from 
slavery  to  freedom  as  a  result  of  war.  Even  in  the  South 
the  responsibility  for  race  friction  rests  largely  with  our- 
selves. 

It  was  an  avowed  purpose  of  our  Civil  War  "to  settle  once 
for  all  that  men  were  men" — that  is,  a  man  should  count  for 
what  he  is  worth  irrespective  of  race  or  ancestry.  We  should, 
as  Lincoln  once  observed,  not  say  that  he  belongs  to  a  lower 
race  and  hence  must  have  a  lowlier  seat. 

Too  many  of  us — and  especially  since  the  war  in  the  Philip- 
pines— have  forgotten  this  principle,  and  the  most  hopeless 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND  GOOD  WILL    241 

feature  of  the  matter  is  that  our  Negroes  have  themselves 
failed  to  grasp  its  meaning,  for  as  a  whole  they  are  not 
thrifty,  frugal,  industrious,  or  ambitious.  Their  great  leader, 
Booker  T.  Washington,  has  recognized  that  the  Negro  prob- 
lem must  be  solved  by  the  individual  Negroes  largely  each 
one  for  himself. 

The  Japanese  have  no  such  problem.  Their  points  of 
difference  from  their  brother  Aryans  of  the  West  lie  largely 
in  their  early  training,  and  in  their  customs  developed  in 
centuries  of  isolation.  They  have  never  been  servile;  they 
are  quite  competent  to  solve  their  own  problems  individually 
or  collectively;  they  will  never  give  us  cause  to  question 
whether  indeed  "men  are  men";  they  have  their  limitations, 
all  sorts  of  people  may  be  found  among  them.  Some  are  wise, 
helpful,  honest,  devoted  in  the  highest  degree,  and  with  the 
addition  of  a  fine  touch  of  artistic  taste;  some  are  as  selfish, 
mean,  and  untrustworthy  as  the  worst  anti-Japanese  slanderer 
has  ever  imagined.  Our  own  race  shows  all  these  contra- 
dictions. .  .  .  Under  the  training  of  our  schools  and  of  our 
business  conditions,  no  race  of  people  is  more  readily  assimi- 
lated, if  by  assimilation  we  mean  sympathy  and  understand- 
ing of  our  institutions.  This  is  a  matter  quite  separate  from 
physical  resemblance  and  from  mixture  of  races.  And  while 
no  one  would  welcome  race  mixture  on  any  large  scale,  it 
contains  no  special  element  of  evil.  From  the  best  of  each 
race  superior  men  and  women  are  born.  When  races  mix  at 
the  bottom  the  progeny  is  like  its  parentage.  Among  edu- 
cated Japanese  there  are  many  mixed  families,  the  children 
to  all  appearance  worthy  of  father  and  mother. 

— DAVID  STARR  JORDAN,  War  and  Waste,  Extracts 
from  pp.  269-271. 

When  we  are  confronted  by  the  Italian  lazzaroni,  the 
peasants  from  the  Carpathian  foothills,  and  the  proscribed 


242   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND 

traders  from  Galatia,  we  have  no  national  ideality  founded 
upon  realism  and  tested  by  our  growing  experience  with 
which  to  meet  them,  but  only  the  platitudes  of  our  crudest 
youth.  The  philosophers  and  statesmen  of  the  eighteenth 
century  believed  that  the  universal  franchise  would  cure  all 
ills ;  that  liberty  and  equality  rested  only  upon  constitutional 
rights  and  privileges;  that  to  obtain  these  two  and  to  throw 
off  all  governmental  oppression  constituted  the  full  duty  of 
the  progressive  patriot.  We  will  keep  to  this  formalization 
because  the  philosophers  of  this  generation  give  us  nothing 
newer.  We  ignore  the  fact  that  world-wide  problems  can  no 
longer  be  solved  by  a  political  constitution  assuring  us  against 
opposition,  but  that  we  must  frankly  face  the  proposition 
that  the  whole  situation  is  more  industrial  than  political. 

— JANE  ADDAMS,  Newer  Ideals  of  Peace,  Extract  from 
pp.  41,  42.    (The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

Great  though  the  achievements  of  arbitration  have  already 
been,  great  though  its  future  is  likely  to  be,  one  must  not  be 
blind  to  its  limitations.  It  is  an  instrument  for  settling 
disputes  between  governments;  in  particular,  disputes  likely 
to  give  rise  to  difficulties  between  States  which  diplomacy 
fails  to  settle.  No  doubt  some  of  these  questions  are  at 
bottom  racial ;  such,  for  example,  are  the  recurring  difficulties 
as  to  emigration  between  China  and  Japan  on  the  one  hand 
and  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies  and  the  United  States  on 
the  other  hand.  These  difficulties  take  an  economic  form; 
they  originate  in  racial  antagonism  and  prejudice.  And  even 
when  no  racial  element  is  obviously  and  indisputably  present, 
the  real  though  latent  difficulty  in  the  way  of  a  settlement 
of  disputes  may  be  the  repugnance  or  distrust  arising  from 
race  prejudice  and  misunderstanding. 

International  arbitration  does  not  touch,  nor  is  it  proposed 
that  it  should  touch,  many  internal  and  domestic  questions 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND  GOOD  WILL     243 

profoundly  interesting  to  races  which  are  not  dominant.  I 
take  almost  at  random  racial  questions  which  happen  to  be 
of  late  uppermost:  the  condition  of  the  Jews  in  Eussia  and 
Poland;  the  Poles  under  Eussian  rule;  the  Eumanians  in 
Hungary;  the  Finns  in  Eussia;  the  Macedonians  and  Arme- 
nians in  Turkey;  the  East  Indians  in  South  Africa;  the 
natives  of  the  Congo  State  under  Belgian  rule.  International 
arbitration  does  not  help  to  solve  except  very  remotely  and 
indirectly  the  problems  which  these  names  recall.  To-day 
each  State  says,  and  will  long  continue  to  say,  "I  must  be 
master  in  my  own  house."  That  position  must  be  accepted — 
at  all  events  for  the  time.  We  must  look  elsewhere  for 
a  solution  (so  far  as  possible)  of  some  of  the  great  problems 
due  to  differences  and  collisions  of  races. 

But  it  may  be  of  interest  to  endeavor  to  examine  whether 
the  ends  which  the  originators  of  the  Congress  had  in  view 
cannot  be  furthered  by  other  means  than  arbitration ;  and,  in 
particular,  by  a  clearer  recognition  of  duties  to  subject  races 
than  now  exists;  by  better  organization  of  existing  agencies, 
and  by  the  creation  of  new  organizations.  I  am  sensible  of 
the  difficulty  of  making  useful  suggestions  as  to  questions, 
so  many,  so  varied  in  character,  and,  it  may  be  said,  with 
so  little  in  common.  .  .  .  Great  are  the  limitations  of  all 
machinery  and  organizations  in  accomplishing  the  chief  aims 
in  view.  The  walls  of  racial  prejudice  will  not  yield  to  mere 
organization;  the  spread  of  knowledge,  the  spirit  of  charity, 
and  new  ideals  are  the  only  solvents.  .  .  . 

I  pass  over  as  not  meriting  notice  in  this  Congress  the 
contention  which  is  rarely  nowadays  made  in  so  many  words, 
that  a  high  degree  of  civilization  carries  with  it  a  right  to 
impose  the  will  of  the  superior  upon  the  inferior;  that  as 
between  them  might  is  right  and  that  the  former  may  do 
exactly  as  they  think  fit  in  virtue  of  their  superiority. 

Turning  to  statements  less  uncompromising,  I  proceed  to 


244   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

cite  those  of  one  or  two  writers.     The  first  is  by  Mr.  John 
Stuart  Mill: 

"There  is  a  great  difference  (for  example)  between  the 
case  in  which  the  nations  concerned  are  of  the  same,  or  some- 
thing like  the  same,  degree  of  civilization,  and  that  in  which 
one  of  the  parties  to  the  situation  is  of  a  high,  and  the  other 
of  a  very  low  grade  of  social  improvement.  To  suppose  that 
the  same  international  customs,  and  the  same  rules  of  inter- 
national morality,  can  obtain  between  one  civilized  nation 
and  another  and  between  civilized  nations  and  barbarians,  is 
a  grave  error  and  one  which  no  statesman  can  fall  into,  how- 
ever it  may  be  with  those  who,  from  a  safe  and  unresponsible 
position,  criticize  statesmen.  Among  many  reasons  why  the 
same  rules  cannot  be  applicable  to  situations  so  different, 
the  two  following  are  among  the  most  important.  In  the  first 
place  the  rules  of  ordinary  international  morality  imply 
reciprocity.  But  barbarians  will  not  reciprocate.  They  can- 
not be  depended  upon  for  observing  any  rules.  Their  minds 
are  not  capable  of  so  great  an  effort,  nor  their  wills  suffi- 
ciently under  the  influence  of  distant  motives.  In  the  next 
place  nations  which  are  still  barbarous  have  not  gone  beyond 
the  period  during  which  it  is  likely  to  be  for  their  benefit 
that  they  should  be  conquered  and  held  in  subjection  by 
foreigners.  Independence  and  nationality  so  essential  to  the 
due  growth  and  development  of  a  people  further  advanced 
in  improvement,  are  generally  impediments  to  them.  .  .  . 
A  violation  of  great  principles  of  morality  it  may  easily  be; 
and  barbarians  have  no  rights  as  a  nation,  except  a  right 
to  such  treatment  as  may,  at  the  earliest  possible  period,  fit 
them  for  becoming  one.  The  only  moral  laws  for  the  relation 
between  a  civilized  and  a  barbarous  government  are  the  uni- 
versal rules  of  morality  between  man  and  man."  .  .  . 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  there  is  not  a  clear  line  of  separation 
between  civilized  and  barbarous  nations;  they  often  differ 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND  GOOD  WILL    245 

from  each  other  by  small  degrees ;  the  sharp  distinction  drawn 
in  the  passage  which  I  have  quoted  from  Mill  between 
civilized  nations  and  barbarous,  does  not  help  one  in  solving 
the  actual  problems,  which  for  the  most  part  relate  to  the 
dealings  of  nations  with  different  types  of  civilizations,  the 
relative  value  of  which  in  the  eyes  of  impartial  observers,  if 
such  existed,  might  be  dubious.  What  is  the  test  of  superi- 
ority ?  There  is  often  suggested  the  test  of  proficiency  in  war, 
according  to  which  the  Turks  some  centuries  ago  were  prob- 
ably supreme  among  all  nations,  the  Italians,  contemporaries 
of  Michael  Angelo  and  Leonardo  da  Vinci,  not  excepted. 
There  is  a  test  of  wealth;  a  test  the  justice  of  which, 
if  applied  to  individuals,  would  be  denied.  There  is  the 
test  of  morality,  the  existence  of  a  legal  moral  code  and 
conformity  of  conduct  thereto,  and  a  test  the  application 
of  which,  if  possible,  might  lead  to  startling  results.  Nor 
is  the  distinction  between  the  progressive  and  non-progressive 
races  so  clear  to  modern  ethnologists  as  it  was  to  those 
who  knew  little.  The  so-called  stationary  races  are  often 
merely  those  whose  changes  are  unrecorded.  As  Professor 
Royce  justly  remarks,  this  test  has  never  been  so  fairly 
applied  by  civilized  nations  as  to  give  exact  results.  .  .  . 
What  is  clear  is  that  the  world  would  be  the  poorer  if  one 
type  of  civilization  were  to  be  universal;  what  we  cannot  be 
sure  of  is,  that  an  unpromising  race,  if  left  to  itself,  may 
not  be  the  starting-point  of  a  development  which  will  enrich 
mankind. 

— SIR  JOHN  MACDONELL,  Papers  in  Inter-Racial 
Problems,  Extracts  from  pp.  398-401. 

APPRECIATION  OF  THE  JAPANESE  AND  CHINESE 

It  is  particularly  desirable,  in  order  to  avoid  ill  will  and 
possible  strife,  that  Japan  should  be  understood  by  the  West- 
ern peoples.  And  among  them  all,  what  one  can  be  more 


246   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

interested  in,  and  obligated  to,  the  careful  cultivation  of  such 
good  understanding  that  leads  to  good  will  than  is  the  United 
States  ? 

The  impression  which  has  been  fostered  by  such  writers  as 
Mr.  Kipling,  and  even  by  Mr.  Hearn,  as  well  as  by  many 
travelers  and  chance  visitors,  that  Orient  and  Occident  are 
so  radically  different  as  to  make  it  impossible  for  them  to 
understand  each  other,  has  gone  abroad  widely.  The  impres- 
sion is  by  no  means  wholly  true.  Even  the  aversions,  opposi- 
tions, and  antagonisms  awakened  by  the  British  in  India,  the 
Dutch  in  Java  and  Sumatra,  the  Eussians  in  China,  and  the 
Americans  in  the  Philippines,  are  in  each  case  substantially 
the  same  as  those  which  the  other  party  would  feel,  if  the 
relations  were  reversed.  That  it  is  inconceivable  for  relations 
ever  to  be  reversed,  may  turn  out  on  reflection,  or  even  at 
some  time  in  the  future  on  experience,  to  be  a  mere  product 
of  racial  self-conceit.  It  is  not  yet  proved  that  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  or  any  other  European  peoples  are  designed  by  a 
retributive  Providence  to  become  that  "recurrent  curse  of 
mankind,  a  dominant  race." 

At  all  events,  a  great  deal  of  that  which  can  be  said,  with 
much  impressiveness  and  with  no  little  truth-seeming,  of 
other  nations  of  the  Far  East,  cannot  be  said  of  Japan.  For 
Japan  has  never  been,  and  is  not  now,  Oriental,  as  are  India, 
China,  and  Korea.  Its  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  exclu- 
siveness  and  of  isolated  feudal  development,  as  well  as  certain 
racial  characteristics,  prevented  the  more  purely  Oriental 
type  of  civilization  from  gaining  supremacy  there.  Indeed, 
up  to  the  time  when  the  warships  of  the  United  States  under 
Commodore  Perry  appeared  off  her  coasts,  the  political  and 
social  constitution  and  habits  of  life  of  Japan,  in  several 
important  respects  resembled  more  those  of  mediaeval  Europe 
than  those  of  the  other  eastern  nations  of  that  date.  This 
contention  could  be  established,  if  it  were  necessary,  by  a 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND  GOOD  WILL     247 

detailed  examination  of  the  different  main  factors  entering 
into  its  civilization.  But  the  fact  forms  one  of  the  most 
important  reasons  why  Japan  has  so  rapidly  and  readily 
adopted  and  adapted  the  business  methods  and  modes  of 
procedure,  the  system  of  public  and  professional  education, 
the  instruments  and  technique  of  manufacture,  and  even  the 
constitutional  policy  and  legal  forms  of  Europe  and  America. 
Thus,  the  citizen  of  the  United  States  or  of  Western  Europe, 
who  is  prepared  to  get  below  certain  superficial  differences 
and  reach  down  to  the  more  fundamental  likeness,  may  feel 
more  at  home  in  Japan  than  in  certain  parts  of  Europe  itself ; 
and  much  more  than  in  Turkey  in  Asia  or,  indeed,  any 
portion  of  the  Near  East.  Even  those  more  subtle  differences 
in  religious,  ethical,  and  political  conceptions  which  still 
undoubtedly  influence,  or  even  practically  dominate,  the 
Japanese  mind,  are,  in  most  cases,  not  difficult  for  the 
psychologist  or  the  student  of  history  to  recognize  in  himself 
or  in  his  ancestors. 

I  am  glad  then  to  testify  out  of  a  full  and  long  experience, 
that  just  as  intelligent,  self-respecting,  and  mutually  respect- 
ing, and  permanent  friendships  may  exist  between  individual 
Japanese  and  individual  Americans  as  between  any  two 
classes  of  individuals  within  either  of  the  two  nations.  But 
much  more  than  this  is  true,  or,  rather,  the  same  thing  is 
true  as  between  the  two  nations  at  large.  On  the  whole,  and 
until  the  most  recent  times,  the  feeling  of  the  Japanese 
people  toward  the  United  States  has  been  one  of  warm  friend- 
ship, and  even  of  admiration  and  enthusiastic  good  will. 
This  feeling  on  their  part  has  contained,  indeed,  a  consider- 
able mixture  of  gratitude  and  other  elements  that  are  not 
likely  to  endure;  but  in  union  with  these  there  has  always 
been  something  more  permanently  and  deeply  interfused. 
This  has  been  an  apprehension — at  first  rather  dim  but 
becoming  clearer  as  the  future  relations  of  the  two  nations 


248   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

have  defined  themselves  in  thought  and  in  fact — of  a  certain 
community  of  intellectual,  social,  and  commercial  interests 
between  them,  the  welfare  of  which  requires  peace,  and  the 
marring,  if  not  the  total  destruction,  of  which  would  come 
about  through  alienation  and  war. 

— GEORGE  TRUMBULL  LADD,  America  and 
Japan,  American  Association  for  Inter- 
national Conciliation,  1908,  Extracts 
from  pp.  5-8. 

In  the  province  of  Manchuria  there  is  a  great  cemetery 
which  the  Japanese  have  consecrated  to  the  burial  of  the 
Eussians  who  died  in  the  battles  in  that  vicinity.  When  the 
Eussian  army  retreated,  they  left  thousands  unburied:  the 
Japanese  army  collected  every  bone  and  every  bit  of  uniform 
and  every  broken  weapon  that  they  found  upon  the  field 
of  battle  and  buried  all  with  military  honors.  The  graves 
of  the  soldiers  have  been  marked  with  iron  crosses  in  the 
Greek  form,  and  those  of  the  officers  with  similar  crosses  of 
white  marble.  When  the  cemetery  was  dedicated,  Eussian 
ecclesiastics  and  military  commanders  were  invited  to  share 
in  the  ceremonies.  It  has  been  well  pointed  out  that  it  was 
fifty  years  after  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  before  we  invited 
our  brothers  in  the  South  to  meet  us  where  they  fought  with 
the  men  of  the  North,  there  to  thank  God  together  for  a 
united  country.  What  took  fifty  years  for  us  to  do,  the 
Japanese  have  done  in  five  years.  A  nation  that  can  forgive 
as  Japan  has  forgiven  and  show  it  in  this  beautiful  act  has 
certainly  caught  the  spirit  of  Christ  and  taught  us  a  lesson 
to  which  we  may  well  give  heed.  Well  may  we  call  the  men 
of  such  a  nation  our  brothers,  and  so  live  as  to  come  into  a 
closer  bond  with  them  among  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

— SAMUEL  B.  CAPEN,  Foreign  Missions  and  World 
Peace. 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND  GOOD  WILL     249 

"God's  in  the  Occident; 
God's  in  the  Orient." 

Are  the  representatives  of  one  civilization  justified  in  at- 
tempting to  modify  another  and  radically  different  one? 
Even  if  the  modifying  civilization  be  superior  to  that  which 
is  modified,  is  the  result  of  the  process  certain  to  be  good? 
Destruction  is  easier  than  construction.  The  bad  seems  to 
be  easier  of  propagation  than  the  good.  Granted  that  the 
civilization  of  Europe  and  America  is  superior  to  that  of 
China,  may  not  the  contact  of  Western  nations  with  China 
do  China  more  harm  than  good?  .  .  . 

There  are  now  perhaps  a  million  Roman  Catholics  and 
two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  Protestants  among  the 
Chinese.  The  missionaries,  of  whose  labors  these  converts 
are  the  product,  are  from  England,  Germany,  Denmark, 
Sweden,  Australia,  Canada,  and  the  United  States.  They 
number  some  1,200  Roman  Catholics  and  3,500  Protestants, 
and  represent  some  seventy  different  societies  and  nearly  a 
score  of  different  denominations. 

The  existence  of  this  Christian  community,  small  fraction 
though  it  is  of  the  total  population,  is  an  undoubted  and  great 
benefit  to  China,  as  are  also  the  hospitals,  printing-presses, 
and  schools  that  have  come  in  with  the  Christian  mission- 
aries. But  it  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  the  Chinese  Chris- 
tians are  organized  into  churches  separated  from  one  another 
not  only  by  denominational  lines,  but  also  by  the  national 
and  sectional  lines  that  separate  the  missionary  organizations. 
Thus,  there  are  not  only  Presbyterians,  Methodists  and  Bap- 
tists, but  several  classes  of  each  according  to  the  country  or 
even  the  section  of  country  from  which  the  missionaries  came. 
Christian  missionaries  have  not  yet  learned  how  to  impart 
to  a  non-Christian  people  the  essential  elements  of  their 
religion  in  their  purity  and  simplicity,  but  with  these  have 


250   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

always  carried  along  those  sectarian  peculiarities  which  are 
the  unhappy  record  of  the  controversies  of  the  past.  .  .  . 

The  Chinese  are  a  very  able  people,  physically  sturdy  and 
intellectually  keen.  The  process  of  natural  selection  has  in 
large  measure  destroyed  the  weaklings  and  left  a  people  of 
remarkable  physical  toughness  and  endurance.  Their  educa- 
tion, narrow  though  it  has  been,  has  by  no  means  destroyed 
their  intellectual  powers.  The  scholars  educated  in  the  old 
learning  are  men  of  intellectual  power  within  their  range, 
and  Chinese  youth  easily  hold  their  own  with  those  of  Europe 
and  America,  heirs  of  the  centuries  of  Western  civilization. 

The  Chinese  are  a  people  of  relatively  high  morality.  The 
majority  of  the  people  are  at  the  same  time  Buddhists, 
Taoists,  and  Confucianists.  Buddhism  and  Taoism,  as  they 
exist  to-day,  are  largely  permeated  with  superstition,  and 
have  little,  if  any,  power  for  good.  But  Confucianism,  of 
which  alone  the  men  of  the  scholar  class  confess  themselves 
adherents,  presents  a  high  moral  standard,  and  exerts  to-day, 
as  it  has  for  centuries,  a  powerful  and,  on  the  whole,  a  health- 
ful moral  influence.  Political  life  is  unfortunately  permeated 
and  seriously  corrupted  by  what  we  call  "graft" — what  the 
Chinese  call  "squeeze."  .  .  . 

But  the  standard  of  commercial  life  is  remarkably  high. 
The  reputation  of  Chinese  merchants  in  the  East  is  that  they 
will  keep  a  contract  if  it  ruins  them.  It  is  customary  to 
settle  all  accounts  at  the  end  of  the  Chinese  year,  and,  in 
times  past,  it  has  been  a  common  custom,  as  it  is  still  to  some 
extent,  that  the  debtor  who  could  not  pay  his  debts  at  the 
beginning  of  the  new  year  committed  suicide. 

The  Chinese  people  are  a  peaceable  people.  They  do  not 
love  war,  and  will  fight  only  if  it  is  inevitable.  Until  very 
lately  the  soldier  has  been  at  the  bottom  of  the  social  ladder. 

Only  Western  influence  and  the  danger  of  foreign  encroach- 
ment have  begun  of  late  to  change  this.  In  this  respect  China 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND  GOOD  WILL    251 

is  in  sharp  contrast  with  Japan,  in  which  from  time  imme- 
morial the  soldier  class  has  been  the  aristocracy.  The  peace- 
ableness  of  the  Chinese  appears  also  in  their  tolerance.  Their 
history  is  not  one  of  religious  wars.  Their  persecutions  of 
Christians  have  been  largely  anti-foreign  rather  than  anti- 
Christian.  The  Boxers,  though  they  murdered  Christian 
missionaries  and  their  converts,  and  destroyed  all  mission 
property  within  reach,  were  moved  rather  by  patriotism  that 
saw  no  way  to  check  foreign  aggression  except  to  exterminate 
the  foreigner  and  foreign  influence,  rather  than  by  a  religious 
hatred.  .  .  . 

Chinese  civilization  is  in  some  respects  in  advance  of  that 
of  Europe  and  America.  If  we  have  something  to  impart,  we 
have  also  much  to  learn,  and  their  assimilation  of  our  civili- 
zation entire  would  be  by  no  means  an  unmixed  good.  It  is 
a  fair  question,  which  as  Occidentals  and  as  Christians  we 
ought  to  consider,  whether  it  would  not  be  for  China's  ad- 
vantage for  us  all  to  withdraw  and  leave  her  to  work  out  her 
own  problems  and  develop  her  own  civilization.  To  answer 
this  question  demands  the  consideration  of  several  facts. 

China  is  just  entering  upon  a  new  period  in  her  history. 
For  good  or  evil,  willingly  or  unwillingly,  she  has  determined 
to  abandon  the  policy  of  centuries,  and  instead  of  maintain- 
ing herself  in  isolation,  to  become  one  of  the  nations  of  the 
world.  So  radical  are  the  changes,  political,  military,  educa- 
tional, social,  moral,  which  this  momentous  step  involves  or 
may  involve,  that  it  practically  amounts  to  the  creation  of  a 
new  civilization.  There  are  great  possibilities  of  both  good 
and  evil  in  it.  ...  To  enable  the  people  of  China  to  meet 
this  situation,  and  make  the  present  moment  the  beginning 
not  only  of  a  new,  but  of  a  better,  period  in  her  history,  the 
West  has  much  that  it  might  give. 

China  needs  our  Western  science.  She  is  aware  that  she 
needs  it  to  develop  her  material  resources,  to  open  her  mines 


252   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

and  build  her  railroads.  But,  in  fact,  she  needs  it  even  more 
to  change  the  mental  attitude  of  centuries,  and  train  her 
young  men  to  ask  as  the  fundamental  question,  not  as  here- 
tofore, "What  are  the  teachings  of  the  sages  of  the  past?" 
but  "What  are  the  facts ;  what  is  the  truth  ?"  China  needs  a 
knowledge  of  the  history  of  the  great  civilization  of  the  world 
to  guide  her  in  the  great  task  of  creating  a  new  Chinese 
civilization  that  shall  not  only  be  better  than  the  old  civiliza- 
tion of  China,  but  better,  perhaps,  than  any  that  Western 
nations  have  yet  produced.  China  needs  all  that  we  know 
about  education  and  the  art  of  educating.  In  her  discarded 
system  of  education  the  teacher  held  a  place  of  high  honor, 
but  he  was  not  a  teacher  in  our  sense  of  the  word.  The  new 
education  demands  a  new  type  of  teaching.  China  needs 
all  that  we  have  learned  in  the  field  of  the  social  sciences, 
from  national  finance  to  family  life  and  eugenics. 

China  needs  also  the  best  we  have  to  give  in  morals  and 
religion.  Confucianism  sets  on  the  whole  a  high  moral 
standard,  and  the  Christian  missionaries  have  learned  to 
regard  it  not  as  an  evil  to  be  uprooted,  but  a  foundation 
to  build  on.  But  Christianity  has  something  to  give  that 
Confucianism  has  not  given  and  that  China  lacks.  Family 
life  in  China,  even  among  the  upper  classes,  falls  far  below 
the  best  type  of  home  that  Christianity  produces.  .  .  . 

The  distinctly  religious  element  of  Christianity  also,  its 
conception  of  a  personal  God  who  is  a  reality  in  the  life  of 
men,  and  is  worthy  to  be  trusted  and  loved  as  the  Heavenly 
Father — this  and  the  inspiration  and  empowerment  of  noble 
living  that  it  affords,  Confucianism  fails  to  furnish.  If  we 
offer  them  the  best  we  have  in  our  science,  history  and 
economics,  we  cannot  forbear  to  offer  them  also  the  best  we 
have  in  morals  and  religion. 

The  evils  of  Western  civilization  have  already  found  their 
way  into  the  East.  The  pagan  elements  that  linger  still  in 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND  GOOD  WILL    253 

our  Western,  nominally  Christian,  civilization,  we  have  forced 
upon  them.  Our  military  spirit,  our  rudeness  of  manner,  our 
contemptuous  disregard  of  the  rights  and  feelings  of  others 
who  are  less  aggressive,  our  habits  of  intemperance — by  these 
the  Western  nations  are  already  well  known  in  the  East,  and 
there  is  no  prospect  that  we  can  at  once  abate  their  evil  influ- 
ence. The  open  question  is  whether  we  shall,  with  our  worst, 
give  our  best,  by  the  gift  of  our  best  atone  for  the  evil  we 
have  done  in  sending  our  worst,  and  at  length  displace  the 
evil  with  the  good.  .  .  . 

Shall  we  on  the  one  hand,  following  what  has  been  too 
often  the  practice  of  Western  nations  in  relation  to  the  East, 
look  upon  this  as  an  opportune  moment  to  exploit  China  for 
our  own  benefit?  Or  shall  we,  in  accordance  with  the  policy 
that  the  better  sentiment  of  the  nation  has  approved  in 
respect  to  Cuba  and  the  Philippines,  and  the  precedent  set  by 
our  return  to  China  of  the  excess  of  the  Boxer  indemnity 
above  a  just  amount,  regard  this  as  an  opportunity  of  apply- 
ing to  China  the  Golden  Rule,  which  we  approve  and  to  some 
extent  practice  in  relations  between  man  and  man?  The 
practical  answer  that  we  give  to  this  question  will  go  far  to 
indicate  to  what  extent  we  have  become  a  Christian  nation, 
to  what  extent  we  are  still  pagans  and  barbarians.  If  to 
continue  to  influence  China  means  only  to  export  to  her  the 
vices  of  Western  civilization,  then,  for  China's  sake  and  our 
own,  the  sooner  we  withdraw  the  better.  But  if  to  the 
elements  of  her  strength  we  can  add  those  elements  of  our 
religion  and  civilization  by  virtue  of  which  we  may  claim  to 
be  at  least  a  semi-civilized  and  semi-Christian  nation,  then, 
to  do  this  will  be  immensely  for  China's  advantage  and  for 
ours. 

— ERNEST  D.  BURTON,  International  Conciliation  in  the 
Far  East,  American  Association  for  International 
Conciliation,  1910,  Extracts  from  pp.  18-23. 


254       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Some  time  in  the  long  future  our  country  may  be  wise 
enough  to  frame  immigration  acts  which  shall  treat  all 
nations  of  the  world  alike.  This  problem,  most  difficult  at 
the  best,  cannot  be  settled  offhand  nor  can  it  be  settled  now. 
Perhaps  some  time  we  may  see  our  way  to  admit  skilled 
laborers  only,  from  any  region,  and  only  when  accompanied 
by  their  families.  But  no  final  adjustment  is  possible  now; 
and  all  the  Japanese  ask  for  is  to  be  spared  the  humiliation 
involved  in  any  scheme  for  the  exclusion  of  Asiatics  as 
Asiatics.  This  is  a  matter  of  national  sensitiveness  to  a 
highly  cultivated  and  sensitive  people;  and  needlessly  to  hurt 
such  a  nation  is  to  hurt  ourselves.  For  the  lines  of  commerce 
run  in  grooves  of  international  friendliness.  An  indirect 
exclusion  act,  as  of  races  not  eligible  for  citizenship,  is  more 
humiliating  than  a  direct  act  would  be.  It  implies  that  the 
Japanese  cannot  read  between  the  lines.  Exclusion  from 
citizenship,  for  which  discrimination,  if  indeed  it  really 
exists,  no  adequate  cause  exists,  is  of  the  nature  of  insult  in 
itself.  To  be  shut  out  because  they  have  been  insulted  once 
adds  doubly  to  a  humiliation  they  have  no  power  to  resent, 
but  which  they  hope  their  nearest  friend  among  the  nations 
will  not  offer  them. 

— DAVID  STAEK  JORDAN,  War  and  Waste,  Extract 
from  pp.  262,  263. 


China  is  at  present  most  friendly  to  America.  But  how 
long  will  she  remain  so?  When  her  people  become  as  well 
versed  in  the  affairs  of  the  world  as  Japan  and  India  are 
to-day ;  when  she  becomes  conscious  of  the  solidarity  of  white 
antipathy  to  Asiatics  and  to  a  treatment  of  Chinese  contrary 
to  our  treaties  and  out  of  harmony  with  her  dignity;  when 
she  learns  of  California  anti-alien  legislation  and  the  refusal 
of  America  as  a  whole  to  let  any  Asiatics  become  citizens 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND  GOOD  WILL    255 

of  this  land,  whatsoever  their  personal  qualification,  is  it 
likely  that  China  will  maintain  her  friendship  unbroken  ? 

Against  a  solid  anti-Asiatic  white  race,  will  there  not 
inevitably  arise  a  solid  anti-white  Asia?  And  will  this  not 
mean  vast  economic  disaster  to  both  East  and  West  through 
military  and  naval  expenses  and  interrupted  or  undeveloped 
commerce  ? 

But  the  evils  of  protracted  yellow  and  white  perils  are  even 
more  profound. 

The  two  great  streams  of  civilization,  Occidental  and 
Oriental,  the  product  of  millenniums  of  divergent  evolution, 
are  in  a  large  sense  complementary.  "We  Westerners  easily 
see  that  we  have  much  of  value  to  give  to  the  East.  We  do 
not  so  easily  see  that  they  have  something  of  worth  to  give  to 
us.  Yet  such,  nevertheless,  is  the  fact.  But  this  mutual 
interchange  of  our  best  spiritual  treasures  cannot  go  forward 
on  a  basis  of  mutual  suspicion,  hatred,  and  enmity.  Only 
as  friendship  is  established  and  maintained  can  we  give  them 
our  best.  This,  moreover,  is  essential  if  we  are  to  lift  them 
to  the  level  of  our  own  life.  It  is  no  doubt  true  that,  unless 
we  elevate  them  to  our  own  level,  ultimately  they  will  pull 
us  down  to  theirs.  Only  on  the  basis  of  friendship  too  can 
we  receive  from  them  the  best  they  have  to  give,  thus  enrich- 
ing our  own  lives. 

Such  in  barest  outlines  is  the  situation.  A  new  era  in 
human  evolution  has  begun.  The  races  and  civilizations  are 
face  to  face.  This  new  era  should  be  one  of  glorious  inter- 
change— an  era  of  universal  convergent  evolution;  but 
obstacles  of  race  pride,  aggression,  ambition,  suspicion  lie 
athwart  our  path.  Perils,  yellow  and  white,  threaten  the  best 
interests  of  us  all — East  and  West. 

Many  see  no  solution  to  the  race  problem  save  that  of 
mutual  exclusion.  For  the  admission  of  Asiatics  to  America, 
as  we  admit  immigrants  from  Europe,  means,  they  assert,  an 


256   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Asiatic  inundation.     To  such  thinkers,  complete  surrender 
or  complete  segregation  are  the  only  alternative  courses. 

Just  here,  however,  lies  the  great  mistake,  for  there  is  a 
third  course.  In  briefest  outline,  it  is  a  policy  that  provides 
for  the  gradual  admission  of  Asiatics  with  provision  for  their 
education,  assimilation,  and  naturalization.  By  the  early 
adoption  of  this  policy,  America  can  avoid  both  Scylla  and 
Charybdis,  devitalize  both  the  yellow  and  white  perils,  and 
secure  the  inestimable  advantages  of  the  mutual  exchange 
by  East  and  West  of  their  best.  But  at  once  someone  will 
proclaim  that  Asiatics,  and  especially  Japanese,  are  not 
assimilable.  Though  we  admit  them  to  our  land,  they  will 
never  become  parts  of  our  civilization  nor  really  enter  into 
our  life.  They  are  Oriental  and  we  Occidental.  Can  oil 
and  water  mix?  No  more  can  East  and  West;  and  Kipling 
will  be  quoted: 

"Oh,  East  is  East  and  West  is  West, 
And  never  the  twain  shall  meet 
Till  earth  and  sky  stand  presently 
At  God's  great  judgment  seat." 

They,  however,  who  quote  these  now  famous  lines,  forget 
or  never  heard  the  lines  that  immediately  follow : 

"But  there  is  neither  East  nor  West, 
Border  nor  breed  nor  birth, 
When  two  strong  men  stand  face  to  face, 
Tho'  they  come  from  the  ends  of  the  earth." 

There  are  indeed  real  differences  between  the  East  and  the 
West,  yet  there  is  also  real  and  still  deeper  unity. 

I  now  sum  up  the  various  items  in  the  proposed  new  Ameri- 
can Oriental  policy: 

1.  American  citizenship  should  be  granted  to  every  quali- 
fied individual  regardless  of  race. 

2.  Immigration  from  any  land  should  be  allowed  on  a 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND  GOQD  WILL    257 

percentage  rate  of  those  from  that  land  already  naturalized 
with  their  American-born  children. 

3.  There  should  be  a  Bureau  of  Alien  Registration  and 
Education. 

4.  The  granting  of  naturalization  should  be  vested  in  a 
Bureau  of  Naturalization. 

5.  There  should  be  direct  Federal  responsibility  for  all 
legal  and  legislative  matters  in  which  aliens  as  such  are 
involved. 

6.  A  National  Commission  should  be  appointed  to  study 
and  report  on  the  problems  of  Biological  and  Sociological 
Assimilation. 

7.  Children  and  young  people  in  public  schools  should  be 
educated  in  Oriental  history. 

Such  are  the  outlines  of  a  comprehensive  policy  for  the 
treatment  of  all  races  and  nations  and  the  care  of  all  resident 
aliens  in  our  lands.  To  some  it  may  perhaps  seem  a  mis- 
nomer to  call  this  plan  a  new  Oriental  policy,  for  it  advocates 
nothing  distinctive  regarding  Orientals.  True !  And  this 
exactly  is  the  reason  for  calling  it  our  New  Oriental  Policy. 
It  is  a  policy  which  does  not  discriminate  again  Asiatics, 
and  therefore,  it  is  new.  It  is  new  both  as  to  its  spirit  and 
as  to  its  concrete  elements. 

— SIDNEY  L.  GULICK,  The  Japanese  Problem. 

I  hesitate  to  give  expression  to  the  profound  feeling  with 
which  I  contemplate  this  possibility  of  the  two  nations  co- 
operating in  generous  brotherliness  toward  Asia.  I  have 
found  Japan  so  full  of  noble  sentiments,  so  eager  for  the  best 
things  in  our  Western  world,  while  yet  so  loyal  to  the  best 
heritage  of  her  past,  that  I  have  not  only  admiration  for  her 
scholars  and  statesmen,  but  the  highest  hopes  for  her  national 
expansion.  I  believe  she  has  in  a  large  measure  the  future  of 
Asia  in  her  keeping.  No  such  opportunity  has  come  to  any 


258   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Asiatic  nation,  perhaps  to  no  nation  of  the  world,  to  show 
that  a  magnanimous  policy  is  the  wise  policy.  I  feel  it  a  test 
of  Japan's  true  greatness.  Will  she  only  repeat  the  lessons 
taught  by  European  policies  in  Asia,  insisting  only  upon  her 
rights;  or  will  she  give  the  world  a  new  and  epoch-making 
lesson  in  sacrificial  internationalism,  in  which,  while  protect- 
ing her  own  future,  she  shall,  with  the  hearty  cooperation  of 
America,  also  safeguard  the  rights  of  a  huge,  unshaped  people 
bravely  trying  to  tread  the  same  path  she  herself  has  trod  ? 
— SHAILER  MATHEWS,  America  and  the  Asiatic  World,  p.  24. 

RESPECT  FOR  OTHER  RACES 

In  the  many  narratives  of  modern  exploration,  conquerors 
and  pioneers  of  civilization,  I  can  recall  few  cases  in  which 
the  conscience  of  a  modern  explorer  or  promoter  smites  him, 
and  he  is  filled  with  doubts  whether  it  was  right  to  break 
up  tribal  organizations  and  convert  into  masses  of  shifting 
atoms  what  were  once  strong  cohesive  organizations,  the 
rudiments  of  nations,  if  not  nations  full  grown.  Even  when 
no  cruelties  have  been  practiced  toward  native  races,  when 
on  the  contrary  there  has  been  a  desire  to  deal  fairly  with 
them,  the  results  have  often  been  disastrous.  The  old  tribal 
system  is  broken  up,  the  best  land  is  seized  by  settlers;  the 
natives  are  stinted  either  in  regard  to  pasturage  or  hunting 
grounds.  They  are  lured  away  by  the  attraction  of  high 
wages,  and  they  become  broken,  tribeless  men;  imitating  the 
worst  vices  of  their  new  masters;  cut  off  from  their  old 
nation;  the  authority  of  their  chiefs  gone,  no  authority  re- 
placing for  these  children  of  Nature  that  which  has  been 
destroyed. 

Some  of  these  evils  are  inevitable;  it  is  the  fashion  to  say 
or  assume  that  all  of  them  are  so.  ... 

If  the  intolerance  of  civilization  has  done  harm,  mis- 
chievous, too,  has  been  the  notion  that  the  so-called  un- 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND  GOOD  WILL     259 

civilized  world  is  made  up  of  races  all  of  a  piece;  whereas 
under  the  vague  description  "uncivilized"  are  grouped  a 
multitude  of  people  radically  different  from  each  other; 
strong  and  weak,  good  and  bad,  progressive  and  stationary; 
some  with  the  self-denying  virtues  in  which  are  the  roots 
of  political  aptitude;  others  unstable,  egotistical,  and  inco- 
hesive.  .  .  . 

The  conditions  of  treaties  between  civilized  governments, 
not  uncivilized  or  semi-civilized  communities,  should  be 
wholly  different  from  treaties  concluded  between  equals.  I 
am  quoting  a  rule  of  law,  but  one  based  on  good  sense,  when 
I  say  that  contracts  to  which  minors  are  parties  are  voidable 
unless  to  their  advantage.  We  all  know  how  wantonly  this 
has  been  disregarded;  how  the  indigenous  inhabitants  have 
been  tricked  out  of  their  lands;  how  a  color  of  legality  has 
been  given  to  gross  frauds.  I  fully  believe  that  such  frauds 
are  much  rarer  than  they  were — the  opportunity  for  them 
now  seldom  occurs.  But  the  principle  above  stated  needs  to 
be  set  down  clearly.  .  .  . 

It  might  also  be  thought  a  truism,  were  it  not  so  often  dis- 
regarded, to  say  that  the  indigenous  population  should  have 
the  opportunities  of  development  in  their  own  way — which 
means  education  suited  to  their  needs ;  no  forcible  conformity 
to  one  type. 

The  principle  above  stated  implies  something  of  reverence 
— at  all  events  respect — toward  these  backward  races;  a 
desire  to  preserve  their  customs  and  law  (so  far  as  not  cruel 
and  mischievous). 

— SIR  JOHN  MACDONELL,  Papers  on  Inter-Eacial 
Problems,  Extracts  from  pp.  404-408. 

Men  can  have  no  fraternal  relations  until  they  face  one 
another  with  a  sense  of  freedom  and  of  equal  humanity. 

— WALTER  EAUSCHENBUSCH. 


260   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Let  me  say  that  it  is  good  for  mankind  that  all  its  races 
do  not  go  at  the  same  step,  that  they  do  not  all  run.  The 
reign  of  science  has  not  yet  begun,  and  only  in  the  age  of 
science  mankind  might  attain  to  uniformity  without  begin- 
ning at  once  to  decay.  Dignity  of  life,  culture,  happiness, 
freedom,  may  be  enjoyed  by  the  nations  moving  slowly,  pro- 
vided they  move  steadily  forward. 

Take  one  common  point  in  our  destiny.  We  must  all  be 
immigration  countries.  But  in  order  to  be  able  to  oppose 
to  whatever  foreign  immigration  a  national  spirit  capable  of 
turning  it  quickly  into  patriotic  citizenship,  as  you  do,  the 
assimilating  power  of  the  Latin  organism  needs  everywhere 
to  be  much  increased.  Immigration  countries  must  have  the 
necessary  strength  to  assimilate  all  that  they  absorb.  For 
that  a  strong  patriotism  does  not  suffice.  Patriotism  is  in- 
tense in  almost  every  nation,  and  in  none  perhaps  more  so 
than  in  the  tribes  without  history.  The  Eomans  were  not 
more  patriotic  than  the  Lusitanians.  It  is  not  patriotism 
that  conquers  immigration.  Through  our  intercourse  with 
you  we  would  see  what  it  is  that  conquers  it.  You  owe  your 
unparalleled  success,  as  an  immigration  country,  first  of  all 
to  your  political  spirit.  Without  it  you  would  have,  owing 
to  your  soil  and  your  race,  no  end  of  foreign  guests;  you 
would  not  have  the  endless  number  of  citizens  that  they  soon 
become  here.  The  American  political  spirit  is  a  combination 
of  the  spirit  of  individual  liberty  with  the  spirit  of  equality. 
Liberty  alone  would  not  convert  the  foreign  immigrant  into 
a  new  citizen ;  we  do  not  hear  of  foreigners  taking  the  nation- 
ality of  the  free  European  countries  to  which  they  emigrate. 
Equality  is  a  more  powerful  agent.  The  European  immi- 
grant rises  socially  in  America,  and  that  is  what  makes  him 
wish  to  be  an  American.  ...  I  would  not  end  if  I  attempted 
to  mention  all  the  good  that  Latin  America  would  derive 
from  a  close  intercourse  with  the  United  States.  What  you 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND   GOOD  WILL     261 

perhaps  would  prefer  to  hear  is  what  good  would  you  derive 
from  that  intercourse.  I  will  tell  you  frankly  that  the  good 
would  be,  at  first,  only  the  good  that  comes  from  making 
friends;  but  I  believe  there  is  no  more  substantial  good  than 
that  for  a  nation  which  is  the  leader  of  a  continent. 

The  question  is  to  know  if  you  have  made  up  your  mind 
that  this  continent  should  be  for  each  of  its  nations  a  pro- 
longation of  her  native  soil;  that  some  kind  of  tie  should 
make  of  it  a  single  moral  unit  in  history. 

— JOAQUIM  NABUCO,  The  Approach  of  the  Two 
Americas,  American  Association  for  Inter- 
national Conciliation,  1908,  Extracts  from 
pp.  6-8. 


The  contrast  between  Latin  and  Anglo-Saxon  has  been 
used  constantly  to  support  the  view  that  close  cooperation 
between  the  two  races  is  impossible  of  attainment.  To  many 
writers  there  is  an  essential  and  fundamental  antagonism 
between  the  basic  racial  mental  and  moral  traits. 

It  is  only  within  comparatively  recent  years  that  the 
pseudo-scientific  form  under  which  this  doctrine  has  mas- 
queraded has  been  unmasked.  That  there  are  differences 
between  the  Latin  and  the  Anglo-Saxon  no  one  will  deny, 
but  that  these  differences  involve  any  essential  antagonism 
between  the  two  races  is  without  any  basis  in  scientific  fact. 
We  are  gradually  acquiring  a  clearer  appreciation  of  the  real 
strength  of  the  people  of  Latin  America  and  of  the  contri- 
butions that  they  have  made,  and  are  making,  to  the  progress 
of  western  civilization. 

— L.  S.  EOWE,  Possibilities  of  Intellectual  Coopera- 
tion Between  North  and  South  America,  Ameri- 
can Association  for  International  Conciliation, 
1908,  Extract  from  p.  3. 


262   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Human  sympathy  demands  respect  for  the  sentiments  and 
customs  of  every  people,  as  being  the  expression  of  a  social 
life  and  an  organization  dating  from  time  immemorial. 

— GIUSEPPE  SERGI. 

The  time  is  not  far  distant  when  the  Latin-American 
republics — or  at  least  the  more  important  among  them — will 
be  powers  of  real  magnitude,  whose  support  the  United  States 
will  require  in  the  realization  of  those  ideals  of  international 
justice  for  which  our  government  has  so  long  striven.  We 
cannot  hope  to  have  their  support  unless  we  are  able  to  estab- 
lish with  them  closer  intellectual  and  moral  bonds.  The 
spirit  of  continental  unity  which  we  must  try  to  establish 
does  not  imply  the  slightest  antagonism  toward  Europe  or 
against  European  institutions.  It  is  simply  the  recognition 
of  the  elementary  fact  that  America  can  best  make  her  contri- 
bution to  the  world's  progress  by  addressing  herself  primarily 
and  with  unity  of  purpose  to  those  national  and  international 
problems  that  are  either  peculiar  to  this  continent  or  for  the 
solution  of  which  conditions  are  peculiarly  favorable. 

— L.  S.  ROWE,  Possibilities  of  Intellectual  Coopera- 
tion Between  North  and  South  America,  American 
Association  for  International  Conciliation,  1908, 
Extract  from  p.  15. 

The  community  is  again  insensibly  divided  into  two  camps, 
the  repressed,  who  is  dimly  conscious  that  he  has  no  adequate 
outlet  for  his  normal  life,  and  the  repressive,  represented  by 
the  cautious,  careful  citizen  holding  fast  to  his  own — once 
more  the  conqueror  and  his  humble  people. 

— JANE  ADDAMS,  Newer  Ideals  of  Peace,  p.  61. 
(The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

It  is  easy  to  demonstrate  that  we  consider  our  social  and 
political  problems  almost  wholly  in  the  light  of  one  wise 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND  GOOD  WILL     263 

group  whom  we  call  native  Americans,  legislating  for  the 
members  of  humbler  groups  whom  we  call  immigrants.  The 
first  embodies  the  attitude  of  contempt  or,  at  best,  the  patron- 
age of  the  successful  toward  those  who  have  as  yet  failed 
to  succeed.  We  may  consider  the  so-called  immigration 
situation  as  an  illustration  of  our  failure  to  treat  our  grow- 
ing Eepublic  in  the  spirit  of  a  progressive  and  developing 
democracy. 

— IBID.,  Extract  from  p.  39. 

Have  we  really  open  eyes  for  the  hidden  ideals  in  the  lives 
that  seem  to  us  unlike  our  own — laborer,  capitalist,  Negro, 
white,  educated,  uneducated,  quick,  or  slow  ? 

— HENRY  CHURCHILL  KING,  The  Ethics  of  Jesus. 
(The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

The  great  problem  of  nature  versus  nurture,  or  heredity 
versus  acquirement,  is  insistently  to  the  fore  in  any  study  of 
the  relationships  and  relative  standing  in  degree  of  civiliza- 
tion of  human  races.  Is  the  superbly  built,  upstanding,  high- 
browed  Samoan  of  to-day  a  simple  child  of  Nature  because 
he  lacks  capacity,  or  because  he  lacks  tradition  and  stimulus? 
I  believe  that  it  is  largely  because  he  has  lacked  environment, 
rather  than  heredity.  And  one  proof  is  this,  that  he  is  not 
at  all  a  simple  child  of  nature  where  he  has  come  into  contact 
with  those  more  sophisticated  nature-children,  ourselves. 
Through  all  the*  myriad  Pacific  Islands,  the  Polynesian  of 
the  "beach"  is  different  from  his  blood  brother  of  the  interior. 
And  the  difference  is  essentially  of  the  kind  that  separates  us 
from  the  simpler  races  that  we  are  wont  to  compare  ourselves 
with.  The  world  contact  of  these  peoples  has  been  simpler: 
the  stress  less.  The  Maoris,  natives  of  New  Zealand,  simple 
Polynesian  race,  almost  as  primitive  in  their  life  of  a  genera- 
tion or  two  ago  as  our  own  forbears  for  some  thousands  of 
years,  are  responding  with  amazing  rapidity  and  success  to 


264   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

the  stimulus  and  example  of  the  modern  civilization  that  sur- 
rounds them.  Boaz's  recent  book,  "The  Mind  of  Primitive 
Man/'  has  for  principal  thesis  the  contention  of  the  small 
differences  due  to  heredity  and  the  large  differences  due  to 
environment  and  individual  response,  among  living  races. 

— VERNON  L.  KELLOGG,  Beyond  War,  Extract  from 
pp.  99, 100.    (Henry  Holt  &  Co.,  Publishers.) 

A  special  expression  of  progress  in  international  morality 
is  found  in  the  growing  recognition  by  governments  that  the 
obligations  of  the  strong  toward  the  weak  are  the  same  for 
nations  as  for  individuals.  A  public  conscience  that  is  like 
the  best  private  conscience  is  constantly  becoming  more  and 
more  a  regulative  force  in  the  relations  of  the  superior  to  the 
inferior  races.  .  .  . 

Good  illustrations  of  this  quickening  of  the  public  con- 
science are  found  in  England's  dealings  with  India  and 
China.  .  .  .  Our  dealings  with  the  island  of  Cuba  since  its 
liberation — opinions  may  differ  in  regard  to  the  Tightness  of 
our  original  act  of  intervention — afford  another  encouraging 
illustration  of  the  progress  the  world  has  made  in  interna- 
tional morality.  And  the  same  is  true  of  our  dealings  with 
the  Filipinos,  notwithstanding  the  utterly  painful  character 
of  the  earlier  chapters  of  the  story.  There  has  been  no  re- 
sponsible official  utterance  on  this  subject  that  has  repre- 
sented our  task  in  our  acquired  dependency  as  other  than  a 
public  trust,  as  a  guardianship  to  be  exercised  solely  in  the 
interest  of  the  Filipinos  as  the  nation's  wards.  ...  "I  believe 
that  I  am  speaking  with  historic  accuracy  and  impartiality," 
declares  ex-President  Roosevelt,  "when  I  say  that  the  Ameri- 
can treatment  of  and  attitude  toward  the  Filipino  people,  in 
its  combination  of  disinterested  ethical  purpose  and  sound 
common  sense,  marks  a  new  and  long  stride  forward  in 
advance  of  all  steps  that  have  hitherto  been  taken  along  the 


path  of  wise  and  proper  treatment  of  weaker  by  stronger 
races."  This  ethical  purpose  is  especially  manifested  in  the 
sending  out,  in  the  early  period  of  our  rule,  of  five  hundred 
young  American  teachers  to  carry  to  this  deeply  wronged 
people  the  best  we  have  to  give — a  national  act  without  a 
parallel  in  all  the  history  of  the  past. 

It  inspires  hope  in  the  future  to  note  how  far  this  last 
step  forward  carries  us  away  from  the  starting  point  on  this 
line  of  ethical  advance.  At  first  the  fate  of  the  weaker  race 
was  extermination  or  slavery ;  then  its  fate  was  to  be  reduced 
to  the  condition  of  a  tributary;  still  later,  to  be  subjected 
to  commercial  and  industrial  exploitation  by  the  conquering 
people ;  and  lastly,  to  be  made,  in  theory  if  not  yet  in  actual 
practice,  the  beneficiary  of  a  benevolent  self-sacrificing 
service. — From  pp.  372-374,  History  as  Past  Ethics,  by 
PHILIP  VAN  NESS  MY  BBS  ;  by  permission  of  Ginn  and  Com- 
pany, Publishers. 

A  UNIVERSAL  RACE  CONGRESS 

In  July,  1911,  there  was  held  in  London,  at  the  suggestion 
of  Dr.  Felix  Adler,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  assemblies 
that  ever  met  in  human  history,  known  as  the  Universal  Race 
Congress.  This  Congress  included  representatives  of  over 
forty  races  and  nationalities.  .  .  .  German  professors  and 
high-bred  English  women,  Americans  and  other  representa- 
tives of  the  white  races  sat  down  to  luncheon  with  men  and 
women  of  all  degrees  of  color.  Learned  Brahmins,  an  Ameri- 
can Indian — a  graduate  of  Dartmouth  College — Cambridge 
professors,  London  and  Paris  economists,  cultivated  Negroes 
from  America  and  South  Africa,  Turks,  Egyptians,  Persians, 
Chinese  diplomates,  Hungarians,  Russians,  men  and  women 
from  all  lands  including  one  handsome  Maori,  here  com- 
mingled as  friends  and  neighbors,  all  intent  on  one  great 
problem — to  promote  good-will  and  solve  the  problems  of  race 


266   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

intercourse  due  to  man's  ignorance  and  prejudice.  .  .  .  This 
remarkable  gathering  is  doubtless  destined  to  prove  the  first 
of  many  triennial  or  quadrennial  conferences  which  will  focus 
the  minds  of  scholars  the  world  over  on  some  of  the  most 
difficult  problems  which  tradition  and  prejudice  have  ren- 
dered still  more  difficult  of  solution.  It  was  hoped  that  one 
of  the  first  steps  in  showing  how  people  of  culture  and  good- 
will may  transcend  race  prejudice  in  common  intercourse 
would  be  the  establishment  in  London,  New  York,  and  other 
great  centers  of  an  international  hostel  or  cosmopolitan  club, 
where  people  of  all  races,  with  proper  credentials,  would  be 
welcomed  and  where  distinguished  foreigners  would  be  enter- 
tained. Such  centers  would  be  potent  agencies  for  bringing 
home  to  the  representatives  of  the  various  peoples  their  inter- 
dependence and  for  promoting  their  influential  cooperation. 
— LUCIA  AMES  MEAD,  Swords  and  Ploughshares, 
Extracts  from  pp.  62,  63. 

There  should  be  gatherings  from  time  to  time  when  people 
of  different  races  may  draw  together,  when  the  different 
forms  which  the  same  movement  may  take  may  be  studied. 
If  we  must  trust  to  public  opinion,  as  is  said,  then  public 
opinion  should  be  enlightened  by  such  gatherings  as  these. 
Sympathy  ought  to  go  hand  in  hand  with  knowledge,  and 
it  might  be  the  object  of  such  gatherings  to  study  the 
scientific  teaching.  There  should  be  more  and  more — and 
fortunately  already  there  are  many — societies  representative 
of  the  interests  of  races.  In  no  country,  so  far  as  I  know, 
can  governments  do  all  that  is  needed;  in  some  they  may  be 
positively  hostile  to  objects  which  certain  races  have  much 
at  heart.  Some  time  ago  a  few  of  my  friends  formed  the 
South  African  Native  Races  Committee.  Its  main  object 
was  to  obtain  and  diffuse  accurate  information  as  to  the 
native  population  of  South  Africa.  Perhaps  its  chief  work 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND  GOOD  WILL    267 

so  far  has  been  to  bring  about  the  formation  of  two  similar 
societies  in  that  country.  Of  late  it  has  endeavored  to  aid  in 
procuring  funds  for  the  establishment  of  a  college  for  South 
African  natives.  I  cannot  but  think  there  is  plenty  of  room 
for  societies  with  like  objects. 

— SIR  JOHN  MACDONELL,  International  Law  and 
Subject  Races,  in  Papers  on  Inter-Eacial  Prob- 
lems. 

CHRISTIAN  OBLIGATIONS 

A  man's  obligation  to  the  other  man  is  measured  by  the 
need  of  the  other  man.  God's  obligation  to  man  is  deepest 
at  the  point  of  man's  profoundest  need.  The  incarnation  is 
the  divine  response  to  that  greatest  human  need.  The  thing 
most  necessary  to  help  man  in  his  struggle  Godward,  was, 
we  say  reverently,  God's  highest  duty  to  man.  Christ's  com- 
ing was  due  to  no  mere  impulse  of  divine  emotion.  It  is  love 
working  according  to  the  profoundest  laws  of  obligation. 
Human  obligation  obeys  the  same  law. 

— LAUEESS  J.  BIRNEY,  in  The  Eeligion  of 
Manhood,  p.  30. 

The  story  of  the  dispersion  at  Babel  presaged  the  national 
life  of  the  Old  World.  During  all  that  life  the  human  family 
lived  in  isolated  and  antagonistic  races  and  nations.  It  still 
remains  there  the  significant  fact.  You  go  to  China  and  the 
Chinese  have  monopolized  that  country;  into  Spain  and  only 
Spaniards  are  found;  in  France  and  Germany  are  French 
and  Germans.  Single  races  form  not  merely  the  numerical 
majority,  but  they  are,  if  not  the  sole  inhabitants,  the  con- 
trolling factors.  Locally  every  race  held  to  its  own  place  on 
the  face  of  the  globe  and  maintained  its  isolated  life.  But 
this  republic  is  a  new  experience.  We  have  every  year  and 


268       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

for  a  century  past  had  great  streams  of  populations  flowing 
in  from  every  race — the  Anglo-Saxon,  the  Frenchman,  the 
Teuton,  the  Scandinavian,  the  Italian,  the  Japanese,  the 
Chinese,  and  the  Ethiopian.  They  have  gathered  here  not 
merely  as  visitors  or  travelers,  but  to  stay  and  become  citizens. 
The  dispersion  which  began  at  Babel  has  ended  on  the  banks 
of  the  Hudson  and  the  Mississippi. 

— DAVID  J.  BREWER,  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  the  Mission  of  the 
United  States  in  the  Cause  of  Peace. 

For  a  religion  to  be  propagandist  the  first  condition  is 
that  it  must  believe  in  the  fundamental  unity  of  mankind.  A 
religion  which  admits  raciality  as  an  article  of  its  creed  con- 
fines itself  within  the  limits  of  the  specified  race.  In  some 
religions  raciality  is,  even  if  not  manifested  on  the  surface, 
at  least  so  strong  an  undercurrent  that  they  have  no  propa- 
gandist force:  of  living  religions  I  take  it  that  this  is  the 
case  at  present  with  Judaism,  which  maintains  no  propaganda, 
but  for  any  expansion  trusts  simply  to  diffusion  by  contact. 
Hinduism  contains  many  forms  so  much  localized  as  to  be 
untransferable,  and  even  the  fundamental  tenets  of  Brahman- 
ism  are  so  bound  up  with  raciality  that  the  diffusion  which 
is  actually  in  process  does  not  look  beyond  the  boundaries 
of  the  Indian  peninsula.  In  China  the  triplex  system  estab- 
lished by  the  State  is  not  conceived  as  transferable  either 
as  a  whole  or  in  its  parts,  and  a  parallel  statement  is  true  of 
Japan.  Expansive  movement  in  religion  has  been  for  some 
time  past,  and  is  at  the  present  moment,  limited  to  Buddhism, 
Islam,  and  Christianity. 

Buddhism  in  its  fundamentals  is  free  from  racial  limita- 
tions, and  its  history  has  shown  diffusion  from  race  to  race 
on  a  large  scale.  Islam  though  closely  associated  with  its 
founder  and  his  race  at  once  went  forth  with  open  invitation, 


and  though  never  successful  in  Europe  had  great  success 
elsewhere,  and  in  Africa  it  is  expanding  its  range  before  our 
eyes.  Christianity  was  in  the  first  generation  seen  to  be  uni- 
versalistic,  and  though  its  dominance  was  transferred  from 
Asia  into  Europe,  and  later  on  it  had  to  retreat  before  Islam 
in  West  Asia  and  North  Africa,  it  felt  that  as  a  reproach, 
and  in  the  Crusades  made  a  protest,  futile  though  it  proved 
to  be.  At  the  reopening  of  Asia  after  1453  and  the  discovery 
of  the  New  World,  Christianity  resumed  its  world-wide 
prospect. 

— ALFRED  CALDECOTT,  Papers  on  Inter-Eacial 
Problems,  Extract  from  p.  302. 

The  white  man  whose  only  aim  it  is  to  be  feared  by  the 
native  is  alike  detested  and  detestable.  He  is  drawing  down 
upon  himself,  his  country,  and  his  race  a  vengeance  which 
perhaps  will  only  reach  his  sons,  but  which  will  be  the  more 
terrible  in  proportion  as  it  is  slow  to  work  itself  out.  Thus 
the  last  word  as  regards  the  education  of  the  native  is  that 
we  must  first  educate  the  white  man,  cultivate  the  spirit  of 
justice,  sink  our  pride  and  respect  the  rights  of  others. 

These  high-sounding  words  were  once  words  only.  They 
were  laughed  at.  But  to-day  they  live,  they  are  spread  abroad, 
they  arrest  attention.  Say  what  one  will,  have  I  not  seen 
them  triumph  at  the  two  Hague  Conferences  where  the  repre- 
sentatives of  so-called  "inferior"  races  have  entered  freely 
into  discussion  with  those  of  the  greater  Powers,  have  secured, 
amid  universal  applause,  the  victory  of  wiser  and  more 
generous  principles,  and  have  made  Force  begin  to  bend 
before  Eight? 

— BARON  D'ESTOURNELLES  DE  CONSTANT,  Papers  on 
Inter-Eacial  Problems,  p.  386. 

There  ought  to  be  less  of  the  intolerance  of  modern  civiliza- 


270   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

tion,  equal  to  that  of  religious  fanaticism ;  scarcely  surpassed 
by  any  displayed  by  the  Spanish  conquerors  of  Mexico  or 
Peru.  If  they  were  merciless,  they  had  fewer  means  of  carry- 
ing out  their  will,  and  they  had  at  all  events  moments  of 
contrition  and  doubts  whether  their  work  was  altogether  good 
in  the  eyes  of  Heaven,  while  the  self-satisfaction  of  modern 
civilization  is  rarely  broken  by  an  admission  of  failure.  .  .  . 

The  following  is  a  remarkable  confession  of  Lejesama,  one 
of  the  first  Spanish  conquerors  of  Peru.  It  was  sent  to  King 
Philip  of  Spain: 

"The  said  Yncas,  governed  in  such  a  way,  that  in  all  the 
land  neither  a  thief,  nor  a  vicious  man,  nor  a  bad,  dishonest 
woman  was  known.  The  men  all  had  honest  and  profitable 
employment.  The  woods  and  mines  and  all  kinds  of  property 
were  so  divided  that  each  man  knew  what  belonged  to  him, 
and  there  were  no  law-suits.  The  Yncas  were  feared,  obeyed, 
and  respected  by  their  subjects  as  a  race  very  capable  of 
governing.  But  we  took  away  their  land,  and  placed  it 
under  the  government  of  Spain,  and  made  them  subjects. 
Your  Majesty  must  understand  that  my  reason  for  making 
this  statement  is  to  relieve  my  conscience,  for  we  have  de- 
stroyed this  people  by  our  bad  examples.  Crimes  were  once 
so  little  known  among  them  that  an  Indian  with  one  hundred 
thousand  pieces  of  gold  and  silver  in  his  house  left  it  and 
nobody  went  in.  But  when  they  saw  that  we  placed  locks 
and  keys  on  our  doors,  they  understood  that  it  was  from 
fear  of  thieves,  and  when  they  saw  that  we  had  thieves  among 
us,  they  despised  us.  All  this  I  tell  your  Majesty  to  discharge 
my  conscience  of  a  weight  that  I  may  no  longer  be  a  party 
to  these  things.  And  I  pray  God  to  pardon  me." 

— SIR  JOHN  MACDONELL,  Papers  on  Inter-Eacial 
Problems,  p.  404. 

We  get  a  flash  of  illumination  from  that  story  in  the  New 


Testament  related  to  the  birth  of  Jesus.  The  shepherds 
watched  their  flocks  by  night  and  the  heavens  opened  and  the 
angels  sang  "Gloria  in  excelsis  Deo!" — Glory  to  God  in  the 
highest,  and  on  earth  peace  to  men  of  His  good  will.  That 
is  to  say,  the  men  who  have  that  divine  good  will  shall  have 
peace.  According  to  this  rendering,  the  song  of  the  angels 
did  not  announce  that  peace  should  be  bestowed  upon  all  men 
indiscriminately — that  presently  there  should  be  universal 
peace  among  men — but  peace  conditionally  to  men  who  have 
the  good  will.  This  is  my  point,  that  good  will  in  the  strict 
sense  is  the  engine  upon  which  we  must  rely  to  create  peace. 
In  the  first  place,  everyone  of  us,  instead  of  writing  letters  to 
the  newspaper  as  to  what  the  Kaiser  or  the  Czar  or  someone 
else  should  do,  may  begin  to  initiate  the  reign  of  peace  by 
creating  in  himself  good  will,  especially  toward  the  people 
against  whom  he  feels  objection.  Some  object  to  colored 
people,  some  to  Jews,  some  to  Poles,  some  to  the  Japanese. 
Almost  everyone  objects  to  one  or  more  other  races,  and  many 
people  object  to  all  races  other  than  their  own.  There  are 
also  individuals  that  repel  us,  there  are  those  whose  mere 
faces  create  in  us  dislike.  We  can  begin  by  overcoming  our 
personal  repulsions,  making  it  our  ethical  purpose,  if  we  feel 
strongly  repelled,  to  try  and  take  a  friendly  view  of  a  man, 
to  try  and  see  the  fair  side  of  his  nature.  Like  Saint  Francis 
in  the  legend,  bathe  your  lepers,  tend  those  who  are  repug- 
nant to  you.  If  there  is  anyone  whom  you  particularly  dis- 
like, think  kindly  of  him  at  this  moment.  He  is  your  leper — 
see  whether  you  cannot  imitate  Saint  Francis  and  be  in 
thought  and  deed  his  friend. 

— FELIX  ABLER,  in  The  Standard,  February,  1915. 

The  heralds  of  the  Son  of  God  sang,  "Glory  to  God  in  the 
highest  and  on  earth  peace,  good  will  towards  man."  At 
that  moment  history  tells  us  that  all  nations  were  at  peace. 


272   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Throughout  these  twenty  centuries,  through  all  the  wars  of 
conquest  and  hate,  that  heavenly  song  has  rung  out  as  the 
hope  of  mankind.  God  has  in  His  mind,  we  believe,  the  con- 
summation of  a  world-wide  peace.  When  or  where  we  know 
not  yet.  The  cause  of  truth  and  justice  may  compel  its  serv- 
ants to  obey  the  word  of  their  Master,  "I  come  not  to  send 
peace  but  a  sword."  Wars  for  the  right  are  not  over  yet. 
Wars  of  greed,  race  hatred  and  false  patriotism  may  be  waged 
in  future  again  and  again.  But  God's  Kingdom  is  coming, 
His  Kingdom  of  Peace.  In  spite  of  disheartening  checks,  of 
cynicism  and  opposition,  the  Christian's  privilege  is  to  stand 
for  the  ideal  and  to  work  for  it — work  for  it  in  the  way 
that  the  heavenly  choir  points  out,  through  good  will.  Let  us 
respect  the  peoples  of  other  races,  enter  with  sympathy  into 
their  hopes ;  let  us  try  to  discover  the  better  and  not  the  worse 
in  men ;  let  us  love  our  neighbors  as  ourselves.  And  we  shall 
do  our  part  in  preparing  the  world  for  that  lasting  peace 
which  is  the  crowning  virtue  and  happiness  of  all  people. 

— WILLIAM  LAWBENCE,  The  Church  and  the  Ideal, 
pp.  7,  8. 


CHAPTER  IX 

WORLD  FEDERATION,  A  MEANS  OF  INTER- 
NATIONAL JUSTICE 

The  great  achievement  that  calls  for  your  patient  labor, 
your  heroic  endeavor,  it  may  be  for  the  sacrifice  of  your 
heart's  blood,  is  the  achievement  of  the  unity  of  the  world, 
the  federation  of  mankind,  the  evolution  of  the  Universal 
World  State. 

— WILLIAM  T.  STEAD. 

JUSTICE  NECESSARY  TO  PEACE 

Peace  can  never  be  except  as  it  is  founded  upon  justice. 
And  it  rests  with  us  in  our  own  country  to  see  to  it  that  the 
idea  of  justice  prevails,  and  prevails  against  the  declamation 
of  the  demagogue,  against  the  interested  exhortation  of  the 
politician,  against  the  hot  temper  of  the  thoughtless  and  of 
the  inconsiderate.  If  we  would  have  peace,  it  is  not  enough 
to  cry  "Peace !  Peace !"  It  is  essential  that  we  should  pro- 
mote and  insist  upon  the  willingness  of  our  country  to  do 
justice  to  all  countries  of  the  earth.  In  the  exercise  of  those 
duties  in  which  the  ambassadors  of  Great  Britain,  of  Brazil, 
and  of  Japan  have  played  so  great  a  part  with  us  in  the  last 
few  years  in  Washington,  the  great  obstacles  to  the  doing  of 
things  which  make  for  peace  have  been  not  the  wish  of  the 
diplomatist,  not  the  policy  of  the  government,  but  the  incon- 
siderate and  thoughtless  unwillingness  of  the  great  body  of 
the  people  of  the  respective  countries  to  stand  behind  the 

273 


274   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

man  who  was  willing  for  the  sake  of  peace  and  justice  to 
make  fair  concessions. 

— ELIHU  BOOT,  Causes  of  War,  pp.  4,  5,  in  Documents 

of  the   American  Association  for   International 

Conciliation,  1909. 

What  we  are  seeking  I  think — certainly  what  I  desire — 
is  not  merely  peace,  but  peace  founded  on  righteousness,  peace 
accompanying  justice,  peace  with  law  and  order  as  its  com- 
ponents. What  we  are  seeking  is,  first  justice  and  then  peace. 
"If  it  be  possible,  as  much  as  lies  in  you,"  says  the  apostle, 
"live  peaceably  with  all  men."  — LYMAN  ABBOTT. 

He  who  would  insure  peace — aye,  he  who  would  bring 
peace  in  its  full  true  meaning — must  endeavor  to  build  the 
very  foundations  of  the  State  upon  the  firm  rock  of  justice. 
War  comes  from  injustice;  peace  comes  from  justice,  from 
the  securing  to  each  man  of  that  which  is  his  due. 

— HENRY  GEORGE. 

War  will  never  yield  but  to  the  principles  of  universal 
justice  and  love,  and  those  have  no  sure  root  but  in  the  reli- 
gion of  Jesus  Christ. 

— WILLIAM  E.  CHANNING. 

We  can  never  undo  what  has  been  done,  and  we  cannot 
stop  what  is  going  on;  but  what  we  can  do  is  to  help  to 
prepare  a  new  order  in  which  these  things  will  never  occur 
again.  — BARONESS  VON  SUTTNEB. 

Without  justice  we  can  have  no  guarantee  of  permanent 
peace.  With  justice  the  peace  of  the  world  is  unassailable. 
There  are  words  in  an  old  poem  very  familiar  to  many  genera- 
tions of  Englishmen,  and  in  some  sort  familiar  no  doubt  to 


WORLD   FEDERATION— MEANS   OF    JUSTICE          275 

our  foreign  friends,  which  often  occur  to  my  mind  in  rela- 
tion to  this  thought.  The  words  as  we  use  them  run  thus: 
"Mercy  and  truth  have  met  together,  righteousness  and  peace 
have  kissed  each  other."  Righteousness  and  peace;  or,  as  we 
say  now,  justice  and  peace.  Without  righteousness,  no  peace ; 
with  righteousness,  perpetual  peace.  Think  of  it.  When 
justice  is  once  enthroned  and  in  possession  there  must  be  a 
perpetual  desire  to  overthrow  the  injustice,  and  to  establish 
right  in  its  place.  And  when  injustice  possesses  the  minds 
of  nations  or  rulers  there  is  a  perpetual  instinct  to  be 
unjust,  and  to  establish  that  order  against  which  we  have  to 
rebel.  .  .  . 

How  shall  we  get  among  the  nations  what  we  have  suc- 
ceeded in  obtaining  within  nations — a  reference  to  law 
instead  of  to  force — an  appeal  to  the  privileges  and  powers 
of  society  for  enforcing  justice  instead  of  a  resort  on  one's 
own  account  to  the  force  which  one  may  command  to  compel 
justice  ? 

The  first  thing  is  to  use  all  your  powers,  all  your  oppor- 
tunities to  develop  the  strength,  the  scope,  the  purity  of 
international  law.  Do  as  much  as  you  can  as  individuals, 
influence  your  rulers  as  much  as  you  can  as  citizens  of  free 
communities,  to  develop,  strengthen,  and  purify  international 
law — international  law  which  rises  above  the  separate  nations 
just  as  the  municipal  law  of  a  community  rises  above  its 
separate  citizens.  .  .  . 

Underlying  all  notions  of  international  law,  underlying 
all  the  ideas  which  are  developed  in  these  private  treaties,  the 
great  security  of  peace  is  to  be  found  in  the  recognition  by 
le  members  of  different  communities  of  their  kinship  with 
the  members  of  other  communities,  of  the  notion  of  a  com- 
mon manhood  if  not  of  a  common  citizenship.  Here  we  have 
the  supreme  guarantee  of  perpetual  peace.  Try  to  get  it — 
ind  this  is  the  glory,  this  is  the  defense,  this  is  the  justifica- 


276   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

tion  of  all  your  actions  by  bringing  together  representatives 
of  the  different  States  of  Europe  and  America — try  to  get  the 
peoples  to  understand  one  another. 

— LORD  COURTNEY,  Peace  by  Justice,  in  Publications 

of  the   National  Peace   Council,  Extracts  from 

pp.  3-7. 

We  know  that  many  will  doubt  the  influence  and  security 
of  our  country  among  the  nations,  armed  with  justice  rather 
than  with  power,  but  let  them  remember  this  outstanding 
fact:  that  both  her  influence  and  her  security  have  never 
depended  upon  her  power  but  upon  just  these  moral  qualities. 
It  has  actually  been  her  justice  and  not  her  arms  that  has 
made  her  heeded  of  the  world!  When  the  Boxer  trouble 
occurred  in  China,  it  was  in  our  nation  that  China  put  her 
trust  and  confidence,  and  it  was  our  words  she  heeded  above 
the  great  armed  powers.  When  the  President  of  the  United 
States  intervened  between  warring  Japan  and  Russia,  both 
nations  heeded  us,  not  because  of  any  army  or  navy,  but 
because  they  believed  that  we  loved  justice  and  were  dis- 
interested people. 

It  is  admitted  by  all  that  at  the  second  Hague  Conference 
the  United  States  carried  most  weight  and  that  every  nation 
listened  when  she  spoke.  But  it  was  not  because  of  a  big 
stick  behind  our  words.  It  was  because  the  nations  trusted 
and  respected  us.  It  is  to  the  United  States  that  the  South 
American  nations  turn  in  any  trouble — and  would  turn 
oftener  were  we  more  just — not  because  of  our  armament, 
but  because  they  believe  in  us.  The  formation  of  the  Pan- 
American  Union  in  Washington  and  the  building  of  the 
palace  by  Mr.  Carnegie,  which  is  its  home,  gave  the  United 
States  more  influence  in  South  America  than  twenty  new 
battleships  would  have  done.  Indeed  these  states  never  began 
to  distrust  us  until  we  used  force  and  began  to  talk  of  big 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OF  JUSTICE         27? 

navies.    The  United  States  was  just  as  much  a  world  power 
before  she  had  a  great  navy  as  she  is  to-day. 

— FREDERICK  LYNCH,  What  Makes  a  Nation  Great, 
Extract  from  pp.  37,  38. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  whatever  that  during  recent  years, 
and  especially  in  the  more  democratic  countries,  an  inter- 
national consensus  of  public  opinion  has  gradually  grown  up, 
making  itself  the  voice,  like  a  Greek  chorus,  of  an  abstract 
justice.  It  is  quite  true  that  of  this  justice,  as  of  justice 
generally,  it  may  be  said  that  it  has  wide  limits.  Eenan 
declared  once,  in  a  famous  allocution,  that  "what  is  called 
indulgence  is,  most  often,  only  justice,"  and,  at  the  other 
extreme,  Eemy  de  Gourmont  has  said  that  "injustice  is  some- 
times a  part  of  justice";  in  other  words,  there  are  varying 
circumstances  in  which  justice  may  properly  be  tempered 
either  with  mercy  or  with  severity.  In  any  case,  and  however 
it  may  be  qualified,  a  popular  international  voice  generously 
pronouncing  itself  in  favor  of  justice,  and  resonantly  con- 
demning any  government  which  clashes  against  justice,  is 
now  a  factor  of  the  international  situation.  It  is,  moreover, 
tending  to  become  a  factor  having  a  certain  influence  on 
affairs.  This  was  the  case  during  the  South  African  War, 
when  England,  by  offending  this  international  sense  of  jus- 
tice, fell  into  a  discredit  which  had  many  actual  unpleasant 
results  and  narrowly  escaped,  there  is  some  reason  to  believe, 
proving  still  more  serious.  The  same  voice  was  heard  with 
dramatically  sudden  and  startling  effect  when  Ferrer  was  shot 
at  Barcelona.  Ferrer  was  a  person  absolutely  unknown  to  the 
man  in  the  street;  he  was  indeed  little  more  than  a  name 
even  to  those  who  knew  Spain;  few  could  be  sure,  except  by 
a  kind  of  intuition,  that  he  was  the  innocent  victim  of  a 
judicial  murder,  for  it  is  only  now  that  the  fact  is  being 
slowly  placed  beyond  dispute.  Yet  immediately  after  Ferrer 


278   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

was  shot  within  the  walls  of  Monjuich  a  great  shout  of  in- 
dignation was  raised,  with  almost  magical  suddenness  and 
harmony,  throughout  the  civilized  world,  from  Italy  to  Bel- 
gium, from  England  to  Argentina.  Moreover,  this  voice  was 
so  decisive  and  so  loud  that  it  acted  like  those  legendary 
trumpet-blasts  which  shattered  the  walls  of  Jericho ;  in  a  few 
days  the  Spanish  Government,  with  a  powerful  minister  at 
its  head,  had  fallen.  The  significance  of  this  event  we  cannot 
easily  overestimate.  For  the  first  time  in  history,  the  voice 
of  international  public  opinion,  unsupported  by  pressure, 
political,  social  or  diplomatic,  proved  potent  enough  to  avenge 
an  act  of  injustice  by  destroying  a  government.  A  new  force 
has  appeared  in  the  world,  and  it  tends  to  operate  against 
those  countries  which  are  guilty  of  injustice,  whether  that 
injustice  is  exerted  against  a  State  or  even  only  against  a 
single  obscure  individual.  The  modern  developments  of 
telegraphy  and  the  press — unfavorable  as  the  press  is  in  many 
respects  to  the  cause  of  international  harmony — have  placed 
in  the  hands  of  peace  this  new  weapon  against  war. 

— HAVELOCK  ELLIS,  The  Forces  Warring  Against 
War,  pp.  3,  4. 

There  was  a  time  when  we  thought  violence  had  been 
quarantined.  We  expected  there  would  be  fighting  in  Africa 
and  revolutions  in  South  American  republics,  but  we  did  not 
expect  violence  to  become  epidemic.  We  thought  that  the 
reign  of  peace  and  good  will  among  Christian  nations  was 
assured  by  the  providential  discovery  of  smokeless  powder, 
submarine  torpedo  boats,  and  other  agents  of  a  beneficently 
systematized  slaughter.  We  almost  regretted  the  civilizing 
of  the  Red  Man,  since  it  shut  the  door  of  rapid  promotion 
to  West  Point  graduates. 

But  apparently  our  dreams  were  the  results  of  ill-digested 
optimism.  Despite  the  prophecies  of  the  poet,  the  reign  of 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS   OF  JUSTICE          279 

violence  is  not  yet  over,  and  peace  seems  impatient  of  any- 
thing but  a  bloody  wooing.  .  .  . 

Nor  has  it  been  the  soldier  alone  who  would  build  up  a 
better  future  by  a  recourse  to  force. 

The  "educational  committee"  of  the  labor  union  ushers  in 
the  reign  of  fraternity  by  terrifying  nonunion  girls  and  kill- 
ing nonunion  men. 

Employers'  Associations,  scorning  the  elemental  brutality 
of  cavemen,  starve  recalcitrant  employees  into  peace  as  their 
feudal  prototypes  starved  a  town  into  consenting  to  be  sacked. 

Ecclesiastical  bodies  cure  heresy  by  ruining  the  reputation 
of  heretics. 

Mobs  lynch  Negroes. 

And  Christian  nations  in  the  interest  of  commerce  par- 
tition empires,  appropriate  new  continents,  and  maintain 
order  in  an  African  Free  State  by  mutilating  natives  who 
refuse  to  tap  rubber  trees.  Scratch  civilization  and  you  will 
find  something  far  worse  than  a  Cossack.  .  .  . 

And  yet  it  is  not  because  men  have  grown  more  savage  that 
they  thus  invite  deadly  struggle.  They  were  never  more 
prodigal  in  their  charities.  The  nation  that  invents  new 
guns  and  new  armor  organizes  a  Red  Cross  League  to  care 
for  the  victims  of  its  inventions.  It  is  not  that  the  better 
men  among  us  have  new  lust  for  violence.  It  is,  rather,  that 
the  ruling  and  the  subject  peoples  and  classes  have  grown 
desperate.  Peace  and  love  and  self-sacrifice  seem  for  the 
moment  terms  of  an  impracticable  rhetoric.  In  momentary 
despair  of  other  methods  of  reaching  peace  men  have  dressed 
up  their  passions  in  the  guise  of  some  good  cause,  and,  as 
always,  believe  that  uniforms  justify  violence.  .  .  . 

It  is  not  difficult  to  understand  this  desperation.  What 
man  of  us  has  not  chafed  under  injustice  or  ingratitude  and 
longed  to  call  down  fire  from  heaven  upon  inhospitable 
Samaritans?  Why  not  treat  brutes  as  they  would  treat  us? 


It  is  no  easy  thing  for  a  man,  much  less  a  nation,  to  be  strong 
and  gentle,  self-reliant  and  patient. 

Yet  to  this  peace  men  and  nations  must  some  day  come 
and,  despite  recent  history,  are  coming.  Besides  the  recur- 
rence to  brute  force  there  is  also  in  world  politics  and  in- 
dustrial struggles  a  recognition  of  the  final  value  of  the 
Golden  Rule.  The  Hague  Tribunal  and  arbitration  treaties 
are  not  ghosts  of  dead  optimisms. 

It  is  not  merely  that  men  believe  war  of  every  sort  to  be 
fearfully  costly.  Economic  arguments,  and  the  gains  of  a 
commercial  war  may  be  judged  greater  than  the  penalties 
of  increased  national  debts  and  bankrupt  merchants.  Na- 
tional and  industrial  peace  must  be  built  on  something  more 
fundamental  than  profit  and  loss  accounts. 

It  must  be,  nay,  it  is  being  built  upon  a  recognition  of 
elemental  justice. 

Madness  may  have  seized  the  world  for  the  moment,  but 
brute  force  cannot  always  be  the  court  of  final  appeal.  To 
believe  otherwise  is  to  misread  the  past  and  misjudge  the 
signs  of  the  times. 

— SHAILER  MATHEWS,  The  Making  of  To-Morrow, 
Extract  from  pp.  129-133. 

The  simplest  and  most  fundamental  quality  needed  in  the 
moral  relations  of  men  is  justice.  We  can  gauge  the  ethical 
importance  of  justice  by  the  sense  of  outrage  with  which 
we  instinctively  react  against  injustice.  If  redress  is  denied 
us,  we  feel  the  foundations  of  the  moral  universe  totter.  Men 
have  often  gone  to  law  and  used  up  all  their  hard-earned 
property  to  satisfy  their  craving  for  justice,  and  if  they 
thought  it  was  permanently  denied  them,  their  whole  nature 
has  become  hard  and  bitter.  Until  injustice  between  indi- 
viduals is  made  right  by  restoration  or  forgiveness,  fraternity 
between  them  is  cleft,  and  only  heroic  love  on  the  part  of  the 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OF  JUSTICE          281 

wronged  can  bridge  the  gap.  For  a  man  who  has  overreached 
or  wronged  his  neighbor,  to  offer  him  favors  or  charity  is  felt 
to  add  insult  to  injury.  If  he  loves  him,  let  him  love  him 
enough  to  be  just  to  him. 

So  fundamental  is  justice  between  man  and  man.  One  of 
the  prime  requisites  of  a  righteous  social  order,  therefore, 
is  to  provide  wise  and  prompt  social  tribunals  to  settle  cases 
where  private  justice  is  in  dispute.  .  .  . 

As  justice  is  the  condition  of  good  will  between  individuals, 
so  it  is  the  foundation  of  the  social  order.  Any  deep-seated 
injustice  throws  the  foundation  walls  out  of  plumb.  If  one 
class  is  manifestly  exploiting  another,  there  is  no  fraternity 
between  them.  Long-standing  oppression  has  sometimes  so 
dulled  the  manhood  of  a  peasant  class  that  they  accepted 
injustice  as  part  of  the  inevitable  suffering  of  life,  and  re- 
ceived any  act  of  justice  from  the  aristocracy  with  enthusiasm 
as  a  noble  and  generous  deed.  Such  patience  is  really  the 
most  pathetic  symptom  of  degradation.  But  the  fact  that 
the  oppressing  classes  have  always  vigilantly  suppressed  any 
social  or  religious  agitation  that  might  waken  the  drugged 
sense  of  justice,  shows  that  such  peace  is  always  superficial. 
If  any  one  can  read  history  without  a  sickening  sense  of  the 
enormous  extent  of  injustice  and  oppression  in  all  nations, 
he  has  a  mental  make-up  which  I  both  envy  and  abhor. 
Practically  all  the  internal  upheavals  recorded  in  history 
were  caused  by  the  agonized  attempts  of  inferior  classes  to 
resist  or  shake  off  the  clutch  of  injustice.  Nations  die  of 
legalized  injustice. 

— WALTER  KAUSCHENBUSCH,  Christianizing  the  Social 
Order,  p.  40. 

JUSTICE  AND  FRIENDSHIP 

It  will  be  worthy  of  a  free,  enlightened  and  at  no  distant 
period  a  great  nation  to  give  to  mankind  the  magnanimous 


282   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

and  too  novel  example  of  a  people  always  guided  by  an 
exalted  justice  and  benevolence.  Who  can  doubt  but,  in  the 
course  of  time  and  things,  the  fruits  of  such  a  plan  would 
richly  repay  any  temporary  advantages  which  might  be  lost 
by  a  steady  adherence  to  it:  can  it  be  that  Providence  has 
not  connected  the  permanent  felicity  of  a  nation  with  its 
virtue  ? 

In  the  execution  of  such  a  plan  nothing  is  more  essential 
than  that  permanent,  inveterate  antipathies  against  par- 
ticular nations  and  passionate  attachments  for  others  should 
be  excluded;  and  that,  in  place  of  them,  just  and  amicable 
feelings  toward  all  should  be  cultivated.  .  .  .  Antipathy  in 
one  nation  against  another  disposes  each  more  readily  to  offer 
insult  and  injury,  to  lay  hold  of  slight  causes  of  umbrage, 
and  to  be  haughty  and  intractable  when  accidental  or  trifling 
occasions  of  dispute  occur.  Hence  frequent  collisions, 
obstinate,  envenomed,  and  bloody  contests.  The  nation, 
prompted  by  ill  will  and  resentment,  sometimes  impels  to  war 
the  government,  contrary  to  the  best  calculations  of  policy. 
The  government  sometimes  participates  in  the  national 
propensity  and  adopts  through  passion  what  reason  would 
reject;  at  other  times  it  makes  the  animosity  of  the  nation 
subservient  to  projects  of  hostility,  instigated  by  pride,  am- 
bition, and  other  sinister  and  pernicious  motives.  The  peace 
often,  sometimes  perhaps  the  liberty,  of  nations  has  been  the 
victim. 

— WASHINGTON'S  FAREWELL  ADDRESS. 

The  willingness  to  do  justice  in  a  nation  to  every  brother 
of  our  common  land  is  the  ideal  of  self-government. 

— ELIHU  EOOT. 

Our  business,  using  the  word  broadly,  is  no  longer  merely 
the  business  of  our  little  neighborhood,  our  city,  our  state, 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OF  JUSTICE         283 

our  nation.  It  is  the  business  of  the  whole  world.  We  can- 
not calmly  regard  injustice  to  a  Chinaman  or  Jew  or  Arme- 
nian or  Spaniard  or  black  man.  We  may  not,  without  accus- 
ing consciences,  as  a  nation  commit  injustice  upon  an- 
other nation.  Our  actions  must  measure  up  to  the  stand- 
ard of  justice  required  by  all  the  civilized  nations  of  the 
world.  .  .  . 

The  self-respect  and  the  desire  for  the  respect  of  others 
which  prevent  a  stronger  man  from  committing  actions  of 
physical  oppression  upon  a  weaker  one  is  beginning  to  have 
its  effect  upon  the  dealings  of  a  great  nation  with  its  smaller 
brothers.  And  this  feeling  grows,  as  I  have  indicated,  out 
of  the  regard  each  has  for  the  other,  proceeding  from  the 
realization  of  the  benefits  each  brings  to  the  common  service 
of  humanity.  It  is  easier  to  be  brutal  to  a  slave  or  one 
unprotected  by  public  opinion  than  to  injure  a  coworker  who 
brings  to  our  common  store  experiences  or  qualities  mutually 
advantageous. 

— JACKSON  H.  RALSTON,  Forces  Making  for  Inter- 
national Conciliation  and  Peace,  p.  18,  in  Docu- 
ments of  The  American  Association  for  Interna- 
tional Conciliation,  1911. 

Let  us  help  one  another  to  show  that  for  all  the  races  of 
men  the  liberty  for  which  we  have  fought  and  labored  is  the 
twin  sister  of  justice  and  peace.  — ELIHU  ROOT. 

We  must  learn  to  bring  to  the  consideration  of  public, 
business  in  its  international  aspects  what  I  may  call  the 
international  mind,  and  the  international  mind  is  still  rarely 
to  be  found  in  high  places.  That  the  international  mind  is 
not  inconsistent  with  sincere  and  devoted  patriotism  is  clearly 
shown  by  the  history  of  the  great  Liberal  statesmen  of  the 
nineteenth  century  who  had  to  deal  with  the  making  of 


284   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WA& 

Europe  as  we  know  it.  If  Lord  Palmerston  had  the  inter- 
national mind  not  at  all,  surely  Mr.  Gladstone  had  it  in  high 
degree.  The  late  Marquis  of  Salisbury,  whom  no  one  ever 
accused  of  lacking  devotion  to  national  policies  and  purposes, 
had  it  also,  although  a  Tory  of  the  Tories.  Cavour  certainly 
had  it,  as  did  Thiers.  Lord  Morley  has  it,  and  so  has  his 
colleague  Lord  Haldane.  The  late  Senator  Hoar  had  it  when 
on  a  somewhat  important  occasion  he  expressed  the  hope 
that  he  should  never  so  act  as  to  place  his  country's  interests 
above  his  country's  honor.  It  was  the  possession  of  this 
international  mind  that  gave  to  the  brilliant  administrations 
of  Secretary  Hay  and  Secretary  Eoot  their  distinction  and 
their  success.  The  lack  of  it  has  marked  other  administra- 
tions of  foreign  affairs,  both  in  the  United  States  and 
European  countries,  either  with  failure  or  with  continuing 
and  strident  friction. 

What  is  this  international  mind,  and  how  are  we  to  seek 
for  it  and  to  gain  it  as  a  possession  of  our  own  and  of  our 
country?  The  international  mind  is  nothing  else  than  that 
habit  of  thinking  of  foreign  relations  and  business,  and  that 
habit  of  dealing  with  them,  which  regard  the  several  nations 
of  the  civilized  world  as  friendly  and  cooperating  equals  in 
aiding  the  progress  of  civilization,  in  developing  commerce 
and  industry,  and  in  spreading  enlightenment  and  culture 
throughout  the  world.  It  is  as  inconsistent  with  the  interna- 
tional mind  to  attempt  to  steal  some  other  nation's  territory 
as  it  would  be  inconsistent  with  the  principles  of  ordinary 
morality  to  attempt  to  steal  some  other  individual's  purse. 
Magnitude  does  not  justify  us  in  dispensing  with  morals. 

— NICHOLAS  MURRAY  BUTLER,  The  International  Mind, 
pp.  101-103.  (Permission  of  Charles  Scribner's  Sons.) 

We  Americans  need  the  international  mind  as  much  as  any 
people  ever  needed  it.  We  shall  never  be  able  to  do  justice 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OF  JUSTICE         285 

to  our  better  selves  or  to  take  our  true  part  in  the  modern 
world  until  we  acquire  it.  We  must  learn  to  suppress  rather 
than  to  exalt  those  who  endeavor,  whether  through  ignorance, 
selfishness,  or  malice,  to  stir  among  us  antagonism  to  other 
nations  and  to  other  people.  If  we  are  to  take  the  place 
which  many  of  us  have  fondly  hoped  America  would  take,  at 
the  very  forefront  of  the  movement  for  the  establishment  of 
a  world  peace  based  upon  even-handed  justice,  we  must  first 
learn  to  rule  our  tongues  and  to  turn  deaf  ears  to  those  who, 
from  time  to  time,  endeavor  to  lead  us  away  from  the  path 
of  international  rectitude  and  international  honor  with  false 
cries  of  a  pseudo-patriotism. — IBID.,  pp.  107,  108. 

(Permission  of  Charles  Scribner's  Sons.) 

The  newer  ideals  of  peace  are  active  and  dynamic,  and  it 
is  believed  that  if  their  forces  were  made  really  operative 
upon  society,  they  would,  in  the  end,  quite  as  a  natural 
process,  do  away  with  war.  The  older  ideals  have  required 
fostering  and  recruiting,  and  have  been  held  and  promulgated 
on  the  basis  of  a  creed.  Their  propaganda  has  been  carried 
forward  during  the  last  century  in  nearly  all  civilized  coun- 
tries by  a  small  body  of  men  who  have  never  ceased  to  cry 
out  against  war  and  its  iniquities  and  who  have  preached 
the  doctrines  of  peace  along  two  great  lines.  The  first  has 
been  the  appeal  to  the  higher  imaginative  pity,  as  it  is  found 
in  the  modern,  moralized  man.  This  line  has  been  most 
effectively  followed  by  two  Russians,  Count  Tolstoy  in  his 
earlier  writings  and  Verestchagin  in  his  paintings.  With  his 
relentless  power  of  reducing  all  life  to  personal  experience 
Count  Tolstoy  drags  us  through  the  campaign  of  the  common 
soldier  in  its  sordidness  and  meanness  and  constant  sense 
of  perplexity.  We  see  nothing  of  the  glories  we  have  asso- 
ciated with  warfare,  but  learn  of  it  as  it  appears  to  the 
untutored  peasant  who  goes  forth  at  the  mandate  of  his 


286   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

superior  to  suffer  hunger,  cold,  and  death  for  issues  which 
he  does  not  understand,  which  indeed  can  have  no  moral 
significance  to  him.  Verestchagin  covers  his  canvas  with 
thousands  of  wretched  wounded  and  neglected  dead,  with  the 
waste,  cruelty,  and  squalor  of  war,  until  he  forces  us  to 
question  whether  a  moral  issue  can  ever  be  subserved  by  such 
brutal  methods. 

High  and  searching  as  is  the  preaching  of  these  two  great 
Russians  who  hold  their  art  of  no  account  save  as  it  serves 
moral  ends,  it  is  still  the  appeal  of  dogma,  and  may  be 
reduced  to  a  command  to  cease  from  evil.  And  when  this 
same  line  of  appeal  is  presented  by  less  gifted  men,  it  often 
results  in  mere  sentimentality,  totally  unenforced  by  a  call  to 
righteousness. 

The  second  line  followed  by  the  advocates  of  peace  in  all 
countries  has  been  the  appeal  to  the  sense  of  prudence,  and 
this  again  has  found  its  ablest  exponent  in  a  Russian  subject, 
the  economist  and  banker,  Jean  de  Bloch.  He  sets  forth 
the  cost  of  warfare  with  pitiless  accuracy,  and  demonstrates 
that  even  the  present  armed  peace  is  so  costly  that  the 
burdens  of  it  threaten  social  revolution  in  almost  every 
country  in  Europe.  Long  before  the  reader  comes  to  the  end 
of  de  Bloch's  elaborate  computation  he  is  ready  to  cry  out 
on  the  inanity  of  the  proposition  that  the  only  way  to  secure 
eternal  peace  is  to  waste  so  much  valuable  energy  and  treasure 
in  preparing  for  war  that  war  becomes  impossible.  Certainly 
no  theory  could  be  devised  which  is  more  cumbersome, 
more  roundabout,  more  extravagant,  than  the  reductio  ad 
absurdum  of  the  peace-secured-by-the-preparation-for-war 
theory.  .  .  . 

An  English  writer  has  recently  bidden  us  to  look  at  the 
actual  state  of  affairs.  He  says,  "Universal  and  permanent 
peace  may  be  a  vision ;  but  the  gradual  change  whereby  war 
as  a  normal  state  of  international  relations  has  given  place 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OF  JUSTICE         287 

to  peace  as  the  normal  state,  is  no  vision,  but  an  actual 
process  of  history  palpably  forwarded  in  our  own  day  by 
the  development  of  international  law  and  of  morals,  and 
voluntary  arbitration  based  thereon."  He  insisted  that  it  is 
the  function  of  international  lawyers  merely  to  give  coherent 
expression  to  the  best  principles  which  the  common  moral 
sense  of  civilized  government  recognizes ;  in  other  words,  that 
international  law  should  be  like  primitive  law  within  the 
nation,  a  formal  expression  of  custom  resting  on  the  sense 
of  a  reciprocal  restraint  which  has  been  found  to  be  necessary 
for  the  common  good. 

Assuming  that  the  two  lines  of  appeal — the  one  to  sensi- 
bility and  the  other  to  prudence — will  persist,  and  that  the 
international  lawyers,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  they  have  no 
court  before  which  to  plead  and  no  executive  to  enforce  their 
findings,  will  continue  to  formulate  into  codes  the  growing 
moral  sense  of  the  nations,  the  following  pages  hope  not  only 
to  make  clear  the  contention  that  these  forces  within  society 
are  so  dynamic  and  vigorous  that  the  impulses  to  war  seem 
by  comparison  cumbersome  and  mechanical,  but  also  to  point 
out  the  development  of  those  newer  social  forces  which  it  is 
believed  will  at  last  prove  a  "sovereign  intervention"  by 
extinguishing  the  possibility  of  battle  at  its  very  source. 

It  is  difficult  to  formulate  the  newer  dynamic  peace, 
embodying  the  later  humanism,  as  over  against  the  old  dog- 
matic peace.  The  word  "non-resistance"  is  misleading,  be- 
cause it  is  much  too  feeble  and  inadequate.  It  suggests 
passivity,  the  goody-goody  attitude  of  ineffectiveness.  The 
words  "overcoming,"  "substituting,"  "recreating,"  "readjust- 
ing moral  values,"  "forming  new  centers  of  spiritual  energy," 
carry  much  more  of  the  meaning  implied.  For  it  is  not 
merely  the  desire  for  a  conscience  at  rest,  for  a  sense  of 
justice  no  longer  outraged  that  would  pull  us  into  new  paths 
where  there  would  be  no  more  war  nor  preparations  for  war. 


288   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

There  are  still  more  strenuous  forces  at  work  reaching  down 
to  impulses  and  experience  as  primitive  and  profound  as  are 
those  of  struggle  itself.  That  "ancient  kindliness  which  sat 
beside  the  cradle  of  the  race,"  and  which  is  ever  ready  to 
assert  itself  against  ambition  and  greed  and  the  desire  for 
achievement,  is  manifesting  itself  now  with  unusual  force, 
and  for  the  first  time  presents  international  aspects. 

Moralists  agree  that  it  is  not  so  much  by  the  teaching 
of  moral  theorems  that  virtue  is  to  be  promoted  as  by  the 
direct  expression  of  social  sentiments  and  by  the  cultivation 
of  practical  habits ;  that  in  the  progress  of  society  sentiments 
and  opinions  have  come  first,  then  habits  of  action,  and  lastly 
moral  codes  and  institutions.  Little  is  gained  by  creating 
the  latter  prematurely,  but  much  may  be  accomplished  to  the 
utilization  of  human  interests  and  affections.  The  Advocates 
of  Peace  would  find  the  appeal  both  to  Pity  and  Prudence 
totally  unnecessary,  could  they  utilize  the  cosmopolitan 
interests  in  human  affairs  with  the  resultant  social  sympathy 
that  is  developing  among  all  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

— JANE  ADDAMS,  Newer  Ideals  of  Peace,  Extracts  from 
pp.  4-9.     (The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

Disarmament  is  the  result  and  peace  is  the  cause,  not 
disarmament  the  cause  and  peace  the  result.  To  take  the 
arms  away  from  those  who  are  under  control  and  leave  them 
in  the  hands  of  those  who  are  not  under  control,  to  take  them 
away  from  the  police  and  put  them  in  the  hands  of  the  black- 
handers,  is  not  the  way  to  peace.  To  take  away  armaments 
from  those  nations  that  know  how  to  use  them  and  to  leave 
them  in  the  hands  of  those  nations  that  do  not  know  the 
power  of  self-restraint,  that  are  without  the  self-control  that 
is  necessary  to  an  armed  nation,  is  not  the  pathway  to  inter- 
national peace.  To  take  arms  away  from  the  highest,  the 
best  and  most  cultured  nations  and  leave  them  in  the  hands 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OF   JUSTICE          289 

of  the  least  cultured  is  not  to  prepare  for  the  Kingdom  of 
God.  "The  Kingdom  of  God  is  righteousness  and  peace  and 
joy  and  holiness  of  spirit."  There  is  no  peace  not  founded  on 
good  will,  and  also  there  is  no  good  will  not  founded  on 
righteousness.  Eighteousness  first,  peace  next,  universal  wel- 
fare last  of  all. 

— LYMAN  ABBOTT,  in  the  Eeports  of  the  Third  Ameri- 
can Peace  Congress,  1911,  p.  248. 

THE  MEANING  OF  WORLD  FEDERATION 

Federation,  in  the  pacifist  sense,  means,  of  course,  "such 
a  juridical  union  between  independent  States  as  shall  provide 
peaceful  and  rational  methods  of  settling  all  questions  arising 
out  of  their  mutual  relations,  eliminating  every  ground  for 
resort  to  brute  force,  but  not  interfering  with  autonomy." 
Xor  does  it  seem  unreasonable  to  look  for  some  such  fruitage 
as  this  from  the  increasing  tendency  of  civilized  countries 
to  submit  their  differences  to  arbitration.  It  is  even  possible 
that  a  really  adequate  supremacy  of  arbitral  justice  may 
prove  unattainable  unless  accompanied  by  some  such  form 
of  federal  union  as  the  late  Lord  Salisbury  held  to  be  "the 
only  possible  structure  of  Europe  which  can  save  civilization 
from  a  desolating  disaster  of  war." 

— WILLIAM  LEIGHTON  GRANE,  The  Passing  of  War,  Extract 
from  p.  285.  (The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

The  movement  of  civilization  is  toward  a  new  conception 
of  the  State,  not  as  a  "power,"  but  as  a  center  of  jurisdiction. 
Its  main  function  is  not  as  in  medieval  times  to  exercise  force 
beyond  its  borders,  or  to  bring  unwilling  peoples  under  its 
sway,  but  rather  to  maintain  peace  and  justice  within  its 
limits,  other  states  having  outside  its  boundaries  the  same 
function  exercised  in  a  similar  way.  .  .  . 

Viewed  as  a  "power"  in  the  medieval  sense,  Germany,  for 


290   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

example,  is  crowded  and  hampered  on  every  side.  She  is 
largely  shut  off  from  the  sea  on  the  one  side,  from  the  Orient 
on  the  other.  Millions  of  people  of  German  blood  are  cut 
off  by  the  boundaries,  becoming  citizens  of  Austria  or  Switzer- 
land, instead  of  Germany.  Her  boundaries  north,  east,  and 
west,  are  marked  by  giant  fortresses  and  scarred  by  old  wars, 
while  the  oversea  dependencies,  the  glory  and  the  cost  of 
modern  empire,  nearly  all  worth  having  were  preempted  be- 
fore the  modern  Empire  of  Germany  was  born.  Even  the 
German  Ehine  is  German  for  its  middle  part  only,  and  of  the 
Danube,  the  navigable  part  begins  where  Germany  leaves  off. 

But  considered  as  a  modern  state,  Germany  suffers  nothing 
from  these  limitations.  Her  power  is  quite  as  adequate  to 
look  after  the  welfare  of  her  people  as  though  no  limitations 
existed.  Her  universities  are  just  as  great,  her  factories  as 
busy,  her  people  as  prosperous  as  though  the  whole  land  from 
the  Bosporus  to  the  British  Channel  were  under  the  German 
flag.  Her  people,  when  passing  the  borders  outside  the 
German  jurisdiction,  find  no  lack  of  justice,  no  increase  of 
taxation.  The  flag  of  civilization  floats  over  all. 

Considered  as  a  "power,"  the  great  State  of  Illinois,  one 
tenth  as  populous  as  Germany,  is  hampered  in  a  similar  way. 
She  reaches  neither  sea  nor  mountains,  and  her  navigable 
rivers  are  shared  with  a  dozen  other  states.  But  no  citizen 
of  Illinois  ever  felt  himself  cramped  by  these  misfortunes. 
Illinois  is  a  modern  state,  a  region  of  jurisdiction  and  not 
a  "power/'  or  center  of  military  force. 

Similarly,  Germany,  France,  England,  the  United  States, 
as  civilization  progresses,  must  cease  to  be  "powers"  to  be- 
come part  of  the  organized  civilization  of  the  earth.  When 
each  state  accepts  this  attitude,  becoming  the  representative 
of  its  people  and  trusting  other  states  in  like  fashion,  we 
shall  realize  the  ideals  of  international  peace.  These  ideals 
are  not  realized  in  the  conditions  of  peace  in  Europe  to-day. 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OF   JUSTICE         291 

These  conditions  have  been  defined  as  "bankruptcy  armed 
to  the  teeth/'  which,  as  Gambetta  once  said,  shall  find  its 
final  climax  in  "a  beggar  sitting  by  a  barrack  door." 

International  peace  means  mutual  respect  and  mutual 
trust,  a  condition  in  which  the  boundary  line  between  states 
is  not  a  line  of  suspicion  and  hate,  but,  like  the  boundaries  of 
provinces,  a  convenience  in  judicial  and  administrative  adjust- 
ments. Such  a  boundary  as  this  is  found  in  the  four-thou- 
sand-mile line  which  separates  Canada  from  the  United  States, 
an  undefended  border  which  for  a  hundred  years  has  not 
known  a  fortress  nor  a  warship  nor  a  gun.  There  is  nothing 
of  which  the  two  great  North  American  nations  have  a 
greater  right  to  be  proud  than  this  boundary  of  trust  and 
confidence.  It  is  the  beginning  of  the  new  era,  the  era  of 
justice  and  peace  among  the  nations. 

The  end  of  our  efforts  is  found  in  the  conception  of  peace 
through  law.  A  natural  law  is  the  expression  of  the  way 
in  which  things  normally  come  about.  Human  law  is  the 
expression  of  the  best  relations  among  men.  In  war,  the 
conceptions  of  right  and  duty  disappear.  In  arms,  the  laws 
are  silent.  "Worse  ways  of  doing  things  take  the  place  of 
better,  to  the  detriment  of  society  and  of  the  individual 
man. 

The  whole  movement  of  civilization  has  been  from  strife 
toward  order.  In  barbarism,  every  man's  hand  is  against 
every  other.  In  barbarism,  the  life  of  every  man  and  woman 
is  a  tragedy.  As  man  has  risen  cooperation  has  taken  the 
place  of  compulsion.  Men  have  brought  peace  to  their 
families  and  their  neighborhoods  by  working  together  to 
exclude  war.  They  have  learned  more  and  more  to  leave 
their  differences  to  the  decision  of  others,  either  through 
arbitral  settlement  or  judicial  decision.  The  one  brings 
about  a  condition  of  mutual  tolerance;  the  other  strives 
toward  ideal  justice.  And  in  the  world  of  to-day  both 


292   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

methods  find  their  center  in  the  councils  and  tribunals  at 
The  Hague. 

In  such  fashion,  step  by  step,  men  have  passed  from  tribal 
wars,  municipal  wars,  struggles  of  robber  barons,  and  of  rival 
dynasties,  marauding  expeditions,  holy  wars  and  wars  unholy, 
to  relative  peace  within  the  borders  of  the  nation.  The  only 
place  where  killing  on  a  large  scale  is  legalized  is  on  the  line 
where  great  nations  meet.  Along  these  borders  to-day  the 
most  crushing  burdens  of  war  machinery  the  world  has  ever 
imagined  are  steadily  piling  up.  All  this  is  avowedly  in 
the  interest  of  final  peace,  of  "peace  by  preponderance,"  the 
peace  of  dread  and  dreadnaughts,  the  peace  which  is  the  twin 
sister  of  war,  and  the  greater  the  "peace  establishments"  thus 
built  up,  the  more  frequent  are  the  war  scares  and  the  more 
insistent  the  danger  of  actual  war.  .  .  . 

The  growth  of  popular  government  makes  everywhere  for 
better  understanding  among  men,  and  groups  of  men  who 
know  each  other  recognize  their  common  humanity  and  com- 
mon interests  as  far  outweighing  their  desire  for  fight. 

Along  the  international  borders,  or  at  times  the  boundaries 
of  races,  ill-feeling  and  violence  are  most  likely  to  appear. 
Across  these  same  borders  a  thousand  emissaries  for  good  are 
also  passing,  from  day  to  day.  The  missionary  has  been  a 
powerful  agency  for  peace.  So,  likewise,  are  the  commercial 
traveler,  the  board  of  trade,  the  international  commission,  the 
world  congress,  and  all  other  agencies  for  bringing  men  to- 
gether on  the  basis  of  common  interest  and  common  trust. 
The  world  over,  men  engaged  in  similar  work,  though  in 
different  nations,  have  more  in  common  than  the  men  of  the 
different  groups  within  a  single  nation. 

— DAVID  STARR  JORDAN,  War  and  Waste, 
Extracts  from  pp.  3-8. 

The  world  has  progressed,  and  a  federation  of  the  states 


WORLD   FEDERATION— MEANS  OF   JUSTICE         293 

of  the  world  is  no  longer  the  mere  conception  of  a  philosophic 
dreamer.  The  first  step  will  be  taken  when  two  of  the  leading 
countries  of  the  world — and  it  would  be  most  reasonable  for 
the  states  having  the  closest  community  of  origin  and  lan- 
guage to  take  the  initiative — resolve  to  submit  all  their  differ- 
ences without  reserve  to  arbitration.  As  soon  as  a  third 
power  of  magnitude  joined  this  federation  the  nucleus  would 
be  constituted  of  a  world  state.  Such  a  state  would  be  able 
to  impose  peace  on  even  the  most  recalcitrant  outside  states, 
for  it  would  furnish  that  "visible  power  to  keep  them  in 
awe,"  which  Hobbes  rightly  declared  to  be  indispensable;  it 
could  even,  in  the  last  resort,  if  necessary,  enforce  peace  by 
war.  Thus  there  might  still  be  war  in  the  world.  But  there 
would  be  no  wars  that  were  not  Holy  Wars.  There  are  other 
methods  than  war  of  enforcing  peace,  and  these  such  a  federa- 
tion of  great  states  would  be  easily  able  to  bring  to  bear  on 
even  the  most  warlike  of  states. 

— HAVELOCK  ELLIS,  The  Forces  Warring 
Against  War,  p.  19. 

What  the  Nature  of  Things  will  yet  do  with  the  United 
States  remains  to  be  seen.  So  far  as  our  Constitution  is  in 
accord  with  the  supreme,  unwritten  constitution,  it  is  in  an 
impregnable  stronghold  and  no  might  of  man  can  destroy  it. 
But  wherever  it  is  not  in  accord,  or  is  so  interpreted  as  not 
to  be  in  working  accord,  then  the  Nature  of  Things  will  have 
no  more  regard  for  the  written  Constitution  than  a  tornado 
has  for  the  straws  in  its  path.  Fundamental  rights  of  man 
and  the  true  obligations  and  responsibilities  of  nations  lie 
in  the  world  constitution,  back  of  all  written  agreements  or 
treaties,  or  human  understandings  whatever,  and  they  will 
triumph  at  last,  provided  men  are  unselfish  enough  and  brave 
enough  to  die  for  their  rights — and  martyrs  have  never  yet 
been  lacking  when  the  cause  was  clear.  .  .  . 


294       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

"World  peace  may  be  much  nearer  than  the  hopeless  and  the 
doubters  suppose.  Humanity  is  even  now  becoming  organized 
into  one  whole.  The  idea  of  world  unity  is  stronger  to-day 
than  it  ever  was  before.  Expectation  of  the  realization  of 
the  inspiring  ideal  is  spreading  among  those  who  watch 
the  signs  of  the  times.  Familiarity  with  the  facts  only 
strengthens  this  confidence.  The  example  of  the  United 
States  is  in  itself  a  proof  which  will  do  much  to  convince 
the  political  leaders  of  our  country  and  to  persuade  the  states- 
men of  Europe,  Asia,  South  America,  and  other  lands  that 
the  truth  is  applicable  to  all  mankind  and  that  in  the  realiza- 
tion of  this  ideal  will  come  permanent  peace  and  prosperity 
with  practical  enjoyment  of  the  brotherhood  of  man. 

Absolute  sovereignty  having  been  waived  by  the  agreement 
of  the  nations  to  enter  into  a  regular  international  congress, 
there  would  follow  participation  in  regulations  tending  to 
establish  similar  conditions  around  the  world  among  all 
nations  represented  in  the  congress.  In  the  United  States 
over  thirty  states  and  territories  have  joined  the  effort  for 
larger  unity  in  state  procedure  by  the  appointment  of  com- 
missioners on  the  uniformity  of  legislation.  Effort  in  a 
similar  direction  would  be  one  of  the  earliest  necessities  felt 
by  a  world  legislature.  Indeed,  there  is  in  sight  already  in 
this  and  other  fields  abundance  of  material  for  world  legisla- 
tion for  several  sessions. 

— RAYMOND  L.  BRIDGMAN,  World  Organization,  Ex- 
tracts from  pp.  134-142. 

INTERNATIONAL  ORGANIZATIONS 

The  significance  of  the  Interparliamentary  Union  lies  in 
the  fact  that  it  is  composed  of  members  of  the  Parliaments, 
and  that  they  view  problems  in  government  from  an  interna- 
tional standpoint.  Scientists,  educators,  and  postal  officials 
had  held  universal  congresses  to  consider  matters  of  common 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OP  JUSTICE         295 

interest  among  the  nations.  Government  executives  and 
diplomatists  of  necessity  take  an  international  point  of  view 
of  things.  But  until  this  Union  came  into  existence  it  was 
the  custom  of  legislators,  except  as  they  passed  upon  the 
merits  of  a  treaty  or  some  special  subject  of  international 
relations,  to  confine  themselves  to  interests  within  the  geo- 
graphical limits  of  their  own  country.  This  organization  is 
also  significant  because  the  ideas  of  arbitration  and  peace, 
which  in  the  pioneer  days  of  the  past  were  advocated  chiefly 
by  peace  societies  and  humanitarians,  are  now  being  adopted 
by  practical  politicians  and  statesmen.  It  also  means  that 
the  international  attitude  of  a  government  is  no  longer  to  be 
left  to  rulers  and  their  cabinets,  but  more  and  more  to  be 
the  subject  of  legislative  action  and  the  theme  of  popular 
discussion.  At  the  outset  the  Union  urged  the  importance 
of  having  the  popular  will  in  international  relations  expressed 
by  the  direct  vote  of  the  people.  .  .  . 

Since  internationalism  has  come  to  be  one  of  the  most 
important  interests  of  the  day,  the  project  of  a  world-congress 
of  the  nations,  proposed  more  than  half  a  century  ago  by 
Elihu  Burritt,  has  been  more  and  more  prominently  brought 
forward  by  the  friends  of  peace.  The  Interparliamentary 
Union  in  advocating  periodic  meetings  of  the  Hague  Con- 
ference has  practically  indorsed  the  idea  of  such  a  congress. 
In  1906  the  suggestion  was  made  by  Mr.  Bartholdt  that 
perhaps  at  first  delegates  from  the  Union  might  act  as  the 
lower  house  or  popular  branch,  and  the  delegates  to  the 
Hague  Conference,  who  are  appointed  by  the  government 
executives,  might  serve  as  the  upper  house  of  the  world- 
congress. 

In  connection  with  periodic  meetings  of  the  Hague  Con- 
ference, the  Union  desires  to  have  provision  made  for  a 
permanent  consultative  council,  to  be  charged  with  the  codifi- 
cation and  development  of  international  law. 


296   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

At  conferences  held  some  years  ago  it  discussed  the  matter 
of  protection  to  be  given  to  foreign  residents  and  non-com- 
batants during  hostilities.  It  has  always  stood  for  the  in- 
violability of  private  property  at  sea  in  time  of  war.  It 
strongly  urged  the  consideration  of  the  limitation  of  arma- 
ments by  the  second  Hague  Conference. 

Preventive  measures  and  methods  of  conciliation  have  at 
times  been  brought  forward  in  its  proceedings.  A  resolution 
passed  in  1889  made  it  the  duty  of  one  of  its  committees  "to 
unite  all  its  efforts  for  dissipating  the  misunderstandings 
which  might  arise  (in  the  interval  before  its  next  meeting) 
by  making,  if  need  be,  an  appeal  to  public  opinion."  At  the 
meeting  of  the  Union,  which  was  held  in  the  Westminster 
Chamber,  London,  July,  1906,  at  the  suggestion  of  Hon. 
William  J.  Bryan,  who  made  a  notable  speech  on  the  subject, 
it  passed  a  resolution  providing  that  in  case  of  controversies 
not  usually  included  in  treaties  of  arbitration,  meaning  mat- 
ters affecting  vital  interests  or  national  honor,  demand  shall 
be  made  by  one  or  both  opponents  for  an  investigation  of  the 
contested  issues  by  an  international  commission  of  inquiry, 
or  for  mediation  by  one  or  more  friendly  powers,  before 
having  recourse  to  measures  of  hostility. 

— JAMES  L.  TRYON,  The  Interparliamentary  Union 
and  Its  Work,  Extracts  from  pp.  2-6. 

THE  NEED  OF  INTERNATIONAL  LAW 

In  our  advocacy  of  international  institutions  we  have 
gained  only  the  less  important  goal  should  we  achieve  the 
establishment  of  a  judicature  empowered  to  enforce  the  law 
as  it  is  plainly  recognized  by  all.  If  we  are  to  deprive  war 
more  completely  of  its  raison  d'etre,  it  will  be  necessary  that 
there  be  found  methods  of  developing  international  law  so 
as  to  make  it  correspond  to  the  vital  needs  of  mankind  and 
to  render  recurrence  to  violent  means  of  vindicating  rights 


WORLD   FEDERATION— MEANS  OF   JUSTICE         297 

less  and  less  excusable.  The  great  international  conferences 
are  a  beginning  of  a  legislative  body,  but  as  yet  they  are  much 
hampered  by  diplomatic  considerations.  A  world-legislation 
decreeing  laws  by  majority  of  votes  is  still  in  the  distant 
future  and  would  involve  a  total  departure  from  our  present 
system  of  autonomous  nations.  Is  there  an  agency  by  which 
international  law  could  be  developed  gradually  but  on  the 
basis  of  principles  that  would  in  themselves  make  possible, 
and  in  fact  import,  recognition  also  by  a  world  conference 
with  legislative  attributes?  We  believe  that  for  the  time 
being  definiteness  in  international  law  principles  could  be 
achieved  best,  if  they  were  hammered  out  in  such  important 
litigation  as  would  come  before  high  courts  of  international 
judicature.  Growing  from  precedent  to  precedent,  adapting 
itself  always  more  perfectly  to  the  needs  of  the  world,  resting 
on  principles  of  human  reason  tested  in  action,  international 
law  could  grow  strong  in  importance  and  authority.  For  by 
judicial  interpretation  conflicting  points  of  view  are  dis- 
solved, the  better  reason  is  gradually  allowed  to  establish 
itself,  new  implications  are  seen  in  older  and  accepted  prin- 
ciples, which  in  turn  will  be  a  guidance  in  the  just  settlement 
of  controversies  as  they  arise.  Thus  the  law  is  conceived  of 
as  a  growing,  living  organism  not  subject  to  artificial  con- 
struction by  wrong-headed  caprice  no  matter  how  strongly 
endowed  with  temporary  power. 

It  is  this  kind  of  jurisprudence  that  Americans  are  think- 
ing of  when  they  raise  their  voice  for  a  high  international 
judicature.  It  has  been  their  experience  for  centuries,  here 
and  through  the  English  system  inherited  by  us,  that  law 
grows  gradually  by  the  application  of  human  reason  and 
experience  to  innumerable  cases.  .  .  . 

When  we  review  the  elements  composing  the  American 
policy  of  international  peace  and  arbitration  and  realize  their 
intimate  connection  with  the  fundamental  experience  and 


298   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

ideals  of  our  national  life,  we  may  indeed  justly  be  filled 
with  joy  and  satisfaction  because  a  policy  so  noble  and 
humane  flows  naturally  from  the  fundamental  conditions  of 
our  national  existence;  but  we  will  also  realize  the  high 
responsibility  herein  laid  upon  our  government  not  to  allow 
these  principles  ever  to  be  made  the  means  for  advancing 
interests  of  a  petty,  selfish  nature.  The  danger  is  constantly 
present  that  through  the  desire  of  gaining  a  petty  advantage 
we  may  forfeit  a  large  measure  of  that  opportunity  which  our 
favorable  position  gives  us  to  be  instrumental  in  the  establish- 
ment of  broad,  statesmanlike  action  in  the  affairs  of  the 
world.  Noblesse  oblige;  the  marvelous  advantages  lavished 
upon  us  by  nature  are  also  an  obligation  for  us  not  to  descend 
to  bending  the  foreign  policy  of  this  majestic  commonwealth 
to  petty  aims  of  temporary  advantage.  .  .  . 

The  treatment  accorded  to  international  treaties  obtained 
with  great  effort  by  the  executive,  which  represent  the  carry- 
ing out  of  our  declared  and  avowed  policy,  is  often  short- 
viewed.  In  all  these  matters,  we  seem  to  lose  sight  of  the 
cost  of  such  inconsistencies  in  weakening  our  position  when 
it  comes  to  really  fundamental  policies. 

— PAUL  S.  KEINSCH,  American  Love  of  Peace  and 
European  Skepticism;  in  pp.  9-14,  Documents  of 
The  American  Association  for  International  Con- 
ciliation, 1913. 

The  peace  movement,  we  have  now  come  to  realize,  is  noth- 
ing but  the  process  of  substituting  law  for  war.  The  world 
has  already  learned  to  substitute  law  for  war  in  hamlets, 
towns,  cities,  states  and  even  within  the  forty-six  sovereign 
civilized  nations.  But  in  that  international  realm  over  and 
above  each  nation  in  which  each  nation  is  equally  sovereign, 
the  only  way  at  the  present  moment  for  a  nation  to  secure 
its  rights  is  by  the  use  of  force.  Force,  therefore,  or  war — as 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OF   JUSTICE          299 

it  is  called  when  exerted  by  a  nation  against  another  nation 
— is  at  present  the  only  legal  and  final  method  of  settling 
international  differences.  The  world  is  now  using  a  Chris- 
tian code  of  ethics  for  individuals  and  a  pagan  code  for 
nations,  though  there  is  no  double  standard  of  ethics  in  the 
moral  world.  In  other  words,  the  nations  are  in  that  state 
of  civilization  where  without  a  qualm  they  claim  the  right 
to  settle  their  disputes  in  a  manner  which  they  would  actually 
put  their  own  subjects  to  death  for  imitating.  Thus  the 
peace  problem  is  nothing  but  the  ways  and  means  of  doing 
between  the  nations  what  has  already  been  done  within  the 
nations.  International  law  follows  private  law.  The  "United 
Nations"  follow  the  United  States. 

— HAMILTON   HOLT,   in   the  Eeports   of  the   Third 
American  Peace  Congress,  p.  7. 

One  of  the  sanctions  of  war  which  the  militarist  puts  for- 
ward as  something  not  to  be  questioned  is  that  it  has  often 
been  the  only  means  of  securing  justice,  or  conversely,  of 
resisting  injustice.  And  yet  the  war  method  of  settling  dis- 
putes is  the  very  antithesis  of  fair  dealing.  Nothing  can  be 
further  from  the  ideals  of  justice  than  to  allow  contestants 
individually  to  pass  upon  the  merits  of  their  controversy  and 
to  appeal  to  arms  if  their  demands  are  not  acceded  to.  Such 
appeals  do  not  settle  disputes  on  the  basis  of  justice  at  all. 
They  decide  "not  who  is  right  but  only  who  is  strong."  They 
are  like  the  code  duello  under  which  two  men  agree  to  carry 
their  dispute  to  the  so-called  "field  of  honor."  The  skillfulest 
man  wins,  right  or  wrong.  If  justice  win,  it  is  by  accident. 
So  in  war  the  righteousness  of  a  cause,  though  an  aid,  is  no 
sure  guaranty  of  success.  Providence  (alias  success)  is  on 
the  side  of  the  heaviest  battalions.  Victory,  often  as  not, 
means  the  reversal  of  justice,  and  war  to  that  extent  is  an 
instrument  of  injustice.  As  a  means  of  settling  international 


300   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

disputes  it  is  at  best  a  necessary  evil  and  its  use  is  justifiable 
only  to  the  extent  that  a  better  substitute  has  not  been  found. 
The  time  will  come  when  the  world  will  marvel  that  it  should 
so  long  have  chosen  to  travel  so  rough  a  road,  just  as  it  now 
wonders  at  its  former  universal  belief  in  slavery  and  other 
barbarous  institutions.  That  a  cannon,  a  submarine  mine, 
or  a  torpedo  boat  should  have  any  part  in  the  administration 
of  international  justice  will  yet  appear  quite  as  preposterous 
as  now  appears  the  discarded  use  of  instruments  of  torture  in 
promoting  the  true  interests  of  Church  or  State. 

— HIRAM  M.  CHITTENDEN,  Brigadier-General  U.  S.  A., 
War  or  Peace,  Extract  from  pp.  33,  34. 

THE  WORLD  COURT 

The  world  court  would  carry  the  probability  of  peace  to 
a  certainty.  As  our  national  courts  have  jurisdiction  over 
issues  involving  parties  other  than  the  residents  of  one  state, 
so  the  world  court  would  be  a  tribunal  before  which  national 
differences  could  be  tried  and  settled  by  the  highest  judicial 
ability  the  human  race  could  produce.  Nations  would  be  in 
their  organic  relation  to  one  another  as  parts  of  the  common 
whole.  Occasion  for  differences  would  be  reduced  to  such 
minor  matters  that  not  only  would  the  honor  of  each  con- 
testant be  satisfied  by  the  court  procedure,  but  the  material 
interests  of  each  would  be  promoted  far  more  than  by  any 
possible  resort  to  force.  For  it  must  be  remembered  in  con- 
nection with  the  truth  that  only  minor  matters  as  judged  by 
present  issues  would  come  before  that  court,  that  in  the  rela- 
tions of  the  nations  there  could  arise  no  question  of  the 
destruction  of  one  nation  by  another.  By  the  free  oppor- 
tunities for  race  expansion  into  territories  of  other  races 
offered  to  all  who  desired  to  trade  or  travel  or  live  elsewhere, 
world  law  would  remove  all  pretext  for  resort  to  force.  More 
than  that,  the  public  opinion  of  the  entire  world  would  be 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS   OF   JUSTICE         301 

against  any  one  Power  which  would  undertake  to  destroy 
the  existence  of  any  other,  however  small.  And  the  concert 
itself  illustrates  the  growing  and  tremendous  strength  of 
world  opinion,  especially  when  backed  by  the  moral  law. 

Other  questions  than  existence  or  integrity  of  territory 
would  be  settled  by  the  world  court,  and  the  public  opinion 
of  the  world  would  be  powerful  to  influence  the  losing  side 
to  accept  the  verdict  without  resort  to  force.  In  any  event 
acceptance  would  not  involve  dishonor  in  the  eyes  of  others, 
because  it  would  be  a  verdict  by  the  world  court  and  accept- 
ance would  certainly  entail  less  loss  of  prestige  or  property — 
to  say  nothing  of  life — than  a  resort  to  arms. 

— KAYMOND  L.  BRIDGMAN,  World  Organization, 
Extract  from  pp.  143, 144. 

Though  I  have  been  trained  a  soldier,  and  have  participated 
in  many  battles,  there  never  was  a  time  when,  in  my  opinion, 
some  way  could  not  have  been  found  of  preventing  the  draw- 
ing of  the  sword.  I  look  forward  to  an  epoch  when  a  court, 
recognized  by  all  nations,  will  settle  international  differences, 
instead  of  keeping  large  standing  armies,  as  they  do  in 
Europe.  — GENERAL  ULYSSES  S.  GRANT. 

As  the  Congress  of  Montevideo  to  advance  private  inter- 
national law  was  the  forerunner  of  the  congresses  of  The 
Hague,  which  met  for  the  same  purpose,  so  is  it  to  be  hoped 
that  the  Central  American  Court  of  Justice  may  be  the  fore- 
runner of  a  Court  of  Justice  organized  by  all  nations  for  all 
nations.  — SIMEON  E.  BALDWIN. 

The  Princes  of  Europe  should  establish  one  Sovereign 
Assembly,  before  which  all  international  differences  should 
be  brought,  which  cannot  be  settled  by  the  Embassies. 

— WILLIAM  PENN. 


302   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Unhappily  there  is  no  International  Tribunal  to  which  the 
cases  can  be  referred,  and  there  is  no  International  Law  by 
which  the  parties  can  be  required  to  refer  their  disputes.  // 
such  a  Tribunal  existed,  it  would  be  a  great  benefit  to  the 
civilized  world.  —EARL  DERBY. 

The  ideal  international  grand  jury  would  act  for  each 
member  of  the  family  of  nations,  large  or  small,  just  as  surely 
and  potently  as  it  would  for  any  of  the  others.  The  United 
States  Senate  committee's  warning,  that  "if  we  enter  into 
these  treaties  with  Great  Britain  and  France  we  must  make 
like  treaties  in  precisely  the  same  terms  with  any  other  friendly 
power  which  calls  upon  us  to  do  so,"  is  a  reflection  of  the 
ideal  and  of  the  Senate's  attitude  toward  it;  while  President 
Taft's  frank  acceptance  of  the  alternative,  his  refusal  to  be 
terrified  by  the  fear  of  the  subjunctive,  and  his  loyalty  to 
justice  regardless  of  the  side  on  which  the  weight  of  her 
scales  may  turn,  is  a  splendid  object  lesson  to  the  nations, 
and  another  great  step  toward  the  ideal  which  declares  that 
just  as  public  wrongs  are  considered  in  every  civilized  nation 
to  be  committed  not  primarily  against  the  individual  but 
against  the  commonwealth,  so  international  wrongs  must  be 
considered  as  committed  not  primarily  against  the  individual 
nation,  but  against  the  family  of  nations,  to  whom  inter- 
national rights  and  duties  preeminently  pertain. 

— WILLIAM  I.  HULL,  The  New  Peace  Movement,  p.  79. 

INTERNATIONAL  BROTHERHOOD 

To-day  the  significant  thing  is  not  that  nineteen  hundred 
years  after  the  advent  of  a  religion  of  peace  and  good  will 
among  men,  gladiator  nations  still  wet  the  earth  with  fra- 
tricidal blood ;  the  significant  thing  is  the  constantly  growing 
protest  against  it  all,  for  that  announces  the  birth  into  the 
modern  world  of  a  new  international  conscience,  and  that, 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OF  JUSTICE      303 

through  an  ethical  necessity  like  that  which  abolished  forever 
the  bloody  sacrifices  of  the  Colosseum,  means  the  certain  and 
speedy  abolition  of  war  as  a  crass  negation  of  human  solidarity 
and  brotherhood,  and  a  venturous  denial  of  a  moral  order  of 
the  world  and  the  sovereignty  of  conscience. 

— From  p.  382,  History  as  Past  Ethics,  by  PHILIP  VAN 

NESS  MYERS;  by  permission  of  Ginn  and  Company, 

Publishers. 

It  has  been  a  surprise  to  us  to  find  an  eagerness  to  listen 
to  the  discussion  of  at  least  one  great  international  question. 
When  we  left  home  as  one  of  a  commission  not  only  to 
represent  the  American  Board  at  the  centenary  exercises  at 
Bombay,  but  also  to  represent  the  World  Peace  Foundation, 
we  supposed  there  would  be  little  opportunity  to  interest  the 
people  of  India  in  this  peace  subject.  We  knew  China  and 
Japan  were  greatly  interested,  and  we  were  not  surprised, 
therefore,  to  receive  letters  asking  us  to  speak  on  world  peace 
in  these  nations.  But  we  did  not  realize  the  interest  there 
seems  to  be  in  this  subject  in  India.  We  have  found  letters 
and  telegrams  awaiting  us  from  place  to  place,  asking  us  to 
speak  upon  this  question.  These  audiences  have  been  com- 
posed of  Hindus,  Mohammedans,  Parsee  students,  as  well  as 
Christian  leaders.  In  one  place  the  presiding  officer  was  a 
leader  in  a  wealthy  social  club,  and  the  meeting  was  held  in 
the  clubhouse;  in  another  he  was  the  principal  of  the  largest 
Hindu  college,  with  1,200  students,  and  one  of  the  two  lead- 
ing Indians  in  a  great  city.  In  another  case  the  leader  was 
a  prominent  Hindu  lawyer ;  in  another  a  judge  of  the  courts. 
The  theme  chosen  was  "International  Brotherhood,"  and  the 
response  of  the  audience  and  the  sympathetic  words  of  those 
presiding  indicated  their  deep  interest.  They  were  glad  to 
have  a  business  man  from  the  United  States  discuss  this 
question  with  them.  In  every  case  the  audiences  were  edu- 


304 

cated  men,  so  that  we  could  speak  to  them  in  English,  and 
not  through  an  interpreter,  as  was  necessary  with  other  audi- 
ences of  a  different  class. 

This  idea  of  brotherhood  and  that  nations  should  find  a 
way  to  live  as  brothers  found  a  responsive  chord.  The  thought 
that  nations  should  give  up  their  suspicions  and  jealousies 
and  reduce  their  army  and  navy  expenses  seemed  to  be  every- 
where heartily  approved. 

— SAMUEL  B.  CAPEN,  A  letter  to  the  Boston  Herald 

received  after  his  death  at  Shanghai,  America's 

Opportunity  and  Responsibility. 


The  American  world  stands  on  the  threshold  of  a  new  era. 
The  magnificent  undertaking  which  is  now  nearing  comple- 
tion, and  which  is  destined  to  bring  closer  together  many  of 
the  nations  of  this  world,  and  more  especially  my  country  with 
your  country,  should  find  us  working  strenuously  and  enthu- 
siastically in  behalf  of  an  All- American  peace-understanding 
— a  Pan-American  entente  cordiale.  The  achievement,  the 
greatest  engineering  work  of  man,  should  be  celebrated  in  a 
manner  more  enduring,  more  significant,  than  by  mere  shows, 
pageants,  and  expositions.  By  all  means  let  us  have  these, 
but  besides  let  us  have  a  conclave  of  our  world,  our  American 
world,  and  proclaim  these  to  the  outer  world,  the  new  Gospel 
of  Peace  on  the  basis  of  America  for  the  Americans,  the 
North  for  the  North,  the  Central  for  the  Central,  and  the 
South  for  the  South.  All  for  all  and  each  for  the  other, 
without  misgivings,  without  mistrust  in  full  desire  to  be 
neighborly. 

— SENOR  DON  FEDEKICO  ALFONSO  PEZET,  Mutual  Con- 
fidence and  Eespect  as  a  Basis  for  Peace  Between 
Nations,  in  the  Eeports  of  the  Fourth  American 
Peace  Congress,  p.  168. 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OP  JUSTICE         305 

INTERNATIONAL  UNION 

The  ideal  of  the  future  to  which  thought  and  action  are 
painfully  working  their  way  is  that  of  organization  based 
upon  voluntary  association. 

Local  connection  is  after  all  an  arbitrary  thing.  For  the 
present,  and  for  long  enough  to  come,  local  association  and 
cohesion  must  be  of  capital  importance.  But  the  class 
cohesion,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  bids  fair  to  overshadow  it, 
at  all  events  for  a  time,  is  the  symptom  of  revolt  against  its 
arbitrary  and  essentially  accidental  character.  The  explosion 
of  the  Renaissance  drove  the  elements  of  population  in  flying 
drops  of  spray  far  and  wide.  Fresh  political  elements  came 
into  being  to  meet  the  changed  conditions.  The  modern 
explosion,  now  to  all  appearance  preparing,  will  have  a  still 
more  startling  diffusive  effect  in  proportion  as  the  means  of 
travel  and  communication  are  greater.  The  boundaries  of 
national  feeling  will  be  broken  down,  and  the  organization 
on  a  basis  of  mutual  good-understanding  will  have  begun. 
The  organization  would  begin  as  a  simple  necessity.  .  .  . 

If,  eventually,  a  complex  federal  polity  supervenes  upon 
this  welter  of  castes,  owing  to  knots  of  neighbors  resenting 
the  wholesale  uniformity  which  the  castes,  no  less  than  the 
out-worn  states,  would  in  the  end  impose,  it  will  be  because 
the  inveterate  habit  of  neighborliness  is  still  too  deeply  rooted 
in  the  race  to  admit  of  an  immediate  further  step  in  the 
direction  of  voluntaryism.  But,  with  or  without  such  an 
intervening  period  of  complex  federalism,  it  seems  safe  to 
hold  that  the  ultimate  issue  will  be  organization  on  a  footing 
of  free  choice. 

The  victory  of  voluntaryism  would  eventually  come  about 
by  a  process  of  survival  of  the  fittest.  When  it  is  seen  that 
a  company  of  individuals  joined  together  from  free  choice 
and  affection  have  a  strength  that  no  mere  fortuitous  assem- 
blage possesses,  the  triumph  of  the  principle  will  be  assured. 


306   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Such  a  union  is  that  of  which  Euskin  spoke  when,  extolling 
the  "principle  of  cooperation/'  he  pointed  to  the  handful  of 
slime  separated  into  its  constituent  parts  and  turning  into  a 
diamond,  a  ruby  and  an  opal,  set  in  a  "star  of  snow." 

The  Voluntaryist  sets  each  atom  free  to  organize  with  its 
like  in  the  way  agreeable  to  its  nature.  Only  so  can  its  best 
qualities  be  brought  out.  Our  natures  are  so  diverse,  and  it  is 
so  little  we  can  know  of  each  other,  that  it  can  only  be  within 
the  most  jealously  limited  sphere,  and  with  the  utmost  caution 
that  any  one  should  presume  to  dictate  to  another.  Much 
less  should  a  living  being  be  set  under  the  dominion  of  dead 
rules.  Not  enforced  collectivism,  but  what  Sir  N".  Nathan 
condenses  in  a  word  as  the  "systematization  of  altruism"  is 
the  hope  of  the  coming  ages. 

A  germ  and  promise  of  the  Association- State  of  the  far 
future  exists  in  the  extraordinary  development  of  societies 
and  leagues  for  all  human — and  some  inhuman — purposes. 
From  churches  to  chess  clubs,  voluntary  societies,  the  entrance 
to  which  is  compulsory  on  no  one,  and  which  rest  for  their 
existence  absolutely  on  free  enthusiasm,  form  a  feature  of 
modern  life  which  in  one  aspect  is  wholly  new.  It  is  not 
only  that  they  are  numerous  and  important;  the  real  signifi- 
cance of  them  is  that  they  are  universal.  Scarcely  an  indi- 
vidual above  the  submerged  limit  who  does  not  belong  to  two 
or  three,  be  they  only  recreation  clubs. 

There  are  even  now  societies,  which,  condemn  and  dislike 
their  objects  as  one  may,  have  clearly  transcended  national 
limits  by  explicitly  disclaiming  national  authority.  It  is 
useless  to  deny  the  attractive  power  of  their  propaganda,  nor 
the  enormous  influence  which  those  who  direct  it  can  exercise 
on  the  world.  Forced  union  accumulates  material  resources : 
free  union  accumulates  spiritual  resources.  Forced  union 
piles  up  material  strength,  as  a  giant  piles  up  flesh — but  there 
underlie  it  all  the  giant's  feeble  muscle  and  feebler  brain. 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS   OF   JUSTICE          307 

In  free  union  the  will  and  desire  and  the  whole  mental  force 
of  the  individual  are  utilized  to  the  full.  The  result  can  only 
be  to  give  it  an  incalculable  advantage.  "One  volunteer  is 
worth  ten  pressed  men." 

— T.  BATY,  International  Law,  Extract  from  pp.  339-342. 

The  arbitration  stage  is  one  of  very  imperfect  cooperation, 
where  there  is  still  friction,  undue  self-assertion,  distrust, 
and  more  or  less  estrangement.  Beyond  it  is  a  stage  where 
love  and  trust  shall  everywhere  prevail,  and  all  the  nations' 
good  shall  be  each  nation's  rule.  We  have  even  now  a 
prophecy  of  this  better  stage  which  is  to  be  reached  in  the 
relations  of  nations  to  one  another.  There  are  already  multi- 
tudes of  people  in  our  civilized  society  who  live,  in  their  rela- 
tions to  one  another,  on  a  plane  entirely  beyond  that  of 
arbitration.  They  have  nothing  to  arbitrate  or  to  carry  to 
the  courts  of  law,  because  they  either  have  no  differences, 
or  settle  such  as  they  have  by  the  exercise  of  their  own  wits 
tempered  with  a  little  patience  and  mutual  forbearance.  All 
their  ordinary  dealings  with  one  another — commercial,  social, 
religious — are  in  a  most  real  sense  cooperative. 

— BENJAMIN  F.  TRDEBLOOD,  The  Federation 
of  the  World,  p.  119. 

The  federation  of  the  world  for  God  and  humanity,  let  this 
be  the  ambition,  the  purpose,  the  prayer  of  every  patriot  and 
of  every  Christian. 

I  am  announced,  I  see,  to  speak  on  International  Peace. 
It  is  an  unpopular  theme,  especially  with  young  men.  I 
sympathize  with  the  young  men.  The  theme  of  peace  has 
been  the  mother  of  barren  platitudes  which  seldom  lead  to 
effective  action.  Peace,  as  usually  represented,  is  a  negative 


308   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

thing.  "Thou  shalt  not  fight."  Negations  seldom  stir  enthu- 
siasm. Men,  especially  young  men,  require  something  more 
positive  to  live  for  and,  if  necessary,  to  die  for  than  a  mere 
abstinence  from  fighting.  I  am  not  here  to  preach  platitudes. 
I  want  to  rouse  you  to  action.  No  ideal  ever  really  rouses 
the  hearts  of  men  to  great  effort  that  does  not  offer  them 
as  reward  some  of  the  privations,  the  sufferings,  the  sacri- 
fices which,  as  a  practical  matter  of  fact,  are  summed  up 
briefly  in  the  word  "war."  If  you  want  to  enlist  men  for  a 
great  cause,  offer  them  wounds,  imprisonment,  death — these 
are  the  magnets  that  attract  the  heroic  soul — not  soft  feather 
beds,  comfortable  salaries,  and  snug  pensions.  Neither  am  I 
here  to  preach  disarmament.  To  put  disarmament  before 
the  establishment  of  the  World- State  is  to  put  the  cart  before 
the  horse.  Armaments,  moreover,  are  working  out  their  own 
damnation.  Nor  must  it  be  forgotten  that  the  ruinous  ex- 
penditure on  armaments  is  a  substitute  for  the  far  more 
ruinous  expenditure  on  war.  Nations  do  not  test  their 
strength  by  war :  they  have  substituted  for  this  the  less  bloody 
test  of  competition  in  preparation  for  war. 

The  great  achievement  that  calls  for  your  patient  labor, 
your  heroic  endeavor,  it  may  be  for  the  sacrifice  of  your 
heart's  blood,  is  the  achievement  of  the  unity  of  the  world, 
the  federation  of  mankind,  the  evolution  of  the  Universal 
World-State.  That  ideal  is  so  vast,  although  it  is  by  no 
means  so  remote,  that  it  can  only  appeal  to  those  whose 
intelligence  is  of  a  comparatively  high  order.  The  very 
conception  will  appear  absurd  to  some.  It  will  be  incon- 
ceivable to  others.  But  to  you,  the  elite  of  the  educated  youth 
of  the  world,  it  should  appear  neither  ridiculous  nor  incom- 
prehensible. For  it  is  slowly  being  evolved,  almost  uncon- 
sciously, amidst  us,  and  it  may  in  the  next  few  years  suddenly 
be  forced  forward  with  a  sudden  leap. 

—WILLIAM  T.  STEAD,  To  the  Picked  Half  Million. 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OP  JUSTICE         30$ 

It  is  all  a  question  of  evolution  and  the  time  of  day.  It 
is  growing  late  to  take  the  hell  way  to  heaven.  To-day  is 
to-day,  and  we  are  living  in  to-day.  War  was  yesterday's  way. 
There's  a  new  preposition  creeping  into  the  language,  or 
rather,  an  old  preposition  creating  new  prefixes — the  prepo- 
sition "inter."  It  is  coming  into  the  language  because  its 
significance  is  coming  into  consciousness  as  never  before — 
intercourse,  intercommunication,  interdependence,  interstate, 
international,  interracial  even.  These  words  and  conceptions 
are  growing  familiar,  and  together  they  mean — World-peace 
is  coming !  Apart  from  religion,  patriotism  has  been  deemed 
the  noblest  virtue  to  which  appeal  can  be  made  in  the  case  of 
the  average  man.  Again  and  again  it  has  lifted  him  high  out 
of  self.  But  also  again  and  again  and  again  it  has  acted  to 
drag  men  down  from  a  still  higher  loyalty.  Let  patriotism 
call,  and  the  best  manhood  in  each  of  two  facing  nations  has 
felt  it  "duty"  to  do  many  things  which  it  would  lay  down  life 
•rather  than  do,  apart  from  that  call.  We  are  passing  out 
of  that  stage.  To-day  the  best  manhood  is  beginning  to 
understand  that  patriotism,  to  be  true  patriotism,  has  to  be — 
may  we  not  call  it? — inter-patriotism;  that  to  say,  where 
other  countries  are  involved,  "My  country,  right  or  wrong," 
is  to  say,  "My  country,  whether  God  will  or  no";  and  that 
the  God  who  taketh  up  the  isles  as  a  very  little  thing  and 
counteth  the  nations  as  the  small  dust  of  the  balance  provides 
that  such  patriotism  sooner  or  later  brings  sorrow  and  shame 
to  the  country  beloved.  Patriotism  to-day  demands  the  new 
prefix.  All  the  good  things  and  great  are  showing  themselves 
inter-patriot.  Science,  industry,  commerce,  economics,  litera- 
ture, are  all  internationals.  Of  course  ethics  always  has 
been,  and  must  be.  It  follows  that  politics  must  be,  for 
politics  is  only  ethics  applied  in  the  making  of  history ;  and 
when  politics  learns  this,  war — war  will  become  the  patter  of 
rain-drops  after  the  departing  storm. 


310   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND 

"And  thou,  O  my  Country,  from  many  made  one, 
Last  born  of  the  nations,  at  morning  thy  sun, 
Arise  to  the  place  thou  art  given  to  fill, 
And  lead  the  world-triumph  of  peace  and  good-will!" 

— WILLIAM  C.  GANNETT,  International  Good- Will  as 
a  Substitute  for  Armies  and  Navies. 

A  LEAGUE  OF  PEACE 

Let  the  League  of  Peace  be  formed  on  the  following  five 
principles : 

First.  The  nations  of  the  League  shall  mutually  agree  to 
respect  and  guarantee  the  territory  and  sovereignty  of  each 
other. 

Second.  All  questions  that  cannot  be  settled  by  diplomacy 
shall  be  arbitrated. 

Third.  The  nations  of  the  League  shall  provide  a  period- 
ical assembly  to  make  all  rules  to  become  law  unless  vetoed 
by  a  nation  within  a  stated  period. 

Fourth.  The  nations  shall  disarm  to  the  point  where  the 
combined  forces  of  the  League  shall  be  a  certain  per  cent 
higher  than  those  of  the  most  heavily  armed  nation  or  alliance 
outside  of  the  League.  Detailed  rules  for  this  pro  rata  dis- 
armament shall  be  formulated  by  the  Assembly. 

Fifth.  Any  member  of  the  League  shall  have  the  right  to 
withdraw  on  due  notice,  or  may  be  expelled  by  the  unanimous 
vote  of  the  others. 

The  advantages  that  a  nation  would  gain  in  becoming  a 
member  of  such  a  league  are  manifest.  The  risk  of  war 
would  be  eliminated  within  the  League.  Obviously  the  only 
things  that  are  vital  to  a  nation  are  its  land  and  its  inde- 
pendence. Since  each  nation  in  the  League  will  have  pledged 
itself  to  respect  and  guarantee  the  territory  and  the  sov-s 
ereignty  of  every  other,  a  refusal  to  do  so  will  logically  lead 
to  compulsion  by  the  other  members  of  the  League  or  expul- 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OF  JUSTICE          311 

sion  from  the  League.  Thus  every  vital  question  will  be  auto- 
matically reserved  from  both  war  and  arbitration  while  good 
faith  lasts. 

All  other  questions  are  of  secondary  importance  and  can 
readily  be  arbitrated. 

By  the  establishment  of  a  periodical  assembly  a  method 
would  be  devised  whereby  the  members  of  the  League  could 
develop  their  common  intercourse  and  interests  as  far  and  as 
fast  as  they  could  unanimously  agree  upon  ways  and  means. 
As  any  law  could  be  vetoed  by  a  single  nation,  no  nation 
could  have  any  fear  that  it  would  be  coerced  against  its  will 
by  a  majority  vote  of  the  other  nations.  By  such  an  assembly 
the  League  might  in  time  agree  to  reduce  tariffs  and  postal 
rates  and  in  a  thousand  other  ways  to  promote  commerce  and 
comity  among  the  members. 

As  a  final  safeguard  against  coercion  by  the  other  members 
of  the  League,  each  member  will  have  the  right  of  session  on 
due  notice.  This  would  prevent  civil  war  within  the  League. 
The  right  of  expulsion  by  the  majority  will  prevent  one  nation 
by  its  veto  power  indefinitely  blocking  all  progress  of  the 
League. 

— HAMILTON  HOLT,  The  Way  to  Disarm:  A  Prac- 
tical Proposal,  pp.  8,  9. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE 
AGENCIES 

First  a  thought,  a  wish,  then  a  faith,  next  a  struggle,  at 
last  a  fact.  So  have  entered  into  human  life  and  history 
some  of  its  profoundest  truths.  Such  has  been  and  is  to 
be  the  story  of  universal  peace. 

THE  EDUCATION  OF  THE  PEOPLE 

Public  opinion  is  coming  to  be  more  and  more  a  power  in 
the  world.  One  of  the  greatest  statesmen  my  country  has 
produced,  Thomas  Jefferson — and,  if  it  would  not  offend,  I 
would  say  I  believe  him  to  be  the  greatest  statesman  the  world 
has  produced — said  that  if  he  had  to  choose  between  a  govern- 
ment without  newspapers  and  newspapers  without  a  govern- 
ment, he  would  rather  risk  the  newspapers  without  a  govern- 
ment. You  may  call  it  an  extravagant  statement,  and  yet  it 
presents  an  idea,  and  that  idea  is  that  public  opinion  is  a 
controlling  force.  I  am  glad  that  the  time  is  coming  when 
public  opinion  is  to  be  more  and  more  powerful ;  glad  that  the 
time  is  coming  when  the  moral  sentiment  of  one  nation  will 
influence  the  action  of  other  nations;  glad  that  the  time  is 
coming  when  the  world  will  realize  that  a  war  between  two 
nations  affects  others  than  the  two  nations  involved ;  glad  that 
the  time  is  coming  when  the  world  will  insist  that  nations 
settle  their  differences  by  some  peaceful  means.  If  time  is 
given  for  marshaling  the  force  of  public  opinion,  peace  will 
be  promoted.  This  resolution  is  presented,  therefore,  for  the 
reason  that  it  gives  an  opportunity  to  investigate  the  facts 
and  to  separate  them  from  the  question  of  honor;  that  it 

312 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  313 

gives  time  for  the  calming  of  passion;  and  that  it  gives  a 
time  for  the  formation  of  a  controlling  public  sentiment. 
— WILLIAM  J.  BRYAN,  in  Mr.  Bryan's  Peace  Plan. 

If  we  are  going  to  have  peace,  it  must  be  proclaimed  by 
the  common  people.  We  shall  not  have  peace  till  they  under- 
stand that  it  is  their  interest  as  well  as  their  duty.  When 
that  time  comes,  we  shall  have  peace  guaranteed  so  that  no 
tyrant  can  move  it. 

— HENRY  WARD  BEECHER. 

There  is  a  consciousness  that  in  the  most  important  affairs 
of  nations,  in  their  political  status,  the  success  of  their  under- 
takings and  their  processes  of  development,  there  is  an 
indefinite  and  almost  mysterious  influence  exercised  by  the 
general  opinion  of  the  world  regarding  the  nation's  character 
and  conduct.  The  greatest  and  strongest  governments  recog- 
nize this  influence  and  act  with  reference  to  it.  They  dread 
the  moral  isolation  created  by  general  adverse  opinion  and  the 
unfriendly  feeling  that  accompanies  it,  and  they  desire 
general  approval  and  the  kindly  feeling  that  goes  with  it. 

This  is  quite  independent  of  any  calculation  upon  a  physical 
enforcement  of  the  opinion  of  others.  It  is  difficult  to  say 
just  why  such  opinion  is  of  importance,  because  it  is  always 
difficult  to  analyze  the  action  of  moral  forces ;  but  it  remains 
true  and  is  universally  recognized  that  the  nation  which  has 
with  it  the  moral  force  of  the  world's  approval  is  strong,  and 
the  nation  which  rests  under  the  world's  condemnation  is 
weak,  however  great  its  material  power.  .  .  . 

International  opinion  is  the  consensus  of  individual  opinion 
in  the  nations.  The  most  certain  way  to  promote  obedience 
to  the  law  of  nations  and  to  substitute  the  power  of  opinion 
for  the  power  of  armies  and  navies  is,  on  the  one  hand,  to 
foster  that  "decent  respect  for  the  opinions  of  mankind"  which 


314   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

found  place  in  the  great  Declaration  of  1776,  and  on  the 
other  hand,  to  spread  among  the  people  of  every  country  a 
just  appreciation  of  international  rights  and  duties,  and  a 
knowledge  of  the  principles  and  rules  of  international  law  to 
which  national  conduct  ought  to  conform ;  so  that  the  general 
opinion,  whose  approval  or  condemnation  supplies  the  sanc- 
tion for  the  law,  may  be  sound  and  just  and  worthy  of  respect. 
— ELIHU  BOOT,  The  Sanction  of  International  Law, 
pp.  11-13,  in  Documents  of  The  American  Asso- 
ciation for  International  Conciliation,  1907-08. 

We  need  to  secure  larger  resources  and  better  organization, 
and  take  advantage  of  every  avenue  of  education  and  influence 
in  the  great  work. 

First  among  these  is  the  schools.  Here  is  our  greatest 
opportunity  for  impression  upon  the  young  minds,  those  who 
will  soon  undertake  the  responsibility  of  the  world's  work, 
the  true  principles  that  should  govern  international  affairs. 
It  is  not  possible  for  us  to  instruct  the  children  in  the  in- 
numerable class-rooms  of  the  world  on  this  subject;  but  we 
should  be  able  to  do  much  in  arousing  the  interest  of  the 
teachers  in  the  cause,  and  through  them  eventually  the  chil- 
dren under  their  care  will  be  reached. 

Our  attention  should  be  directed  especially  to  the  course  of 
study  in  the  schools  in  order  that  we  may  improve  conditions 
there.  In  times  past,  when  fighting  was  the  main  business  of 
the  world,  literature  consisted  largely  of  the  stories  of  con- 
flicts, and  much  space  was  given  to  these  descriptions  in 
histories.  Recent  histories  show  a  marked  improvement  in 
this  respect,  though  there  still  remains  too  much  that  has 
a  pernicious  influence  upon  the  child.  Is  it  surprising  that 
our  children  should  receive  the  impression  that  war  has  con- 
tributed largely  to  the  development  of  mankind,  when  so 
large  a  part  of  our  histories  and  so  much  of  the  literature 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  315 

studied  in  our  schools  are  devoted  to  the  details  of  the  battle- 
field, dwelling  so  emphatically  upon  the  picturesque  features 
of  war — the  marshaling  of  soldiers  in  glittering  armor,  the 
stirring  music,  the  brilliant  charges,  everything  to  inspire 
the  young  to  wish  to  enter  into  this  magnificent  display? 
The  other  side  of  the  picture  should  be  as  carefully  portrayed 
— the  return  of  these  regiments  reduced  to  a  tenth  of  their 
original  number,  maimed  and  feeble,  carrying  torn  and  blood- 
stained battle-flags.  The  study  of  history  should  dwell  largely 
upon  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  life — agriculture,  trade,  com- 
merce, schools,  science.  These  are  the  things  to  which  the 
children  should  give  their  chief  attention,  not  the  misfortunes 
resulting  in  the  conflict  of  nations,  which  should  be  passed 
over  as  briefly  as  possible  and  not  heralded,  as  in  the  past, 
giving  the  slightest  minutiae  of  the  losses  of  men  and  material 
in  conflict.  That  a  hundred  thousand  men  were  killed  upon 
the  battlefield  should  be  mentioned  not  as  something  praise- 
worthy, but  as  a  great  loss  to  the  world. 

At  present  for  the  work  in  the  public  schools  of  this  country 
we  have  an  organization,  the  American  School  Peace  League, 
relying  mainly  for  its  executive  work  upon  one  woman,  its 
able  secretary,  and  deriving  its  chief  support  from  another 
devoted  woman.  Two  nobler  women  it  would  be  hard  to  find ; 
but  is  this  what  we  should  be  content  with  for  the  greatest 
task  this  world  has  to  perform,  to  see  to  it  that  the  coming 
generation  shall  have  adequate  training  upon  this  all-impor- 
tant subject?  I  wish  to  bear  witness  to  the  splendid  work 
of  organization,  a  work  in  which  our  foundation  has  been  glad 
to  cooperate,  which  has  been  done  by  the  league  in  this  brief 
period,  not  only  in  the  United  States,  but  in  Europe,  with  the 
limited  means  as  its  disposal;  but  I  plead  for  its  generous 
support  and  the  broader  organization  of  the  work.  At  least 
one  third  of  all  the  money  spent  for  peace  should,  in  my 
judgment,  be  devoted  to  the  schools.  Our  own  work  so  far  has 


316  SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

been  more  largely  with  the  college  students.  This  is  of  funda- 
mental importance,  for  from  our  colleges  come  the  great 
classes  of  our  makers  of  public  opinion.  But  we  must  never 
forget  that  hardly  one  pupil  in  a  thousand  ever  reaches  college 
and  it  is  therefore  imperative  that  we  begin  with  the  children 
at  a  much  earlier  age,  and  instill  into  them  the  principles 
which  should  govern  them  when  they  assume  positions  of 
responsibility  in  the  world's  work. 

The  preachers  in  the  churches  come  into  contact  with  all 
classes  and  conditions  of  men,  young  and  old,  the  world  over. 
Here  is  a  tremendous  influence  that  should  be  taken  into  more 
systematic  consideration.  The  work  of  the  churches  should 
be  made  as  constant  and  definite  as  that  of  the  schools.  I  do 
not  know  what  churches  are  for  if  it  is  not  to  promote  the 
brotherhood  of  men.  They  are  not,  it  seems  to  me,  exerting 
the  influence  that  they  should  in  this  great  cause.  They  are 
not  organized  properly.  We  need  strong  and  able  men  to 
work  among  the  ministry  from  top  to  bottom,  urging  them 
to  greater  activity  in  this  campaign  of  education.  I  welcome 
the  present  new  activity  to  this  end  in  the  Federal  Council 
of  Churches,  and  we  all  pay  high  tribute  to  the  individual 
pulpits  which  radiate  such  high  inspiration. 

The  press,  so  powerful  an  influence  in  this  educational 
work,  may  easily  be  made  vastly  more  so.  Editors  should  be 
urged  to  exercise  greater  care  in  the  selection  of  their  material 
and  to  eliminate  such  matter  as  tends  to  incite  the  people  of 
one  nation  against  another.  Those  who  write  for  the  news- 
papers should  have  a  serious  appreciation  of  their  great 
responsibility.  The  press  exercises  a  preeminent  power  over 
the  destinies  of  mankind.  We  should  see  to  it  that  schools 
of  journalism  are  founded — we  rejoice  in  the  new  enterprises 
in  this  direction — where  bright  young  men  who  desire  to  enter 
this  profession  should  be  carefully  educated  for  its  duties. 
In  every  other  branch  of  educational  work  the  teachers  and 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  317 

directors  serve  a  long  apprenticeship;  but  in  this  most  im- 
portant vocation  special  training  has  seldom  been  required. 
This  is  said  with  the  fullest  and  most  grateful  appreciation 
of  the  conscientious  and  effective  work  being  done  by  so  many 
of  our  newspapers. 

— EDWIN  GINN,  Organizing  the  Peace  Work. 

In  school  and  college,  the  growing  generation  must  be 
taught  that  only  when  justice  and  right  have  inspired  legisla- 
tion, government,  institutions  and  classes,  has  there  been 
true  progress  and  true  prosperity.  They  must  be  taught  that 
the  great  aim  and  purpose  of  man  from  the  beginning  is  that 
of  "working  out  the  beast."  Just  in  proportion  as  the  indi- 
vidual or  national  life  has  been  molded  by  reason  and 
spiritual  law,  has  a  true  civilization  grown  up.  From  their 
earliest  years,  men  must  be  trained  to  perceive  that  a  resort 
to  Force  in  dealing  with  others  is  but  a  resort  to  the  life  of 
the  brute  creation.  Heroism  and  patriotism — the  glory  of 
self-sacrifice  for  a  worthy  cause — is  the  greatest  lesson  for 
the  young;  but  it  must  be  heroism,  unstained  by  bloodshed, 
or  by  the  suppression  of  the  weak  by  the  strong.  .  .  . 

The  suggestion  just  made  is  applicable  still  more  strongly 
to  the  higher  and  later  branches  of  education  at  the  uni- 
versity. The  great  seats  of  learning  are  forming  the  thoughts 
and  convictions  of  those  who  will  become  the  world's  leaders 
— the  judges  and  administrators  of  law ;  the  religious  teachers 
— the  thinkers;  and  the  statesmen.  Never  will  justice  and 
right  guide  the  relations  of  the  peoples  with  each  other,  so 
long  as  the  captains  of  industry,  of  science,  and  of  govern- 
ment are  trained  chiefly  to  admire  ideals  which  are  wholly 
false. 

— HODGSON  PRATT,  The  Fraternal  Union  of  Peoples, 
in  Reports  of  the  Fifth  Universal  Peace  Congress, 
p.  234. 


318   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

If  in  every  university  there  were  a  group  of,  say,  a  dozen 
young  men  and  women  who  firmly  grasped  the  fundamental 
truth  that  the  International  World-State  is  coming  into  exist- 
ence, and  if  they  were  to  think  and  discuss  together  how  best 
to  meet  this  new  and  portentous  issue,  a  good  deal  might  be 
done  to  lead  public  opinion  in  the  right  direction.  But  you 
might  ask  me,  What  can  be  done  ?  Nations,  like  individuals, 
must  have  some  way  of  settling  disputes.  Better  decision 
by  spinning  a  coin  in  the  air  or  drawing  lots  than  no  decision 
at  all.  Fortunately  there  is  no  necessity  to  refer  to  such  a 
haphazard  method  of  solving  disputes.  If  once  it  is  recog- 
nized that  an  appeal  to  war  might  mean  the  destruction  of 
civilization,  the  Powers  would  sooner  or  later  be  able  to  agree 
as  to  the  constitution  of  the  International  Supreme  Court, 
which  foundered  at  the  last  Hague  Conference  on  the  question 
of  the  selection  of  the  judges. 

.      —WILLIAM  T.  STEAD,  To  the  Picked  Half  MiUion. 

By  our  pulpits  and  university  courses,  by  newspapers  and 
magazines,  every  possible  aid  should  be  given  toward  educat- 
ing the  peoples  of  the  West  with  reference  to  Eastern  prob- 
lems, in  order  that  the  moral  sentiment  of  our  government 
and  people  may  realize  in  actual  practice  the  Chinese  ideal, 
"Conquest  by  kindness  is  lest" 

— L.  H.  EOOTS. 

Put  off,  put  off  your  mail,  ye  kings,  and  beat  your  brands  to  dust — 
A  surer  grasp  your  hand  must  know,  your  hearts  a  better  trust; 
Nay,  bend  aback  the  lance's  point,  and  break  the  helmet  bar — 
A  noise  is  in  the  morning  winds,  but  not  the  noise  of  war! 
Among  the  grassy  mountain  paths  the  glittering  troops  increase — 
They  come,  they  come! — how  fair  their  feet — they  come  that 
publish  peace.  — JOHN  RUSKIN. 

Three  large  influences  make  for  a  mutual  understanding 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  319 

from  folk  to  folk.  The  first  is  the  newspaper,  which  every 
morning  prints  information  from  the  uttermost  parts  of  the 
earth.  The  second  is  travel,  which  teaches  a  multitude  of 
people  that  the  Chinaman,  the  Turk,  the  Zulu,  and  the 
Mexican  are,  after  all,  rather  agreeable  people.  The  third 
influence  is  the  internationalization  of  men  of  learning  in 
their  world-congresses  of  doctors,  of  publicists,  of  engineers, 
of  journalists,  of  what  not,  which  have  a  mighty  effect  in 
breaking  down  the  feeling  that  a  man  is  dangerous  to  you 
because  he  uses  strange  sounds,  eats  out  of  an  unaccustomed 
kettle,  and  wears  his  traditional  costume. 

One  of  the  chief  obstacles  in  the  way  of  a  better  inter- 
national understanding  is  the  patriotic  historian,  who  brings 
into  the  lime-light  the  prowess  and  conquests  of  his  own  race 
or  people  as  against  rival  races. 

— ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HART,  School  Books  and  Inter- 
national Prejudices,  p.  4,  in  Documents  of  The 
American  Association  for  International  Concilia- 
tion, 1911. 

If  it  be  true,  according  to  the  old  saying,  that  the  songs  of 
a  people  are  in  their  effect  as  important  as  the  laws — and 
there  is  certainly  a  great  truth  in  the  saying — then  we  have 
no  right  to  be  careless  about  the  songs  which  we  sing  and 
which  we  let  our  young  people  sing.  This  is  peculiarly  true 
concerning  national  songs  and  whatever  affects  the  quality  of 
our  patriotism;  for  whether  patriotism  be  a  good  thing  or  a 
mischievous  thing  depends  upon  its  quality.  That  patriotism 
may  be  of  a  supremely  mischievous  character  is  one  of  the 
clearest  and  saddest  lessons  of  the  present  European  crisis. 
An  exaggerated  national  sentiment  which  drowns  human 
sentiment,  and  especially  a  patriotism  identified  with  armies 
and  navies  and  war,  are  responsible  for  many  of  the  worst 
contributions  to  a  collision  for  which  the  whole  world  is  now 


320   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

paying  so  awful  a  penalty.  "Patriotism  versus  Christianity" 
was  the  title  of  one  of  Tolstoi's  most  solemn  tractates;  and 
there  are  few  things  to-day  that  are  versus  Christianity,  which 
means  universal  human  brotherhood,  in  higher  degree  than 
the  false  patriotism  which  unhappily  is  the  most  common 
form  of  patriotism.  Drum  and  fife  and  gun  have  been  the 
accepted  symbols  and  instruments  of  our  patriotism  to  a 
startling  degree ;  and  it  is  high  time  for  us  to  realize  that  the 
teacher  in  the  school,  the  preacher  in  the  pulpit,  the  editor  at 
his  desk,  the  historian  and  the  poet,  the  merchant  and  the 
workman,  the  policeman  on  his  beat,  and  the  fireman  on  his 
watch,  if  faithfully  doing  their  duty,  are  patriots  as  truly  as 
the  men  with  guns,  and  with  worthier  tools  and  in  higher 
realms  of  service. 

— EDWIN  D.  MEAD. 

THE  TEACHING  OF  HEROISM 

Surely  Milton  was  right  when  he  said,  "Peace  hath  her 
victories  no  less  renowned  than  war."  Would  you  give  your 
boy  the  most  inspiring  hero  stories  of  to-day?  Tell  him  the 
stories  of  Craig  and  Ross,  who  gave  up  their  lives  in  Cuba 
that  the  ghastly  yellow  fever  might  be  disarmed.  Tell  him 
of  that  young  rector  in  New  Orleans  who,  when  the  storm  had 
again  overflowed  the  cisterns  and  filled  the  streets  with  water, 
giving  new  life  to  the  insidious  mosquito,  rallied  his  forces 
again  under  the  motto,  "Wear  a  flower  in  your  buttonhole 
and  a  smile  on  your  face  and  go  to  work  again."  Tell  him 
of  Billy  Eugh  of  Gary,  the  poor  crippled  newsboy  who  gave 
the  skin  from  his  own  limb  to  save  the  life  of  a  young  woman 
whom  he  had  never  known,  the  sweetheart  of  another.  The 
sweetheart  lived  but  the  boy  died.  "Greater  love  hath  no 
man  than  this,  that  he  lay  down  his  life  for  his  friends." 
Tell  your  boy  of  the  wireless  operator  in  mid-ocean  who 
flashes  into  space  his  S.  0.  S.  while  the  ship  is  sinking.  Tell 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  321 

him  of  the  "hello  girl"  at  the  switchboard  in  the  upper  story 
who  sends  the  message  that  outspeeds  Paul  Eevere — "The 
dam  is  broken,  flee  for  your  lives,"  while  the  devastating 
current  is  sweeping  beneath  her  own  feet.  Tell  your  boy 
the  story  of  Captain  Scott,  writing  away  with  his  frozen  hand 
on  the  record  of  the  brave  triumph  that  overcame  the  dismal 
solitudes  of  the  South  Pole — writing  and  writing  to  his  death. 
Tell  your  boy  of  that  brave  comrade  of  Commander  Scott  who 
said,  "I  am  going  to  take  a  little  walk,"  as  he  passed  out  of 
the  tent,  knowing  he  would  never  return,  that  the  scanty 
supply  might  go  the  further  in  sustaining  the  remnant  of  that 
brave  band  in  the  Antarctic  desolation. 

— JENKIN  LLOYD  JONES,  Peace,  Not  War,  the  School 
of  Heroism,  in  The  Reports  of  the  Fourth  Ameri- 
can Congress,  pp.  306,  307. 

It  would  be  a  huge  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  pacifist 
teacher  must  be  confined  to  the  field  of  heroism  on  the  grand 
scale.  His  stories  need  not  all  be,  so  to  speak,  of  the  Victoria 
Cross  order.  His  heroines  and  heroes  need  not  all  be  such 
Casabiancas,  such  Joan  of  Arcs,  such  Savonarolas,  such 
Grace  Darlings  that  the  children  would  regard  them  as  out 
of  relation  with  ordinary  life  and  average  powers  of  imitation. 
He  must  assuredly  honor  these  shining  figures;  but  he  must 
also  find  a  treasury  of  instances  in  the  daily  round,  and  its 
encounter  with  accident  and  peril.  I  hasten  to  admit  that 
the  treasures  require  patient  and  resolute  search.  They  do 
not  always  lie  on  the  surface  of  literature  or  current  news. 
Unhappily  the  attention  of  poets  and  narrators  has  been  so 
absorbed  by  military  episodes  that  they  have  too  often  missed 
the  beauty  and  glory  of  domestic  and  civic  courage  and 
achievement.  Nevertheless,  the  beauty  and  the  glory  strew 
the  common  road  of  life  in  countless  profusion.  In  the  day 
when  the  ideal  of  international  fraternity  is  consecrated,  our 


322   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

eyes  will  be  keener  to  observe,  and  our  pens  more  prompt  to 
chronicle  the  splendid  commonplaces  of  the  home,  of  in- 
dustry, of  mutual  aid  in  village,  in  city,  and  the  highway. 

The  records  from  which  the  peace  teacher  will  draw  are 
these : 

( 1 )  The  work  of  women  in  the  spheres  of  social  service  and 
mercy :  such  women  as  Elizabeth  Fry,  Harriet  Beecher  Stowe, 
Kitty  Wilkinson,  of  Liverpool;  Mrs.  Chisholm,  the  friend  of 
emigrant  girls;  Baroness  von  Suttner. 

(2)  The  work  of  peaceful  explorers — Captain  Cook;  Sturt 
in  Australia;  Livingstone  in  Africa;  Nansen  in  the  Arctic; 
Marianne  North,  who  traveled  the  globe  in  quest  of  plants 
and  flowers. 

(3)  The  work  of  industrial  pioneers,  that  is,  in  the  recla- 
mation of  the  sand-wastes  of  western  France;  the  draining 
of  the  English  fens;  railway  making;  the  laying  of  ocean 
cables;  the  construction  and  care  of  lighthouses;  the  labor 
of  mining,  fishing,  tilling,  ranching,  and  the  like. 

(4)  The  work  of  scientific  observers  and  discoverers — 
Galileo,  Newton,  Darwin,  Faraday,  Kelvin;   Edwards,  the 
workingman  geologist;  Duncan,  the  workingman  botanist; 
Edison;  Luther  Burbank;  or  the  conquest  of  disease  as  illus- 
trated in  the  careers  of  Lister,  Pasteur,  Bontgen,  and  Eoss. 
As  it  is  possible  that  all  pacifists  are  not  familiar  with  every 
one  of  these  names,  I  may  say  that  Burbank  is  a  remarkable 
man  in  the  United  States,  who  has  cultivated  and  improved  a 
large  variety  of  useful  fruit  trees ;  and  Eoss  has  distinguished 
himself  in  the  struggle  to  extirpate  malaria  and  yellow  fever. 

(5)  Scenes  from  the  industrial  and  artistic  life  of  the 
many  nations  of  the  earth — the  Chinaman  at  his  silk-loom; 
the  Hindu  in  the  rice-field ;  the  Japanese  shaping  vases,  etc. ; 
or,    retrospectively,    the    Frenchman    and    Italian    building 
cathedrals,  the  Germans  printing  the  earliest  printed  books, 
etc.;  and  so  on,  in  a  changing  panorama  of  the  peoples, 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  323 

always  so  presented  as  to  attract  the  imagination  and  kindle 
feelings  of  admiration  and  gratitude.  .  .  . 

These  typical  cases  may  perhaps  suffice.  The  enterprise 
thus  indicated  is  not  easy.  It  calls  for  patient  investigation, 
and  for  the  highest  art  of  the  teacher.  But  until  the  task  is 
adequately  fulfilled  we  must  perforce  allow  the  writer  of  tales 
of  military  and  predatory  exploits  to  retain  the  prime  hold 
on  the  affections  of  youth. 

— F.  J.   GOULD,   The  Peace  Movement  Among  the 

Young,  Extracts  from  pp.  2-5,  Publications  of  the 

National  Peace  Council. 

I  trust  that  some  of  you  teachers  who  are  skillful  in  the 
use  of  the  pen  will  compile  for  the  use  of  your  pupils  what 
I  may  call  a  Golden  Treasury  of  Peace,  a  book  in  which  will 
be  recorded  the  civic  acts  of  heroism  performed  by  persons 
to  whom  was  awarded  no  Victoria  Cross — performed  by 
miners,  performed  by  doctors,  performed  by  nurses,  per- 
formed by  the  vast  multitude  of  persons  now  nameless  and 
obscure.  I  venture  to  think  that  if  you  teachers — for  it  is 
to  you  I  am  speaking  above  all — if  you  rest  your  case  largely 
on  these  grounds,  if  you  appeal  to  the  ideal,  then  your  results 
will  be  more  practical  than  otherwise.  It  has  fallen  to  me 
to  study,  and  to  some  extent  to  teach,  international  law,  a 
science  which  I  think  makes  for  peace;  for  what,  after  all, 
is  international  law  but  the  carrying  into  the  relations  of 
nations  the  rules  of  justice  ?  Well,  I  would  venture  to  make 
two  or  three  reflections  drawn  from  that  science,  and  the 
first  is  this.  It  has  often  been  the  aspiration  and  desire  of 
men  in  the  past  to  form  some  great  community  which  would 
be  more  comprehensive  than  any  nation.  This  was  the  dream 
of  men  such  as  Dante  or  Leibnitz,  and  a  great  number  of 
thinkers  and  far-seeing  men.  Well,  that  dream  is  rapidly 
coming  true.  They  were  a  little  before  their  time,  but  they 


324   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

saw  what  was  coming;  and  slowly  but  certainly  there  is 
arising  not  merely  a  conception,  but  the  reality,  of  a  structure 
wider  than  any  nation,  more  comprehensive  than  any  nation, 
a  community  in  which  every  lover  of  peace  is  a  citizen. 

— SIR  JOHN  MACDONELL,  Teachers  and  International 
Peace,  in  Publications  of  the  National  Peace 
Council,  Extract  from  p.  3. 

We  are,  of  course,  going  to  better  the  present  order  of 
things.  The  new  teaching  of  history  will  help  rapidly  in  this 
— in  which  in  the  last  thirty  years  the  old  military  monotony 
has  yielded  so  signally  to  the  varied  and  illuminating  syn- 
thesis of  the  nation's  political,  religious,  literary,  scientific, 
and  industrial  life.  Each  of  these  realms,  the  young  people 
and  their  elders  come  to  see,  has  had  its  heroes,  as  heroic  as 
any  upon  the  Plains  of  Abraham  or  Bunker  Hill  or  Lookout 
Mountain;  and  the  heroes  will  not  wait  long  for  celebration. 
At  the  Old  South  Meetinghouse  in  Boston,  a  few  years  ago, 
one  of  our  lecture  courses  for  young  people  was  devoted  to 
"Heroes  of  Peace,"  and  these  were  the  heroes  and  heroisms 
honored,  each  by  a  lecture:  "John  Eliot,  the  Apostle  to  the 
Indians" ;  "Horace  Mann  and  His  Work  for  Better  Schools" ; 
"Mary  Lyon  and  Her  College  for  Girls" ;  "Elihu  Burritt,  the 
Learned  Blacksmith";  "Peter  Cooper,  the  Generous  Giver''; 
"Dorothea  Dix  and  Her  Errands  of  Mercy";  "General  Arm- 
strong and  the  Hampton  Institute";  "Colonel  Waring,  and 
How  He  Made  New  York  Clean."  The  best  thing  about  it 
was  that  the  boys  and  girls,  who  do  have  a  hunger  and  right- 
ful claim  for  the  chivalric  and  the  stirring,  but  who  are 
greatly  wronged  in  the  ascription  to  them  of  an  absorbing 
love  for  blood  and  thunder,  were,  on  the  whole,  more  deeply 
interested  in  these  heroes  than  in  those  of  the  War  for  Inde- 
pendence or  the  War  for  the  Union,  who  never  lack  full 
justice  from  our  hands  at  the  Old  South.  .  .  . 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  325 

I  was  returning  to  London  from  Surrey  wanderings,  in  the 
course  of  which  by  interesting  coincidence  we  had  visited 
the  country  home  and  the  grave  of  Watts,  the  painter,  on  the 
hillside  close  by  the  pretty  little  village  of  Compton,  when 
on  the  train  my  eye  caught  a  column  in  the  day's  London 
newspaper  headed  "Workaday  Heroes."  This  was  the  open- 
ing paragraph  of  the  impressive  article : 

If  ever  you  need  to  remember  that  the  age  of  chivalry  is  not 
yet  dead,  you  should  take  a  'bus  to  the  General  Post  Office.  The 
building,  is,  indeed,  rather  sedate  than  heroic,  and  the  atmos- 
phere unencouraging  to  roving  fancy;  but  if  you  take  your  life 
in  your  hand  and  cross  the  road  to  Saint  Botolph's,  you  find 
birds  chattering  about  grass  and  tree,  a  scrap  of  country  in  the 
swiftest  whirl  of  the  town,  to  make  a  vestibule  for  a  simple 
shrine  of  noble  deeds.  One  of  the  most  English  of  modern  poets 
has  sung  the  honor  "of  lives  obscurely  great."  He  who  would 
understand  the  spirit  of  England  must  go,  not  only  to  the  temple 
of  famous  men  at  Westminster,  but  to  the  little  red-roofed 
cloister  in  the  Postmen's  Park.  In  its  midst,  beneath  the  in- 
scription "The  Utmost  for  the  Highest,"  stands  a  statuette  of  a 
bearded  man  with  lofty  brow,  grave,  long-robed;  and  below  is 
written:  "In  Memoriam,  George  Frederick  Watts,  who,  desiring 
to  honor  heroic  self-sacrifice,  placed  these  records  here."  There 
is  space  upon  the  walls  for  nearly  a  hundred  and  fifty  tablets. 
Until  last  week  only  twenty-four  places  had  been  filled.  The 
care  of  Mrs.  Watts  has  now  added  another  row  of  twenty-two, 
and  the  names  to  fill  two  more  tablets  have  been  chosen.  The 
first  jubilee  of  Queen  Victoria  was  the  occasion  of  Mr.  Watts's 
suggesting  a  national  memorial  to  the  men  and  women  who  have 
lost  their  lives  in  saving  life.  He  caused  long  researches  to  be 
made  into  the  vast  masses  of  newspapers  in  the  British  Museum, 
that  such  deeds  might  not  linger  in  obscurity.  A  national  me- 
morial still  remains  nothing  more  than  the  noble  idea  of  a  great 
artist,  but  a  modest  part  of  his  conception  Mr.  Watts  himself 
made  actual.  He  built  in  that  "Postmen's  Park"  by  Saint 
Botolph's,  which  covers  the  site  of  the  burial  grounds  of  Saint 
Botolph's  itself,  Christ  Church,  and  Saint  Leonard's,  the  simple 
cloister,  with  its  dark  bench  and  beams,  floor  of  brick,  and  roof 
of  tile,  where  the  deeds  of  Londoners  are  enshrined.  The  first 


326   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

twenty-four  tablets,  many  of  which  were  in  position  before  the 
painter's  death,  are  of  glazed  white,  bearing  their  simple  in- 
scriptions in  dark  blue  letters.  It  would  be  hard  to  find  material 
more  pleasing  in  its  effect  or  better  adapted  to  withstand  the 
ravages  of  the  London  atmosphere.  The  first  act  recorded  is 
of  the  year  1863,  the  last  of  1901. 

One  tablet  honors  the  heroism  of  a  player  in  a  pantomime 
at  the  Princess's  Theater.  The  clothes  of  one  of  the  actresses 
caught  fire,  and  this  other,  Sarah  Smith,  ran  to  her  to  put  out 
the  flames,  and  succeeded,  but  was  herself  so  terribly  burned 
that  in  a  day,  after  much  suffering,  she  died.  There  are  the 
names  of  Walter  Peart  and  Henry  Dean,  driver  and  fireman 
of  a  Windsor  express  on  which  the  connecting  rod  of  the 
engine  broke  and  tore  the  boiler  asunder.  In  a  deluge  of 
flame  and  steam  they  stuck  to  their  posts  and  stopped  the 
train,  saved  their  passengers,  and  met  a  terrible  death.  There 
is  the  tablet  to  Mary  Rogers,  the  stewardess  of  the  Channel 
Islands  steamer  Stella,  which  went  down  in  1899.  When 
the  last  boat  was  pushing  off,  the  sailors  bade  her  jump  in, 
but  she  answered,  "No,  no ;  if  I  get  in  the  boat,  it  will  sink. 
Goodby!  Goodby!"  She  lifted  her  hands  then,  and  cried, 
"Lord,  save  me!"  And  the  Stella  sank  beneath  her  feet. 
There  is  the  tablet  to  Alice  Ayres,  the  maidservant  in  South- 
wark,  who  saved  all  her  master's  children  from  a  fire  at  the 
cost  of  her  own  life.  .  .  .  There  are  the  names  of  two  doctors 
who  sacrificed  their  lives  for  their  patients.  There  is  the 
name  of  Solomon  Galaman,  the  little  East  End  boy  of  eleven, 
who  saved  his  tiny  brother  from  being  run  over  in  the  crowded 
market  street  and  fell  himself  beneath  the  wheels.  "Mother," 
he  said,  as  he  lay  dying,  "mother,  I  saved  him,  but  I  could 
not  save  myself."  The  story  of  many  another  is  equally 
heroic.  ...  It  is  a  veritable  book  of  the  ever-growing  Bible, 
another  book  of  Acts — the  acts  of  a  fortunately  monumented 
few  whose  names  have  been  snatched  almost  by  chance  from 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  327 

among  those  of  the  unmonumented  thousands  who,  through 
the  generations,  in  their  humble  places,  cheered  by  no  trumpet 
and  no  hope  of  pension,  have  had  the  fibrous  faith  that  made 
them  faithful  unto  death,  saving  others  because  they  would 
not  save  themselves. 
— EDWIN  D.  MEAD,  Heroes  of  Peace,  Extracts  from  pp.  6-9. 

While  the  boy  must  learn  that  no  progress  in  civilization 
is  made  without  struggle,  he  must  learn  also  that  this  struggle 
need  not  involve  slaughter  or  injury  to  any  one;  struggle 
against  indolence,  ignorance,  ill  health,  and  the  forces  of 
nature  is  quite  sufficient  to  develop  brawn  and  bravery.  The 
pupil  will  learn  that,  while  war  was  inevitable  before  the 
advent  of  agriculture,  when  men  subsisted  on  a  limited 
amount  of  game,  ever  since  abundance  of  food  has  been  made 
possible  war  has  become  less  excusable.  Our  admiration  of 
heroes  who  fought  in  the  old  days  when  war  had  much  excuse 
must  not  blind  us  to  the  fact  that  that  time  is  now  passed. 
Cooperation  must  be  emphasized  as  the  only  key  to  normal 
human  progress. 

— LUCIA  AMES  MEAD,  Patriotism  and  the  New  Inter- 
nationalism, Extract  from  p.  48. 

THE  TEACHING  OF  HISTORY 

What  about  our  schools — not  simply  the  colleges  and  uni- 
versities, but  all  the  schools — which  offer  fertile  ground  to  sow 
the  seeds  of  peace?  Thus  far  in  the  history  of  our  schools 
too  much  emphasis  has  been  laid  upon  military  history,  etc. 
Dates  and  events  of  national  wars  have  been  thoroughly 
drilled  into  students,  and  the  glory  and  blaze  of  war  brought 
out.  We  have  actually  made  it  a  glory  and  a  virtue.  One 
of  the  most  encouraging  signs  of  the  times,  however,  is  the 
fact  that  many  of  our  text-books  are  dropping  out  the  pro- 
longed study  of  wars  and  centering  more  on  the  peaceful  pur- 


328   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

suits  of  the  nation  and  the  commercial  relations  with  foreign 
powers.  How  about  direct  peace  teaching  in  the  lower 
schools  ?  How  much  of  it  do  we  include  in  the  work  ?  None 
at  all.  Many  are  the  speakers  who  address  the  schools  on  war 
reminiscences,  but  few  indeed  are  the  appeals  made  for 
peace.  Not  until  this  movement  is  strongly  emphasized  in 
our  schools  from  the  very  beginning  can  we  hope  completely 
to  drive  out  the  war  spirit;  for  time  is  required  to  develop  in 
the  individual  conscience  a  full  realization  of  the  real  nature 
of  war,  and  such  development  should  begin  with  the  plastic 
period  of  youth. 

— VICTOR  MORRIS,  Man's  Moral  Nature  the  Hope  of 
Universal  Peace,  in  Prize  Orations,  pp.  154,  155. 

We  begin  in  a  wrong  way  with  our  children.  Boys  are 
taught  to  play  at  soldiering,  to  admire  generals  as  the  greatest 
heroes,  and  instead  of  being  made  sick  with  the  horrors  and 
savagery  of  war,  they  are  led  to  regard  the  soldier's  life  as 
noble  and  glorious,  an  altogether  desirable  career.  The  his- 
tory we  give  them  is  made  up  of  war  stories,  while  the  heroes 
and  achievements  of  commerce  and  literature,  of  art  and 
science,  of  morals  and  religion,  are  assigned  a  secondary  place. 
— JOHN  CLIFFORD,  The  War  and  the  Churches. 

One  of  the  ablest  teachers  of  history  in  the  United  States 
and  an  authority  on  historical  matters,  Professor  H.  Morse 
Stephens,  Oxford  graduate,  and  professor  of  history  at  the 
University  of  California,  in  speaking  not  long  since  to  a 
group  of  history  teachers  (myself  included)  said:  "History 
has  not  been  properly  taught  until  quite  recently,  and  the 
wrong  teaching  of  history  accounts  for  much  of  the  warlike 
attitude  among  the  nations  of  Europe." 

— EGBERT  C.  BOOT,  The  Mills  of  Industry  on  the  Trail 

of  Mars,  in  the  Reports  of  the  Fourth  American 

Congress,  p.  515. 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  329 

What  is  the  use  of  trying  to  teach  little  children  to  dislike 
a  nation  which  includes  millions  of  little  children,  because 
three  or  four  generations  ago  there  was  war  between  the  two 
countries?  The  groundwork  of  American  intellectual  and 
political  life  is  and  will  always  remain  English.  The  true 
principle  in  writing  text-books  ought  to  be  to  dwell  upon 
our  glorious  heritage  of  all  of  England  down  to  the  Revolu- 
tion, and  much  since  that  time.  Shakespeare  is  our  dramatist ; 
Elizabeth  was  our  queen;  Tennyson  is  our  poet;  Dickens  is 
our  novelist.  We  ought  to  recognize  the  fact  that  the  Eng- 
lish have  been  working  out  a  magnificent  system  of  popular 
government  on  their  own  lines;  that  king,  lords,  and  bishops 
do  not  interfere  with  a  government  subject  to  public  opinion ; 
that  of  all  the  nations  of  the  world  Great  Britain  is  that  one 
which  is  nearest  to  the  United  States  in  kinship,  in  institu- 
tions, and  in  inspirations. 

— ALBERT  BUSHNELL  HART,  School  Books  and  Inter- 
national Prejudices,  p.  13,  in  Documents  of  the 
American  Association  for  International  Concilia- 
tion, 1911. 

A  nation's  annals  should  embrace  more  than  the  crimes  of 
its  kings  and  the  rebellions  of  its  aspiring  nobles;  and  if 
they  must  include  instances  of  manslaying,  it  should  be  in 
order  to  reprobate  instead  of  glorifying  them,  to  turn  the 
manslayer  into  the  villain  instead  of  the  hero  of  the  human 
tragedy.  After  four  centuries  it  should  now  be  possible  to 
emulate  Erasmus,  that  prince  of  humanists,  who,  when  insti- 
tuting a  course  of  instruction  in  Christian  principles,  set 
aside  the  panegyrists  of  Achilles  and  Caesar — whom  he  de- 
scribed as  mere  "raging  brigands" — reserving  them  for  very 
special  uses,  remarking  that  such  histories  might  be  injurious 
in  the  highest  degree.  The  "heroes"  must  now  be  plainly 
described  as  anachronisms — in  plain  language,  "back  num- 


bers"  in  the  story  of  human  progress.  History  must  be 
rewritten  from  the  standpoint  of  humanity.  The  prejudices 
which  lead  to  admiration  of  bloody  deeds  must  be  extirpated. 
Teachers,  mothers,  and  all  those  who  make  first  impressions 
on  childhood,  must  impress  hate  of  war,  and  a  sense  of  the 
value  and  dignity  of  human  nature  and  life.  In  proportion 
as  history  is  written  from  the  religious  and  humanitarian 
standpoint,  instead  of  the  pagan  and  patriotic  one,  it  will 
become  a  record  of  the  growth  of  humanity  in  the  arts  of 
peace;  and  it  will  be  the  aim  of  such  writers  to  trace  the 
approach  of  nations  to  their  moral  ideals  through  every  stage 
of  advance,  reaction,  frustration,  and  renewal. 

— WALTER  WALSH,  The  Moral  Damage  of  War, 
Extracts  from  pp.  90,  91. 

THE    INTERCOLLEGIATE   PEACE   ASSOCIATION 

Even  the  most  sanguine  of  workers  for  international 
cooperation  must  have  been  pleasantly  surprised  when,  a  little 
over  a  year  ago,  the  Foundation  for  Internationalism  at  The 
Hague,  in  a  singularly  interesting  volume  on  "Scientific 
Internationalism — Pure  Sciences  and  Letters,"  acquainted  us 
with  the  names,  officers,  forms  of  organization,  and  brief 
historical  sketch  of  six  hundred  and  fourteen  international 
organizations  and  institutions  in  the  scholastic  world,  all  of 
them  embracing  at  least  a  pair  of  nations,  many  holding 
periodic  world  congresses,  and  not  a  few  maintaining  an 
official  organ  of  their  own.  These  organizations  and  institu- 
tions embrace  every  field  of  scholastic  endeavor — from  litera- 
ture to  geodesy,  from  theology  to  scientific  photography,  from 
history  to  technology. 

All  the  larger  colleges  and  universities  in  the  United  States, 
and  more  than  half  of  the  total  number  of  such  institutions, 
maintain  courses  of  instruction  that  stimulate  interest  in 
international  relations  and  tend  to  develop  what  has  been 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  331 

happily  termed  "the  international  mind."  Such  are  especially 
the  courses  offered  for  the  study  of  colonization  and  expansion 
of  empire,  of  Asiatic  and  African  problems,  of  international 
law  and  diplomatic  history.  All  of  these  studies  focus  atten- 
tion upon  the  movements  toward  world-organization  during 
the  last  twenty  years.  They  contribute  directly  to  the  forma- 
tion of  a  more  intelligent  public  opinion  concerning  human 
fraternity  and  the  increasing  solidarity  and  unity  of  all 
social  interests.  They  therefore  help  to  make  our  student 
body  ripe,  as  it  undoubtedly  is,  for  the  doctrine  that  inter- 
national disputes  must  and  can  be  settled  by  pacific  rather 
than  violent  means. 

The  strength  of  such  sentiments  among  our  colleges  is 
shown  in  the  rapid  development  of  such  an  organization  as 
the  Intercollegiate  Peace  Association.  The  representatives  of 
eight  colleges,  responding  to  the  initiative  of  President  Noah 
E.  Byers  of  Goshen  College  and  Professor  Elbert  Eussell  of 
Earlham  College,  both  of  Indiana,  organized  the  Association 
in  a  conference  at  Goshen  College  in  June,  1905.  Its  purpose 
was  defined  as  "the  promotion  of  organized  activities  among 
students  and  educators  in  support  of  the  international  arbitra- 
tion and  peace  movement."  It  established  prize  contests 
among  students  for  orations  upon  those  subjects,  and  in 
connection  with  its  third  annual  conference  at  Cincinnati,  in 
1907,  it  held  the  first  interstate  oratorical  competition  in 
which  representatives  of  colleges  in  two  States  took  part. 
Since  then  the  Association  has  grown  until  now  it  includes 
colleges  in  sixteen  States,  and  has  been  obliged  to  divide  into 
three  groups,  the  Eastern,  Central,  and  Western.  The  inter- 
state competitions  are  followed  by  a  final  national  contest  at 
the  Lake  Mohonk  Conference  in  May  of  each  year.  In  1912 
about  eighty  colleges  participated  in  the  State  contests,  about 
two  thousand  dollars  were  awarded  in  prizes,  and  more  than 
three  hundred  orations  on  peace  were  written  and  delivered 


332   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

by  as  many  undergraduates.  The  effect  of  such  activities 
and  discussions  upon  the  student  body  is  far-reaching.  The 
first  secretary  of  the  Association,  Mr.  George  Fulk,  carried 
its  influence  into  the  international  field  in  a  most  striking 
manner,  offering  at  the  second  Hague  Conference  in  1907  a 
memorial  representing  over  22,000  students  and  over  1,600 
teachers.  — Louis  P.  LOCHNER,  Internationalism 

Among  Universities. 

THE  COSMOPOLITAN  CLUBS 

There  is  a  movement  among  the  students  of  the  United 
States  which  furnishes  to  the  world  a  striking  illustration  of 
the  possibility  of  men  from  different  countries  living  together 
— often  even  under  the  same  roof — in  friendship  and  har- 
mony ;  a  movement  which  unites  in  a  league  of  world-brother- 
hood students  of  every  race,  color,  and  creed;  a  movement  in 
which  the  terms  dependent  and  independent  races  are  un- 
known, but  which  assumes  all  races  and  peoples  to  be  on  a 
footing  of  equality.  This  movement  is  of  recent  development, 
and  had  its  origin  in  the  change  of  complexion  of  the  Ameri- 
can student  body  by  virtue  of  the  fact  that  thousands  of 
Orientals,  Latin- Americans,  and  Europeans  are  now  thronging 
our  halls  of  learning,  where  formerly  the  foreigner  was  an 
almost  unknown  quantity  in  an  American  university.  By  way 
of  illustration,  let  me  cite  the  fact  that  at  the  University  of 
Wisconsin,  which  I  have  the  honor  to  represent,  the  number 
of  foreign  students  has  within  ten  years  increased  from  seven 
to  one  hundred  and  seven — a  condition  which  is  typical  of 
every  large  American  university.  .  .  . 

A  National  Association  of  Cosmopolitan  Clubs  was  founded 
in  1907,  which  has  a  membership  of  over  two  thousand  and 
includes  representatives  from  almost  sixty  different  countries. 
A  monthly  organ,  The  Cosmopolitan  Student,  keeps  the  mem- 
bers in  touch  with  each  other  and  with  the  various  movements 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  333 

for  the  better  organization  of  the  world.  At  a  convention 
held  at  The  Hague,  Holland,  in  August,  1909,  an  affiliation 
was  even  perfected  with  the  Federation  Internationale  des 
fitudiants,  better  known  as  Corda  Fratres.  Our  work  is  thus 
on  an  international  basis,  and  the  possibilities  for  effective 
cooperation  unlimited.  United  the  two  bodies  have  become 
a  league  of  universal  brotherhood  which  will  soon  encompass 
the  student  body  of  the  whole  civilized  world. 

Hawaiian  and  Frenchman,  Japanese  and  American,  Chi- 
nese, German,  Hungarian,  Filipino,  and  Armenian,  all  are  on 
a  footing  of  equality  in  this  unique  organization.  What 
matters  it  that  one  is  an  engineer,  another  a  law  student,  a 
third  an  agriculturist?  That  one  believes  in  monarchical 
government,  while  the  other  sees  in  the  control  of  the  masses 
the  only  solution  of  the  social  problem  ?  That  one  is  a  Japa- 
nese prince,  the  second  a  Russian  revolutionist,  the  third  a 
plain  American  farmer  boy,  the  fourth  a  Hindu  priest  ?  Why 
despise  a  man  because  his  skin  is  yellow  or  brown  or  black? 
The  members  of  the  international  and  cosmopolitan  clubs 
need  no  unity  or  color,  race,  or  social  position  to  bind  them 
together.  Theirs  is  a  firmer  tie.  "Above  all  Nations  is 
Humanity,"  is  the  proud  motto  of  our  Association.  Humanity 
— all-embracing,  all-including,  linked  with  the  idea  of 
brotherly  love,  of  sympathetic  understanding,  of  service  to 
mankind — this  is  a  bond  of  union  far  transcending  national, 
social,  and  racial  lines  of  demarcation. 

The  purpose  of  the  international  and  cosmopolitan  clubs  is 
to  bring  together  college  young  men  from  different  countries, 
to  aid  and  direct  foreign  students  coming  to  the  United 
States,  to  cultivate  the  arts  of  peace,  and  to  establish  strong 
international  friendships. 

— Louis  P.  LOCHNER,  The  Cosmopolitan  Club  Move- 
ment in  the  Papers  on  Inter-Racial  Problems, 
pp.  439,  440. 


334       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

THE  CHRISTIAN  STUDENTS'  FEDERATION 

A  mighty  international  force  among  the  colleges  and  uni- 
versities of  the  world  is  the  Christian  Students'  Federation 
(Federation  Universelle  des  fitudiants  Chretiens).  The 
American  leader  and  General  Secretary  of  this  international 
organization,  Mr.  John  E.  Mott,  is  a  living  embodiment  of 
the  international  spirit.  In  the  course  of  twenty-five  years 
he  has  made  himself  at  home  in  forty-four  countries,  and  he 
wields  a  globe-encircling  influence. 

In  the  Federation,  now  comprising  2,305  Associations  with 
156,071  members,  nineteen  different  local  federations  are 
included.  They  reach  into  every  continent.  The  biennial 
conferences  of  the  Federation  are  held  first  in  one  hemisphere 
and  then  in  the  other.  At  the  1911  conference,  at  Constan- 
tinople, twenty-eight  countries  were  represented.  This  is 
nothing  less  than  a  parliament  of  the  world,  and  every  mem- 
ber of  this  Federation  cannot  help  realizing  that  the  brother- 
hood of  man  is  a  vital  fact. 

— Louis  P.  LOCHNER,  Internationalism 
Among  Universities. 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT 

In  order  to  give  a  just  idea  of  the  movement  which  is 
impelling  humanity  toward  a  closer  understanding  and  more 
peaceful  accord,  it  would  be  necessary  to  consider  both  the 
work  done  by  intergovernmental  activity  and  that  due  to 
private  enterprise.  Although  they  are  intimately  connected, 
however,  I  have  found  it  necessary  to  restrict  this  account 
to  the  field  of  free  international  institutions,  a  large  and 
complex  field,  of  which  two  figures  will  enable  the  reader  to 
appreciate  the  extent.  From  1843,  when  the  first  inter- 
national congress  was  held  on  private  initiative,  until  1910 
there  were  more  than  two  thousand  international  meetings, 
of  which  eight  hundred  fall  in  the  last  decade.  The  total 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  335 

number  of  central  offices  of  all  kinds  having  for  their  object 
the  study  of  questions  of  general  human  interest  from  a 
universal  point  of  view  already  amounts  to  more  than  two 
hundred  and  fifty. 

— HENRI  LA  FONTAINE,  The  Work  Done  by  Private 
Initiative  in  the  Organization  of  the  World,  in 
Papers  on  Inter-Eacial  Problems,  p.  244. 

The  religious  conception  of  peace  as  a  moral  demand, 
though  in  its  use  by  religious  teachers  it  has  had  a  very 
fluctuating  history,  has  nevertheless  since  the  time  of  Christ 
led  the  whole  historic  development  of  the  peace  movement. 
It  has  been  a  sort  of  headmaster  to  the  movement,  giving  to 
it  now  and  then  impulse,  inspiration  and  direction,  and 
stirring  the  natural  peace  forces  into  stronger  and  more 
effective  activity.  It  is  only  as  the  religious  and  the  natural 
phases  of  the  movement  are  both  taken  into  account  that 
the  historic  development  of  the  principle  and  practice  of  peace 
can  be  properly  understood. 

The  idea  of  peace  as  a  matter  of  moral  obligation  and  the 
practical  application  of  pacific  methods  in  social  and  inter- 
national affairs  have  developed  at  about  the  same  rate.  The 
growth  and  extension  of  the  idea  can  therefore  be  fairly 
well  traced  in  terms  of  its  practical  application  in  conciliation, 
mediation,  arbitration,  and  the  evolution  of  law  and  order  in 
society. 

The  idea  of  universal  and  perpetual  peace,  which  has  taken 
such  a  wide  and  deep  hold  upon  the  thought  of  recent  times, 
was  unknown  to  the  ancient  world.  The  controlling  principle 
among  all  the  ancient  peoples  as  to  peace  and  war  was  that 
of  family  or  race.  Within  a  patriarchal  group,  a  tribe,  or 
collection  of  tribes  within  a  common  race,  the  idea  of  peace 
is  useful  and  even  obligatory  was  usually  considerably  de- 
veloped. This  is  the  case  now  among  the  unchristianized 


336      SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAfc 

peoples  of  the  world.  Tribes  which  fight  like  fiends  with  one 
another  manage,  in  spite  of  their  ignorance,  unrestraint,  and 
animalism,  to  keep  up  within  themselves  a  fair  amount  of 
friendship  and  pacific  life  and  cooperation. 

The  forces  which  operated  among  the  ancient  peoples  in 
producing  this  measure  of  pacific  life  were  sense  of  kinship, 
contiguity  of  dwelling,  interdependence,  and  some  realized 
community  of  interest.  Beyond  this  sphere  of  race  or  family 
war,  pillage,  conquest,  enslavement,  were  considered  not  only 
permissible  but  also  obligatory.  Often  the  obligations  of 
peace  were  felt  only  within  very  narrow  limits,  the  tendency 
being,  until  Christianity  began  to  operate,  to  reduce  the 
feeling  of  obligation  to  the  minimum  of  family  relationship 
rather  than  to  expand  it  to  the  limits  of  racial  kinship. 

The  religions  of  the  ancient  peoples,  growing  as  they  did 
largely  out  of  the  characters  of  the  peoples  and  their  environ- 
ments, deepened  and  strengthened  these  conceptions.  The 
national  gods  were  looked  upon  as  protecting  and  favoring  the 
home  people,  but  as  hostile  to  all  others.  .  .  . 

The  same  principle  of  race  governed  the  Jewish  people 
in  the  matter  of  peace  and  war.  The  peace  for  which  their 
psalmist  and  prophets  sighed  was  peace  upon  Israel,  the 
peace  of  Jerusalem,  not  the  peace  of  the  world,  of  nation  with 
nation.  War  against  heathen  peoples  was  considered  not  only 
lawful  but  obligatory.  Love  of  other  peoples  and  rational 
treatment  of  them  was  scarcely  dreamed  of  among  the 
Hebrews.  Love  of  neighbor  was  as  far  as  they  got,  and  their 
theory  of  this  was  much  better  than  their  practice.  In  their 
conception  of  God,  in  regard  to  some  of  His  attributes,  they 
rose,  or  were  lifted,  vastly  higher  than  any  other  nation  of 
their  time.  Their  God,  the  one  true  and  living  God,  was  the 
Creator  of  all  nations  and  peoples,  as  well  as  of  the  heavens 
and  of  the  earth.  But  it  is  curious  that  this  conception  of 
God  never  led  them  to  see  and  feel  the  real  kinship  and  one- 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  337 

ness  of  humanity,  as  one  might  expect  it  would  have  done. 
They  drew  from  it  rather  the  selfish  notion  of  great  superi- 
ority over  other  peoples.  They  believed  that  this  God,  their 
God,  meant  them  to  bring  all  other  nations  under  their  sway, 
and  that  the  Messiah  whom  he  was  to  send  would  do  this 
service  for  them.  Not  even  their  greatest  prophets  were 
able  wholly  to  divest  themselves  of  the  racial  narrowness  of 
view.  They  now  and  then,  as  in  the  case  of  Isaiah,  Micah, 
Ezekiel,  Zechariah,  had  glimpses  of  the  larger  peace  of  the 
world,  but  its  true  nature  and  method  of  attainment  they 
failed  to  grasp.  .  .  . 

The  nearest  approach  to  modern  peace  conceptions,  outside 
of  two  or  three  of  the  Jewish  prophets  and  rabbis,  was  found 
among  the  Greek  philosophers  and  poets.  There  was  some- 
thing of  this  nature  in  both  Confucius  and  Buddha,  but  it 
is  doubtful  if  the  "universal  benevolence"  of  the  one  or  the 
"fraternity  of  humanity"  of  the  other  went  beyond  the  great 
races  to  which  they  belonged.  Their  teachings  certainly  had 
no  social  effect  in  the  relations  of  these  peoples  to  others.  .  .  . 

In  general,  in  the  ancient  world,  the  use  of  pacific  methods 
of  settling  disputes  was  as  limited  as  the  idea  of  peace.  In 
the  case  of  Rome  it  was  purely  internal  and  political.  Rome 
never  arbitrated  with  other  nations,  or  acted  as  arbitrator  for 
them.  .  .  . 

The  principle  of  kinship,  though  lying  at  the  basis  of 
the  whole  pacific  development  of  human  society,  was  not 
naturally  strong  enough  to  accomplish  much  anywhere  until 
it  was  elevated,  purified,  and  strengthened  by  the  revelation 
of  the  fact  that  it  is  not  of  merely  earthly  origin,  but  is  rooted 
in  the  divine  Fatherhood  in  which  alone  the  oneness  of 
humanity  finds  its  rational  explanation. 

The  true  and  complete  conception  of  peace,  both  as  to  its 
motives  and  its  scope,  was  given  to  the  world  for  the  first 
time  by  Jesus  Christ  and  his  early  followers.  Such  doctrines 


338   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

of  God  as  the  Father  and  of  men  everywhere  as  brothers  and 
neighbors  were  taught  by  them,  and  naturally  broke  down 
among  the  Christians,  after  a  little  time,  racial  distinctions 
and  international  barriers.  Perhaps  practiced  would  be  a 
better  word  than  taught.  Love  of  God  and  of  fellow-men 
was  their  life.  Jesus  himself  gave  the  idea  of  peace  in  its 
deepest  and  fullest  sense.  But  He  did  more;  He  made  it 
intensely  vital  by  His  life  of  self-sacrificing  love.  His  teach- 
ing came  out  of  His  life.  The  inspiration  of  His  example, 
of  His  life  and  death,  was  worth  a  thousand  Sermons-on-the- 
Mount,  unsurpassed  as  the  mountain  instruction  was.  The 
Sermon  on  the  Mount  does  not  seem  to  have  been  much  used 
in  the  earliest  Christian  days,  though  after  the  New  Testa- 
ment books  were  written  and  collected  it  had  a  large  place. 
In  the  earliest  period  it  was  entirely  overshadowed  by  the 
Teacher  himself.  It  was  the  inspiration  of  His  personality, 
of  His  living  example,  the  transfusing  of  His  personal  spirit 
into  them,  that  made  the  early  Christians,  for  a  hundred 
years  and  more,  the  enthusiastic  exemplars  of  a  fraternity 
which  knew  neither  class  nor  race  nor  national  boun- 
daries. .  .  . 

The  seventeenth  century  brought  to  the  world  the  first  un- 
folding of  the  idea  of  international  peace  in  a  large  and 
comprehensive  way.  Unlike  the  Christian  movement  of  the 
first  and  second  centuries,  this  evolution  of  the  seventeenth 
century  was  not  only  religious  and  social  but  also  juridical 
and  political.  Four  events  of  the  seventeenth  century,  occur- 
ring in  four  different  countries,  the  outcome  of  the  thinking 
and  work  of  four  eminent  men,  have  been  the  talk  of  much 
of  the  civilized  world  ever  since,  and  may  be  considered  the 
four  corner  stones  of  the  structure  of  modern  peace.  .  .  . 

The  first  of  them  was  the  Great  Design  of  Henry  IV.  of 
France,  in  the  early  years  of  the  century,  for  the  federation 
and  peace  of  Christian  Europe.  The  greatest  in  the  line  of 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  339 

French  kings,  Henry  seems  to  have  combined  in  his  person 
the  extraordinary  contradictions  of  his  time.  A  Protestant 
and  a  Catholic,  rich  and  powerful,  yet  simple  in  manners  and 
devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  common  people,  a  warrior  and 
a  genuine  friend  of  the  peaceful  arts  of  life,  a  Frenchman 
to  the  core,  he  was  nevertheless  the  first  interpreter  to  his 
country  of  the  larger  ideal  of  international  life  and  the 
cooperation  then  struggling  to  the  birth.  His  Great  Design 
was  favorably  received  at  more  than  one  court  in  Europe.  .  .  . 

In  1625,  fifteen  years  after  the  death  of  Henry  IV.,  Hugo 
Grotius,  whose  patron  the  French  king  had  been,  published 
his  famous  book,  "On  the  Rights  of  War  and  of  Peace."  This 
was  the  second  of  the  four  events.  All  his  immense  learning 
and  his  acquaintance  with  European  affairs,  gained  through 
exile  and  diplomatic  service,  Grotius  threw  into  an  effort  to 
lessen  the  cruelties  and  sufferings  inflicted  by  war.  He 
denounced  in  unmeasured  terms  the  facility  with  which  pro- 
fessedly Christian  princes  went  to  war,  declaring  their  con- 
duct to  be  a  disgrace  even  to  barbarians.  He  pleaded  in  a 
noble  Christian  spirit  for  the  use  of  arbitration.  His  book 
immediately  had  an  immense  effect  in  Europe.  .  .  . 

Grotius's  work  was  the  foundation  of  international  law, 
which  has  developed  greatly  since  his  time,  and  has  gradually 
been  carrying  the  ideas  of  justice,  respect,  and  mutual  service 
into  international  affairs. 

The  third  of  the  seventeenth  century  events  to  which  I 
allude  was  the  peace  work  of  George  Fox.  Fox  was  born 
the  year  before  Grotius  published  his  book,  and  began  his 
ministry  twenty-three  years  later.  The  English  peacemaker 
went  much  farther  than  the  great  Dutchman.  He  revived  the 
early  Christian  position,  feebly  uttered  before  his  time  by 
the  Mennonites  and  Moravians,  that  the  spirit  and  teaching 
of  Jesus  leave  no  place  whatever  for  war  and  the  spirit  out 
of  which  it  springs.  He  incorporated  this  teaching  as  a 


340       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

fundamental  in  the  doctrinal  constitution  of  the  Society  of 
Friends.  He  uttered  this  principle  with  such  marvelous 
energy,  moral  thoroughness,  constancy,  and  suffering  endur- 
ance that  the  whole  English-speaking  world  was  compelled 
to  listen.  No  small  part  of  Europe  also  heard  his  voice.  Nor 
has  the  utterance  ever  been  forgotten.  Its  maintenance  in 
an  organized  way  by  the  Friends  has  kept  the  high  ideal  of 
absolute  and  universal  peace  constantly  before  the  eye  of 
civilization  as  a  guiding  light.  .  .  . 

The  fourth  of  the  seventeenth  century  events  alluded  to 
was  William  Penn's  Holy  Experiment  in  government  on  peace 
principles,  inaugurated  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  in  1682. 
With  this  must  be  coupled  his  Plan  for  the  Peace  of  Europe, 
published  eleven  years  later  in  England,  a  scheme  free  from 
the  destructive  contradictions  of  the  Great  Design  of  Henry 
IV.  Penn's  experiment  in  practical  peace  politics,  the  first 
of  its  kind  in  history,  lasting  more  than  half  a  century,  has 
become  almost  an  inherent  part  of  the  moral  consciousness 
of  the  modern  political  world,  and  it  is  becoming  every  year 
more  effective  in  creating  a  belief  that  war  is  always  honorably 
avoidable  if  men  sincerely  wish  it  to  be  avoided.  .  .  . 

The  movement  of  thought  and  purpose  which  these  men  of 
the  seventeenth  century  interpreted  with  such  insight  and 
courage  went  steadily  on  into  the  eighteenth  century.  It 
found  a  number  of  distinguished  representatives  in  different 
fields.  .  .  . 

The  last  years  of  this  century  gave  us  Kant's  great  tractate 
on  "Perpetual  Peace,"  in  which  was  uttered  for  the  first  time 
the  idea  of  a  federation  of  the  world  in  an  international 
state  built  upon  republican  principles;  and  Kant's  thought 
was  vigorously  sustained  and  developed  by  his  followers, 
Fichte  and  Schelling. 

For  the  most  part  the  peace  work  of  the  eighteenth  century 
was  still  theoretical  and  ideal.  There  was  little  attempt  at  the 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  341 

practical.  The  time  had  hardly  come  for  it  in  any  general 
way.  Opinion  was  still  too  feeble  and  unintegrated.  The 
Friends  as  a  body  continued  their  peace  protest,  but  in  a 
very  traditional  way,  and  many  of  them  failed  in  the  hour 
of  testing.  .  .  . 

The  eighteenth  century,  in  spite  of  Saint  Pierre,  Bentham, 
and  Kant,  and  the  growing  undercurrent  of  thought  and 
aspiration  represented  by  them,  closed  with  Napoleon  over- 
shadowing Europe  and  war  still  on  the  throne. 

It  is  a  noteworthy  historic  fact,  deserving  mention  in 
connection  with  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century,  that 
the  movement  for  the  abolition  of  war  and  that  for  human 
liberty  went  hand  in  hand.  .  .  .  The  liberty  movement  of 
the  last  two  centuries,  resulting  in  independent  republics  in 
the  New  World  and  constitutional  governments  in  the  Old, 
has  seen  the  peace  propaganda  spring  up  and  develop  simul- 
taneously and  almost  coterminously  with  it.  The  nation 
which  has  taken  the  lead  in  the  development  of  liberty  and 
the  creation  of  institutions  founded  thereon  has  also  led  in 
the  movement  for  the  abolition  of  war,  on  both  its  sentimental 
and  its  practical  side. 

The  nineteenth  century  saw  a  remarkable  evolution  of 
the  movement  for  peace  along  many  lines.  The  movement 
not  only  became  much  more  extended,  but  it  also  became 
thoroughly  organized  and  strongly  practical.  It  did  not,  how- 
ever, lose  any  of  its  idealism.  It  deepened  and  widened  on 
its  sentimental  side  quite  as  much  as  on  its  practical  side. 
For  every  peace  idealist  whose  name  comes  to  us  from  the 
two  previous  centuries,  the  nineteenth  furnishes  scores.  Noah 
Worcester,  William  Ladd,  Jonathan  Dymond,  William  E. 
Channing,  Charles  Sumner,  Elihu  Burritt,  William  Jay,  John 
Bright,  Richard  Cobden,  Henry  Richard,  Hodgson  Pratt, 
Victor  Hugo,  Charles  Lemonnier,  Frederic  Passy,  Bertha  von 
Suttner,  Leo  Tolstoy,  John  de  Bloch,  and  Nicholas  II.,  to 


342   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

mention  no  others,  all  were  primarily  peace  idealists.  Some 
of  them  were  nothing  else,  and  were  none  the  less  useful  for 
that  reason.  But  the  strong  idealism  which  characterized  the 
century's  peace  efforts,  did  not  prevent  them  from  being 
singularly  practical.  In  recent  years  the  labors  of  the  friends 
of  peace,  both  in  their  individual  and  their  organized  capacity 
as  societies  and  congresses,  have  consisted  largely  in  eflorts 
to  secure  the  adoption  of  pacific  methods  of  settling  disputes. 
...  In  Kant's  day  statesmen  were  so  far  from  giving  peace 
any  place  in  their  thought  that  he  delicately  apologized  to 
them  in  his  "Perpetual  Peace"  for  venturing  to  suggest  that 
his  treatise  might  not  do  them  any  damage.  To-day,  only 
a  little  over  a  hundred  years  from  his  time,  the  largest  peace 
organization  in  existence,  the  Interparliamentary  Union,  with 
thirty-six  hundred  members,  consists  wholly  of  statesmen, 
who  meet  annually  or  biennially  in  European  and  American 
cities  to  promote  the  settlement  of  international  differences 
by  arbitration. 

— BENJAMIN  F.  TRUEBLOOD,  Historical  Outline  of  the 
Peace  Movement,  American  Peace  Society  Publi- 
cations. 

The  memorable  action  of  the  International  Congress  of 
Chambers  of  Commerce  in  Boston,  in  September,  1914, 
showed  impressively  how  deeply  the  business  men  of  America 
and  of  the  world  feel  the  present  system  to  be  opposed  to  all 
the  true  interests  of  commerce  and  economy  and  to  the  whole 
spirit  of  our  present  international  civilization.  The  working- 
men's  organizations  throughout  the  world  are  pronouncedly 
anti-militarist,  the  great  Social  Democratic  parties  of  Ger- 
many and  other  European  countries,  made  up  so  largely  of 
workingmen,  being  so  earnest  and  active  for  peace  that  more 
than  once  in  recent  times  their  demonstrations  in  critical 
exigencies  have  had  a  clear  and  perhaps  determining  influence 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  343 

on  governments.  The  farmers  of  the  country  are  with  us,  as 
expressed  by  the  repeated  declarations  by  the  National  Grange, 
representing  a  million  of  them,  in  its  conventions.  The 
National  Federation  of  Women's  Clubs,  with  its  million 
women,  has  just  officially  made  the  peace  cause  its  cause,  and 
it  speaks  for  the  overwhelming  majority  of  the  women  of  the 
land.  The  National  Education  Association  has  unanimously 
indorsed  the  principles  and  efforts  of  the  American  School 
Peace  League,  affiliating  that  League  as  an  integral  part  of 
itself,  and  also  recognizing  the  peace  cause  as  the  cause  of  the 
schools  of  America.  The  broad  new  activities  of  the  Federal 
Council  of  Churches  through  its  strong  Department  of  Peace, 
witnessing  as  they  do  to  the  larger  and  distincter  devotion  of 
all  the  churches  of  the  country  to  the  peace  movement,  add 
emphasis  to  the  fact  that  the  Christian  religion  and  all  reli- 
gions mean  nothing  if  they  do  not  mean  the  reign  of  justice 
and  reason  and  brotherhood  among  men.  In  the  presence 
of  these  profound  and  assuring  movements  of  the  national 
mind  and  conscience,  shall  our  politics  alone  take  counsel  of 
fear  and  not  of  faith — or  will  our  statesmen  lead  the  nation 
in  the  high  service  for  the  family  of  nations  which  is  the 
commanding  duty  of  the  time  ? 

— EDWIN  D.  MEAD,  The  American  Peace  Party  and 
Its  Present  Aims  and  Duties. 

During  the  last  ten  years  the  women  of  America  and  of 
the  world  have  been  rapidly  advancing  to  the  very  front  rank 
of  service  and  influence  in  the  peace  movement;  and  at  its 
biennial  convention  at  San  Francisco  in  1912,  the  National 
Federation  of  Women's  Clubs,  whose  membership  includes  a 
million  American  women,  made  the  peace  cause  one  of  its 
regular  interests,  creating  a  special  standing  committee  for 
its  promotion  in  all  the  clubs  of  the  country.  By  eloquent 
coincidence,  the  Federation  was  addressed  at  that  convention 


344   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

by  the  Baroness  von  Suttner,  the  distinguished  Austrian 
peace  advocate,  author  of  "Lay  Down  Your  Arms,"  which 
has  been  called  the  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin"  of  the  peace  move- 
ment, who  was  then  on  her  last  visit  to  this  country.  The 
Baroness  von  Suttner's  death,  on  the  very  eve  of  the  terrible 
war  in  Europe,  gives  new  and  solemn  emphasis  to  her  Ameri- 
can addresses,  and  especially  to  her  addresses  to  American 
women.  Upon  the  eve  of  her  return  to  Europe  she  wrote  the 
following  words  in  her  Foreword  to  Mrs.  Mead's  "Swords 
and  Ploughshares": 

"While  I  came  to  America  at  this  time  to  speak  to  all 
classes  which  it  was  in  my  power  to  reach  upon  the  peace 
cause  which  lies  so  close  to  my  heart,  it  was  my  central  aim 
and  wish  to  appeal  to  the  women  of  America,  who  are  far 
better  organized  than  their  sisters  in  Europe,  and  whose 
central  organization  has  this  year  for  the  first  time  made 
the  definite  and  persistent  study  of  our  cause  and  devotion 
to  this  cause  a  regular  feature  of  its  remarkable  and  most 
beneficent  work.  What  may  not  these  millions  of  thoughtful 
and  earnest  American  women  accomplish  for  the  world!  It 
was  the  English  Euskin  who  said  that  whenever  the  women 
of  the  world  really  make  up  their  minds  to  put  a  period  to 
war,  they  can  do  it.  It  is  for  the  women  of  America,  now 
in  the  fullness  of  time  and  the  urgency  of  need,  to  do  the 
great  work  which  it  is  in  their  power  to  do  for  the  peace  and 
order  of  the  world." 

It  was  hardly  five  years  after  the  close  of  the  Civil  War  that 
the  terrible  Franco-Prussian  War  broke  out;  and  while  it 
was  still  in  progress  Julia  Ward  Howe  tells  us  that  she  was 
visited  by  a  sudden  feeling  of  the  cruel  and  unnecessary 
character  of  the  contest.  "It  seemed  to  me,"  she  wrote,  "a 
return  to  barbarism,  the  issue  being  one  that  might  easily 
have  been  settled  without  bloodshed.  The  question  forced 
itself  upon  me,  Why  do  not  the  mothers  of  mankind  interfere 


in  these  matters,  to  prevent  the  waste  of  that  human  life  of 
which  they  alone  bear  and  know  the  cost?  I  had  never 
thought  of  this  before.  The  august  dignity  of  motherhood 
and  its  terrible  responsibility  now  appeared  to  me  in  a  new 
aspect,  and  I  could  think  of  no  better  way  of  expressing  my 
sense  of  these  than  that  of  sending  forth  an  appeal  to  woman- 
hood throughout  the  world."  She  immediately  drew  up  such 
an  appeal,  imploring  women  the  world  over  to  awake  to  their 
sacred  rights  and  duties  to  protect  human  life  from  the 
frightful  ravages  of  war.  She  called  upon  those  women  in 
whose  hearts  her  appeal  found  response  to  assist  her  in  calling 
and  holding  a  congress  of  women  in  London,  to  organize  a 
holy  crusade  of  women  against  the  war  system.  She  had  the, 
appeal  translated  into  French,  Spanish,  Italian,  German, 
and  Swedish,  and  distributed  copies  of  it  far  and  wide,  devot- 
ing two  years  almost  entirely  to  correspondence  upon  the 
subject  with  the  leading  women  in  various  countries. 

She  held  two  meetings  in  New  York,  at  which  the  cause  of 
peace  and  the  ability  of  women  to  promote  it  were  earnestly 
presented.  To  the  first  of  these  meetings,  in  the  late  autumn 
of  1870,  Mr.  Bryant  came  and  spoke;  and  at  the  second, 
David  Dudley  Field,  the  great  advocate  of  international  arbi- 
tration, made  a  powerful  address.  In  the  spring  of  the  year 
1872,  Mrs.  Howe  went  to  England  to  work  personally  for  the 
holding  of  a  woman's  peace  congress  in  London.  In  Liver- 
pool she  was  welcomed  by  Mrs.  Josephine  Butler,  who  told 
her  that  she  had  come  at  a  fortunate  moment,  as  the  public 
mind  was  at  the  time  greatly  stirred  by  the  cruel  immoralities 
of  army  life,  and  who  gave  her  the  names  of  the  Winkworths 
and  other  friends  of  peace  in  London  who  would  welcome 
and  help  her.  William  Ellery  Channing  was  at  the  time  in 
London,  and  she  had  much  aid  and  counsel  from  him  in  her 
"Woman's  Apostolate  of  Peace,"  as  she  afterward  named  it. 

Impressively  in  her  letter  of  1907  does  she  emphasize  the 


fact  that  it  was  her  consuming  desire  to  unite  the  women 
of  the  world  in  opposition  to  the  war  system,  which  had  been 
the  mainspring  of  her  devotion  to  the  higher  education  of 
women  and  the  spread  of  women's  clubs.  Kejoicing  over  the 
great  achievements  of  the  generation  she  exclaimed,  "The 
noble  army  of  women  which  I  saw  as  in  a  dream,  and  to  which 
I  made  my  appeal,  has  now  come  into  being";  and  to  this 
noble  army  she  made  her  new  appeal  for  decisive  service  in 
the  last  great  campaign  in  the  war  against  war.  "If  we  have 
rocked  the  cradle,  have  soothed  the  slumber  of  mankind,  let 
us  be  on  hand  at  this  great  awakening,  to  make  steadfast 
the  peace  of  the  world."  Nothing  could  have  given  her 
supremer  satisfaction  than  the  action  of  the  National  Federa- 
tion of  Women's  Clubs  at  San  Francisco  in  1912. 

It  is  well  for  us  in  this  hour,  in  the  time  which  is  now  ripe 
for  the  great  peace  crusade  of  women  for  which  the  world 
of  1872  was  not  ready,  to  remember  again,  more  gratefully 
and  more  seriously,  her  solemn  "Appeal  to  Womanhood 
Throughout  the  World."  With  growing  confidence  as  the 
years  went  on  she  repeated  her  prophetic  appeal;  and  it  is 
now  for  the  women  of  America,  whom  she  believed  at  last 
equal  to  the  task,  to  obey  the  call  and  fulfill  the  prophecy. 
— EDWIN  D.  MEAD,  Woman  and  War. 

John  Bright,  with  his  forty  years  of  experience  in  the 
British  Parliament  and  in  public  life,  a  thorough  outspoken 
apostle  of  peace  principles,  fearless,  able,  and  consistent  in 
his  support  of  the  cause  in  every  vicissitude  of  his  political 
fortunes,  is  considered  historically  the  greatest  and  most 
conspicuous  advocate  in  political  life  who  has  voiced  those 
principles.  His  life  work  in  upholding  the  cause  of  peace 
before  the  whole  world  at  its  commercial  center,  himself  long 
a  prominent  member  of  the  government  of  the  most  powerful 
nation  in  the  world,  his  noble  moral  character,  each  and  all 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  347 

contributed  to  extend  his  ceaseless  influence  world  wide.  He 
has  settled  forever,  both  in  Parliament  and  in  public  meetings 
all  over  the  kingdom,  that  peace  principles  can  be  effectively 
presented  and  agitated  with  great  success.  He  has  shown 
that,  under  the  influence  of  a  venal  and  warlike  press,  a  sense- 
less delirium  for  war  may  be  created,  which  subsides  after 
cruel  slaughter  and  havoc,  and  this  is  followed  by  sober  reason, 
repentance  and  sorrow;  that  there  have  been  no  wars  for 
centuries  which  in  the  end  have  been  by  wise  and  pure  men 
regarded  as  necessary  or  useful  to  mankind.  John  Bright 
and  his  coadjutors  did  more  to  advance  the  peace  cause  than 
had  been  done  for  centuries  in  all  lands  before  their  time. 

— AUGUSTINE  JONES,  Peace  Principles  in  Political 
Life  and  Institutions,  in  the  Reports  of  The 
American  Friends'  Peace  Conference,  p.  129. 

1915  will  mark  the  centenary  of  the  founding  of  the  first 
Peace  Society  the  world  ever  saw.  When  the  New  York 
merchant  David  Low  Dodge  established  this  first  Peace 
Society  he  made  membership  in  a  Christian  church  a  pre- 
requisite to  membership  in  his  society;  and  the  peace  move- 
ment in  America  and  England  has  been  essentially  a  Chris- 
tian movement  ever  since,  though  naturally,  except  at  the 
beginning,  it  has  made  no  such  condition  of  membership. 
Almost  invariably  the  Hebrews  the  world  over  are  counted 
among  the  friends  of  peace,  and  on  the  continent  of  Europe 
the  ablest  of  the  free-thinkers  are  often  found  to  be  ardent 
pacifists.  Following  the  leadership  of  David  Low  Dodge,  the 
noble  ancestor  of  illustrious  descendants,  and  in  the  same 
year,  the  Massachusetts  Peace  Society  was  started  in  Boston 
by  Noah  Worcester  and  William  Ellery  Channing.  In  these 
days  of  international  courts  and  conferences  which  seem  to 
novices  to  have  sprung  up  full-fledged  in  the  last  fifteen  years, 
it  is  well  for  students  to  turn  back  to  the  heroes  and  pioneers 


348   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

who  in  New  England  thought  out  the  methods  of  world 
organization  and  international  justice  before  the  present 
actors  in  the  world's  great  drama  were  born.  They  died 
before  they  saw  the  fruition  of  their  toil  and  tears  and  hopes ; 
but  the  statesmen  who  met  at  The  Hague  Conference  in  1899 
owed  their  success  largely  to  these  men,  who  had  in  the 
thirties  and  forties  marked  out  what  came  to  be  known  in 
Europe  as  the  "American  plan."  William  Ladd,  whose  work 
indeed  deserves  a  monument,  must  in  this  brief  survey  be 
passed  with  no  adequate  word  of  eulogy.  Charles  Sumner  was 
as  valiant  a  champion  of  peace  as  he  was  of  the  abolition  of 
slavery.  .  .  . 

Elihu  Burritt,  "the  learned  blacksmith,"  a  marvelous  self- 
made  scholar  with  the  heart  of  a  child,  brought  about  cheap 
ocean  postage  and,  working  untiringly  both  at  home  and  in 
Europe,  shared  with  his  great  contemporaries,  Cobden,  Bright, 
Eichard,  Victor  Hugo,  in  the  great  task  of  stirring  the  nations 
still  suffering  from  Napoleon's  exhausting  wars.  .  .  . 

To  Elihu  Burritt  more  than  to  any  other  was  due  the  success 
of  the  great  International  Peace  Congresses  in  Europe  in  the 
middle  of  the  last  century. 

— LUCIA  AMES  MEAD,  Swords  and  Ploughshares,  pp.  10-12. 

The  American  Peace  Society  held  its  first  meeting  and 
adopted  its  constitution  in  New  York  City  on  the  8th  of 
May,  1828,  seventy-nine  years  ago.  It  moved  its  headquarters 
to  Hartford,  Conn.,  in  1835,  where  it  stopped  until  1837.  It 
then  transferred  its  work  to  Boston,  where  it  remained  until 
1911  when  it  removed  to  Washington. 

The  Society  grew  out  of  the  movement  which  had  begun 
as  far  back  as  1809,  and  had  culminated  in  1815  in  the 
organizations  of  the  first  peace  societies. 

The  first  tract  put  forth  in  this  country  for  the  cause  of 
peace  was  written  in  1809  by  David  L.  Dodge,  a  merchant 


of  New  York  City,  grandfather  of  the  late  William  E.  Dodge. 
The  title  of  the  tract  was  "The  Mediator's  Kingdom  not  of 
this  world."  It  was  in  Mr.  Dodge's  parlor  that  the  New 
York  Peace  Society,  the  first  in  the  world,  was  organized  in 
August,  1815,  though  the  proposition  to  form  one  had  been 
put  forth  by  him  in  1812.  David  L.  Dodge  is  therefore 
rightly  entitled  to  be  called  "The  Father  of  the  Modern  Peace 
Movement."  .  .  . 

The  Ohio  Peace  Society  and  the  Massachusetts  Society 
were  organized  the  same  year.  These  societies  were  soon 
followed  by  others.  The  whole  Atlantic  seaboard  section  of 
the  country,  then  a  large  part  of  the  nation,  seemed  moved 
throughout,  as  by  a  common  impulse,  with  the  conviction  that 
the  moment  had  come  for  a  serious  united  effort  to  abolish 
war  and  to  establish  among  the  nations  in  its  place  a  system 
of  rational  pacific  adjustment  of  controversies.  A  similar 
movement  in  Great  Britain  originating  about  the  same  time 
ran  parallel  with  the  American  movement.  .  .  .  Back  of  the 
origin  of  the  American  Peace  Society  lay  thirteen  years  of 
difficult  pioneer  work,  led  by  David  L.  Dodge,  Noah  Wor- 
cester, William  E.  Channing,  William  Ladd,  Josiah  Quincy, 
Samuel  J.  May,  Henry  Holcombe,  and  others.  .  .  . 

The  founder  of  the  American  Peace  Society — the  man  who 
saw  most  clearly  the  ripeness  of  the  time  and  felt  the  necessity 
of  bringing  into  cooperation  all  the  scattered  forces  that  had 
begun  to  work  for  the  peace  of  the  world — was  William  Ladd. 
.  .  .  The  first  suggestion  of  a  national  peace  society,  a  union 
of  those  already  operating,  was  made  by  him  in  1826,  in  the 
society  of  Minot,  Me.,  which  he  had  founded. 

— PUBLISHED  BY  THE  AMERICAN  PEACE  SOCIETY. 


The  first  international  peace  congress  was  initiated  at  the 
headquarters  of  the  American  Peace  Society  in  Boston  during 


350   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

the  month  of  July,  1841,  and  held  in  London  in  1843,  with 
an  attendance  of  about  three  hundred  delegates.  Five  years 
later  Elihu  Burritt  was  able  to  bring  together  a  second  and 
more  representative  peace  congress  in  Brussels.  The  follow- 
ing year,  and  through  Burritt's  influence,  there  was  organized 
a  third  congress  in  Paris,  presided  over  by  Victor  Hugo,  with 
ever  2,000  delegates  in  attendance.  In  1850  Burritt  success- 
fully promoted  a  fourth  international  peace  congress  in 
Frankfort,  and  in  1851  a  fifth,  which  was  held  in  London. 
It  is  to  the  credit  of  his  time  that  Elihu  Burritt  was  recog- 
nized as  the  man  of  vision,  prophet,  and  seer.  .  .  . 

The  Interparliamentary  Union,  with  a  membership  of 
3,600  parliamentarians,  representing  twenty-two  nations,  in- 
cluding China,  Eussia,  and  Turkey,  was  first  mooted  by 
Messrs.  Fischoff  and  Richard  in  1875.  Plans  for  its  organiza- 
tion were  halted  by  the  Busso-Turkish  war,  but  through  the 
influence  of  William  Randal  Cremer,  a  preliminary  meeting 
of  parliamentarians  from  Great  Britain  and  France  was  held 
in  Paris  in  the  autumn  of  1888.  In  June,  1889,  the  organiza- 
tion was  perfected  at  Paris.  .  .  . 

The  first  resolution  passed  by  any  government  in  favor  of 
the  principle  of  arbitration  was  pushed  through  the  House 
of  Commons  in  1873  by  Henry  Richard,  who  for  forty  years 
was  secretary  of  the  London  Peace  Society  and  who  for  over 
twenty  years  was  a  member  of  the  English  Parliament.  In 
the  last  half  dozen  years  nearly  one  hundred  obligatory  arbi- 
tration treaties,  providing  that  certain  questions  must  and 
others  may  be  settled  by  arbitration,  have  been  passed  by  vari- 
ous nations  of  the  world.  The  United  States  has  been  a 
party  to  over  a  score  of  these.  .  .  .  Since  1875  the  number 
of  international  meetings  has  increased  greatly.  There  are 
to-day  approximately  five  hundred  international  organiza- 
tions. During  the  year  1912  there  were  approximately  one 
hundred  and  thirty  international  conferences.  And  more 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  351 

impressive,  perhaps,  than  any  of  these  international  confer- 
ences already  mentioned  have  been  the  Geneva  Tribunal, 
which  settled  the  Alabama  claims  in  1872 ;  the  Paris  Tribunal, 
which  settled  the  seals  controversy  in  1893,  and  the  Hague 
Tribunal,  which  settled  the  North  Atlantic  Coast  Fisheries 
dispute  with  Great  Britain,  lasting  through  three  generations, 
in  1910.  .  .  . 

The  American  Peace  Society,  founded  by  William  Ladd  in 
1828,  has  headquarters  at  Washington,  is  an  incorporated 
organization,  with  five  equipped  "Departments"  in  our  United 
States,  twenty-eight  "Constituent  Branch"  societies,  five 
"Section"  societies,  two  "Auxiliary"  branches,  and  six  other 
"Cooperating"  societies.  This  society  initiates  the  American 
peace  congresses,  attempts  to  cooperate  with  the  government, 
and  to  influence  legislation  in  behalf  of  arbitrations  and  in- 
ternational good  will.  It  maintains  a  lecture  bureau,  a 
library  of  peace  information,  and  distributes  tons  of  litera- 
ture to  writers,  speakers,  schools,  colleges,  and  libraries.  It 
is  organizing  new  peace  societies  as  speedily  as  possible ;  and 
it  issues  The  Advocate  of  Peace  monthly.  It  cooperates  in 
every  possible  way  with  such  effective  organizations  as  the 
International  Peace  Bureau  at  Berne,  the  Carnegie  Endow- 
ment for  International  Peace,  Associations  for  International 
Conciliation,  the  World  Peace  Foundation,  the  Corda  Fratres, 
and  the  Mohonk  Conferences. 

— ARTHUR  DEERIN  CALL,  The  Doom  of  War, 
Extracts  from  pp.  14-18. 


A  UNION  OF  THE  PEACE  PRESS 

Two  years  ago  I  put  forward  the  proposal  to  establish  an 
"International  Union  of  the  Peace  Press,"  which  would  have 
the  aim  of  making  the  Press  gradually  helpful  to  the  cause 
of  peace  and  mutual  understanding. 


352   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

My  chief  idea  was  that  there  are  already  in  various  coun- 
tries a  fairly  large  number  of  persons  and  journals  which 
do  their  best  to  promote  this  mutual  understanding: 

These  elements,  already  numerous,  but  scattered,  must  first 
be  united,  and  formed  into  an  organization  which  will  have 
the  name  of  the  "International  Union  of  the  Peace  Press" 
The  pacific  writers  who  already  exist  in  various  countries  will 
thus  be  organized. 

The  establishment  of  such  a  Union  will  be  a  great  ad- 
vantage in  itself.  It  will  have  an  influence  by  the  very  fact 
that  it  exists.  It  will  show  that  there  is  a  body  of  men, 
scattered  over  the  world,  who  are  working  through  the  Press 
for  peace.  It  will  bring  to  general  knowledge  the  contrast 
of  the  respectable  and  the  mischievous  Press,  and  so  have  a 
greater  influence  on  the  public  than  the  isolated  writers 
would  have. 

Such  an  organization,  which  could  easily  be  established, 
will: 

(1)  Become  a  center  of  crystallization,  gradually  attract- 
ing the  best  elements  out  of  the  Press  on  the  other  side. 

(2)  At  once  make  its  influence  felt  on  the  Press,  raising 
its  tone,  and  so  become  immediately  an  important  factor  in 
the  attainment  of  peace.  .  .  . 

We  must  not  overlook  the  sympathetic  disposition  we  may 
rely  on  finding  in  governments  as  well  as  peoples.  We  may 
see  that  governments  often  use  the  Press  as  a  trumpet,  and, 
directly,  or  indirectly,  foster  the  cry  of  war;  but  we  must 
not  forget  that  the  warlike  and  inflammatory  attitude  of  a 
section  of  the  Press  is  often  very  much  disliked  by  statesmen, 
who  are  more  and  more  disposed  publicly  to  condemn  such 
tactics.  It  is  true  that  all  statesmen  are  not  sufficiently  honor- 
able to  cry,  with  Winston  Churchill :  "God  preserve  us  from 
our  patriotic  Press!"  or,  like  the  late  English  Minister  of 
Public  Works,  Harcourt,  to  stigmatize  a  certain  class  of 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  353 

publicists  as  "the  pickpockets  of  politics  and  enemies  of  the 
human  race/' 

—ALFRED  H.  FRIED,  The  Press  as  an  Instrument  of 

Peace,  in  the  Papers  on  Inter-Racial  Problems, 

pp.  423,  424. 


LITERATURE   OF  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT 

In  discussing  for  the  general  American  public  the  litera- 
ture of  the  peace  movement,  and  in  commending  to  students 
the  best  books  to  read,  there  is  really  no  better  place  to  begin 
than  with  the  considerations  and  the  books  which  the  honored 
Bishop  of  Hereford,  the  ablest  and  most  influential  champion 
of  the  cause  among  English  churchmen,  commends  to  his 
English  friends.  It  would  be  hard  to  name  two  books  devoted 
to  the  peace  cause,  which  state  the  general  case  better  than 
Sumner's  "Addresses  on  War"  and  Channing's  "Discourses 
on  War,"  the  two  American  volumes  which  the  Bishop  of 
Hereford  refers  to  most  conspicuously.  Sumner's  addresses 
especially,  although  the  most  of  them  were  given  more  than 
half  a  century  ago,  remain  to-day  the  most  powerful  impeach- 
ment of  the  war  system,  the  most  persuasive  plea  for  inter- 
national justice,  and  the  most  impressive  history  of  the  peace 
movement,  which  we  have  in  equally  brief  compass. 

Channing's  "Discourses  on  War"  represent  the  highest 
position  which  has  been  taken  by  the  American  pulpit  in  this 
great  crusade,  and  there  is  nothing  which  the  ministers  and 
members  of  Christian  churches  can  more  profitably  read  as 
declaring  the  right  attitude  of  religious  men  concerning  peace 
and  war.  They  were  the  first  noteworthy  discourses  upon 
the  subject  in  our  pulpit;  and  they  have  a  further  historical 
interest  in  the  fact  that  it  was  in  Channing's  study  in  Boston, 
in  the  Christmas  week  of  1815,  that  the  Massachusetts  Peace 
Society  was  organized,  Channing  standing  side  by  side  with 


354   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Noah  Worcester  in  the  organization  in  its  early  years.  One 
of  the  addresses  included  in  the  Channing  volume  published 
in  the  International  Library  is  the  tribute  to  the  memory  of 
Worcester.  All  of  the  discourses  are  informed  by  the  clear 
and  resolute  thinking,  moral  fervor,  and  definite  application 
of  conscience  to  public  affairs  which  inspired  Channing's 
utterances  in  every  field  of  social  and  religious  life.  .  .  . 

One  can  never  forget  such  sermons  as  those  of  Theodore 
Parker,  such  essays  as  Bushnell's  on  "The  Growth  of  Law," 
or  such  addresses  as  that  by  Reuen  Thomas  (published  by 
the  American  Peace  Society)  upon  "The  War  System  in  the 
Light  of  Civilization  and  Religion."  The  Nestor  of  the 
peace  cause  in  America  in  this  latest  time  was  our  revered 
preacher  Edward  Everett  Hale,  and  the  students  of  the 
peace  movement  must  not  neglect  his  writings  and  general 
advice  in  behalf  of  arbitration  and  the  better  organization  of 
the  world.  I  think  it  was  he  who  first  said  that  the  time  was 
near  when  a  nation  which  had  a  Secretary  of  War  and  no 
Secretary  of  Peace  would  not  be  considered  fit  for  civilized 
society;  and  I  think  that  it  was  his  church  which  first  or- 
ganized a  department  of  international  justice  as  one  of  its 
regular  instrumentalities.  If  I  were  to  name  the  man  in  the 
American  pulpit  to-day  who  seems  to  me  the  Channing  of 
the  movement  with  us,  it  would  be  Charles  E.  Jefferson  of 
the  Broadway  Tabernacle  in  New  York.  The  learning,  pene- 
tration, sharp  exposure  of  fallacy,  prophetic  statesmanship, 
and  religious  uplift  of  his  pulpit  utterances  and  published 
papers  upon  peace  and  war  during  the  last  half  dozen  years 
have  been  noteworthy  indeed.  .  .  . 

Dodge's  "War  Inconsistent  with  the  Religion  of  Jesus 
Christ"  has  been  recently  republished,  with  a  biographical  in- 
troduction, in  the  International  Library;  and  Worcester's 
famous  old  pamphlet  of  1814,  "A  Solemn  Review  of  the 
Custom  of  War,"  which  had  an  immense  circulation  and 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  355 

exerted  a  profound  influence  in  its  day,  may  be  obtained  for 
a  few  cents  from  the  American  Peace  Society. 

These  two  famous  works  by  Dodge  and  Worcester  are  the 
early  classics  of  the  peace  movement  in  America;  and  while 
Dodge's  work  is  old-fashioned  in  its  style  and  method,  and 
both  works  lack  that  emphasis  upon  international  organiza- 
tion which  we  find  a  little  later  in  William  Ladd,  and  which 
finally  created  the  Hague  Conferences,  it  is  surprising  how 
modern  they  are  in  much,  and  how  complete  their  impeach- 
ment still  remains  of  the  folly,  waste,  and  wickedness  of  the 
war  system.  The  most  powerful  recent  impeachment  of  the 
system  upon  these  grounds  is  Eev.  Walter  Walsh's  "Moral 
Damage  of  War,"  an  impassioned  but  also  most  detailed  and 
definite  work,  first  called  out  in  Great  Britain  by  the  Boer 
War,  but  as  salutary  and  necessary  for  Americans  as  for 
Englishmen  to  read.  A  passionate  exposure  of  the  war 
system  of  a  quite  different  character,  but  equally  impressive, 
is  the  famous  story,  "Lay  Down  Your  Arms,"  by  the  Baroness 
von  Suttner. 

— EDWIN  D.  MEAD,  The  Literature  of  the  Peace  Movement. 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE   SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY;  THE 

SPIRIT  OF  CHRIST  PERMEATING  THE 

NATIONS 

Deeper  than  all  law  is  national  character,  of  which  law  is 
but  one  expression.  — CHAELES  R.  HENDEESON. 

THE  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  PEOPLE 

Modern  civilization  began,  not  so  much  when  printing  was 
invented,  as  when  its  full  power  became  felt  in  the  general 
education  of  the  common  people ;  not  so  much  when  feudalism 
gave  way  to  absolute  monarchy  as  when  absolute  monarchy 
was  replaced  by  constitutional  government;  not  so  much 
when  church  reform  began  in  Europe  as  when  universal 
principles  of  right  in  all  religions  began  to  be  recognized  the 
world  over;  not  so  much  when  gunpowder  began  to  displace 
the  spear  and  shield  as  when  the  higher  forces  of  justice  and 
public  opinion  began  to  displace  gunpowder  and  make  laws 
for  nations. 

Constitutional  government  is  simply  a  sign  of  public  senti- 
ment. That  is  its  vital  breath.  It  is  the  sentiment  of  a 
particular  people.  But  let  many  peoples  show  that  sentiment, 
each  for  itself,  and  sooner  or  later  there  naturally  follows  a 
general  sentiment  of  all  peoples  that,  as  all  governments  rest 
on  the  consent  of  the  people  and  exist  to  promote  the  good 
of  the  people,  so  the  relations  between  different  peoples  should 

356 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  357 

be  so  ordered  as  to  promote  the  general  good  of  each  of  them, 
and  of  each  of  them  alike. 

Kant,  in  the  eighteenth  century,  declared  that  there  could 
be  no  universal  peace  until  every  nation  had  adopted  republi- 
can institutions.  That  was  the  first  condition.  It  must  come 
to  remove  one  great  cause  for  war — the  promotion  of  indi- 
vidual or  dynastic  interests.  So  long  as  one  absolute  monarchy 
existed,  and  existed  in  a  nation  content  to  endure  it,  no  neigh- 
boring nation  could  feel  secure  without  ready  means  of  self- 
protection. 

We  of  the  twentieth  century  hardly  yet  realize  that  the 
condition  which  Kant  demanded  has  now  been  fulfilled. 
Every  civilized  power  has  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  adopted 
republican  institutions;  Russia,  Turkey,  China,  Persia,  even 
little  Montenegro,  have  one  after  another  identified  them- 
selves with  the  spirit  of  a  new  age.  Constitutional  govern- 
ment has  become  the  accepted  form.  The  world  has  begun 
to  feel  and  act  as  a  unit.  History  is  no  longer  to  be  pro- 
vincial. Europe  and  European  settlements  are  not  the  only 
social  forces  to  be  considered  when  the  historian  forecasts 
the  future  or  measures  the  past.  Men  feel  themselves,  as 
never  before,  citizens  of  the  world. 

— SIMEON  E.  BALDWIN,  The  New  Era  of  International 
Courts,  in  Judicial  Settlement  of  International 
Disputes,  p.  14. 

The  world  only  grows  better  because  people  wish  that  it 
should,  and  take  the  right  steps  to  make  it  better.  Evolution 
is  not  a  force  but  a  process ;  not  a  cause  but  a  law. 

— WILLIAM  E.  CHANNING. 


Mr.  T.  Baty,  the  writer  on  international  law,  has  said : 
Printing  and  the  locomotive  have  enormously  reduced  the 


358   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

importance  of  locality.  It  is  the  mental  atmosphere  of  its  fel- 
lows, and  not  of  its  neighborhood,  which  the  child  of  the 
younger  generation  is  beginning  to  breathe.  Whether  he  reads 
the  Revile  des  Deux  Mondes  or  Tit-Bits,  the  modern  citizen  is 
becoming  at  once  cosmopolitan  and  class-centered.  Let  the 
process  work  for  a  few  more  years;  we  shall  see  the  common 
interests  of  cosmopolitan  classes  revealing  themselves  as  far 
more  potent  factors  than  the  shadowy  common  interests  of 
the  subjects  of  States.  The  Argentine  merchant  and  the 
British  capitalist  alike  regard  the  Trades  Union  as  a  possible 
enemy — whether  British  or  Argentine  matters  to  them  less 
than  nothing.  The  Hamburg  docker  and  his  brother  of 
London  do  not  put  national  interests  before  the  primary 
claims  of  caste.  International  class  feeling  is  a  reality,  and 
not  even  a  nebulous  reality ;  the  nebula  has  developed  centers 
of  condensation.  When  it  is  once  recognized  that  the  real 
interests  of  modern  people  are  not  national,  but  social,  the 
results  may  be  surprising. 

As  Mr.  Baty  points  out,  this  tendency,  which  he  calls 
"stratification,"  extends  to  all  classes: 

It  is  impossible  to  ignore  the  significance  of  the  Inter- 
national Congresses,  not  only  of  Socialism,  but  of  pacifism, 
of  Esperantism,  of  feminism,  of  every  kind  of  art  and  science 
that  so  conspicuously  set  the  seal  upon  the  holiday  season. 
Nationality  as  a  limiting  force  is  breaking  down  before 
cosmopolitanism.  In  directing  its  forces  into  an  international 
channel,  Socialism  will  have  no  difficulty  whatever.  .  .  .  We 
are,  therefore,  confronted  with  a  coming  condition  of  affairs 
in  which  the  force  of  nationality  will  be  distinctly  inferior  to 
the  force  of  class-cohesion,  and  in  which  classes  will  be  in- 
ternationally organized  so  as  to  wield  their  force  with  effect. 
The  prospect  induces  some  curious  reflections. 

— NORMAN  ANGELL,  The  Great  Illusion,  Extracts  from 
pp.  291-329.  (G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  Publishers.) 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  359 

Peace  is  a  fundamental  necessity  for  social  reform. 

— HON.  LADY  BARLOW. 


The  real  hindrance  to  every  reform  movement  and  philan- 
thropic undertaking  lies  not  in  the  ignorance  or  viciousness 
of  the  people,  but  in  the  active  and  intelligent  opposition  of 
those  who  derive  profit  from  wrong  or  inhumanity. 

— WALTER  RAUSCHENBUSCH. 

The  truth  is,  the  democracy,  with  its  doctrine  of  equality, 
belongs  in  the  realm  of  ideal  things,  or,  to  put  it  very  plainly, 
of  religion.  If  we  did  not  believe  that  this  is  a  Divine  uni- 
verse; if  we  had  no  faith  in  the  ideal  justice  and  in  the 
supreme  life  of  God  to  whom  all  belong;  if  we  had  not  the 
aspirations  and  hopes  that  especially  belong  to  religion ;  if  we 
were  reduced  to  the  conception  of  a  mere  physical,  material 
world — we  should  neither  have  any  rational  ground  to  advo- 
cate our  American  democracy,  nor  any  heart  to  be  willing  to 
live  and  die  for  it.  Democracy  and  religion  march  together 
to  victory,  or  else  they  must  go  to  the  land  of  dreams. 

The  true  democracy  is  not  here  now.  It  is  the  government 
that  ought  to  be.  It  is  the  ideal  state,  where  no  longer  each 
shall  ask,  when  he  votes,  What  is  my  own  selfish  interest? 
but  each  shall  honestly  vote  for  the  welfare  of  all.  The  ideal 
is  of  a  multitude  of  friendly  men,  not  merely  eager,  as  now, 
to  obtain  their  individual  rights,  but  in  earnest  also  to  per- 
form their  fair  share  of  duties.  The  democracy  presupposes 
men  of  manly  stature  and  character;  it  educates  men.  It 
could  not  have  been  in  an  era  of  barbarism,  egotism,  greed, 
selfishness.  It  did  not  begin  to  be  possible  till  at  least  some 
men  of  the  order  of  the  idealists,  the  men  of  humanity  and 
religion,  appeared. 

The  time-honored  prayer  says,  "Thy  kingdom  come."  This 


360   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

does  not  mean  that  any  one  to-day  expects  a  miraculous 
arrangement  of  human  society,  ushered  in  by  angels.  It 
means  rather  that  we  have  the  vision  of  a  society  which  we 
are  set  here  to  bring  about.  We  are  spelling  out  the  laws 
which  will  effect  this  as  fast  as  they  are  obeyed.  When  we 
repeat  the  words  of  the  prayer,  we  speak  our  purpose  to  make 
the  ideal  thing  real. 

— CHARLES  F.  DOLE,  The  Coming  People, 
Extract  from  pp.  132-134. 

Notwithstanding  all  present  opposition,  the  United  States 
will  not  fail.  She  will  heed  the  summons  to  the  lofty  mission 
of  peace.  The  blare  of  the  bugles  and  the  beating  of  the 
drum  will  give  way  to  the  song  of  the  angels ;  and  the  brother- 
hood of  man,  which  means  peace  between  the  nations,  will 
find  its  loftiest  expression  in  the  unfoldings  of  our  history. 
There  are  three  great  forces  in  our  civilization,  each  of  which, 
more  potent  here  than  elsewhere  in  the  world,  voices  for 
international  peace;  and  government  of  and  by  the  people 
will  heed  those  voices. 

First,  the  business  interests.  Nowhere  are  there  more 
varied  and  larger  business  enterprises  carried  on  than  in 
the  United  States.  Our  merchants  sweep  the  entire  horizon 
of  the  world  in  their  pursuit  of  business.  Our  manufacturing 
industries,  some  of  them  gigantic  in  extent,  search  the 
whole  realm  of  industry  in  the  furtherance  of  their  work. 
The  inventor  and  the  mechanical  engineer  are  ever  busy 
devising  new  methods  of  toil,  new  machines,  for  accomplish- 
ing more  and  better  work.  Over  one  million  patents  for 
new  and  useful  inventions  have  been  issued  from  the  Patent 
Office  at  Washington.  The  means  of  locomotion  and  the 
facilities  for  communication  are  extending  in  every  direction. 
We  have  more  miles  of  railroad  than  any  other  nation  in  the 
world  and  almost  as  many  as  all  other  nations  put  together. 


361 

Mountains  are  no  barrier;  rivers  do  not  stay  their  course. 
Now  all  these  interests  look  askance  at  the  prospect  of  war. 
They  dread  the  destruction  of  property  and  business.  They 
hate  to  see  the  efforts  of  the  brainy  turned  away  from  the 
furtherance  of  these  interests  into  devising  additional  means 
of  killing  and  sowing  the  land  with  the  seeds  of  destruction. 
When  Mr.  Carnegie  said  that  if  any  controversy  arose  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  it  could  be  in- 
trusted to  the  merchants  of  London  and  New  York,  who 
would  settle  it  peacefully  and  with  honor  to  both  nations,  he 
expressed  the  longing  and  faith  of  all  business  interests  and 
may  be  looked  upon  as  seer  and  prophet. 

Second,  the  laborers.  The  great  mass  of  the  American 
people  are  toilers,  and  their  votes  determine  the  policy  of  the 
government,  for  it  is  a  government  of  and  by  the  people.  In 
England  the  labor  party  pressed  upon  the  government  the 
consideration  of  a  limitation  of  armament,  and  the  govern- 
ment, obedient  thereto,  dared  not  withhold  presenting  the 
matter  to  the  second  Hague  Conference.  Mr.  Keir  Hardie, 
the  leader  of  that  party  in  Parliament,  in  an  address  in  this 
country  declared  that  the  laborers  of  the  world  were  all 
opposed  to  war  and  demanded  that  all  difficulties  between 
nations  should  be  settled  by  arbitration.  The  toilers  see  that 
war  means  the  waste  and  destruction  of  property.  They 
know  that  it  takes  life,  th*at  the  army  is  drawn  from  their 
numbers,  and  that  their  homes  are  drained  to  fill  the  ceme- 
teries of  the  battlefield.  They  also  realize  full  well  that  the 
cost  of  armies  and  of  war  is  enormous,  that  that  cost  is  made 
good  by  taxes,  and  they  are  beginning  to  appreciate  more  and 
more  the  fact  that  they  pay  the  bulk  of  the  taxes.  They  see 
the  great  nations  of  the  Old  World  piling  up  from  year  to 
year  and  from  decade  to  decade  an  ever-increasing  burden 
of  debt,  and  they  also  perceive  that  this  country,  which  dur- 
ing thirty  years  had  paid  off  two  thirds  of  the  debt  created 


362   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

by  the  Civil  War,  has  since  then  for  military  armament  and 
naval  display  not  only  ceased  to  reduce,  but  has  practically 
ceased  all  efforts  at  reduction.  They  are  weighing  the  earnest 
words  of  Secretary  Root  when,  appealing  to  the  South  Ameri- 
can states  for  a  closer  union,  he  declared : 

"Let  us  pledge  ourselves  to  aid  one  another  in  the  full 
performance  of  the  duty  to  humanity  which  that  accepted 
declaration  implies,  so  that  in  time  the  weakest  and  most 
unfortunate  of  our  republics  may  come  to  march  with  equal 
step  by  the  side  of  the  stronger  and  more  fortunate.  Let 
us  help  one  another  to  show  that  for  all  the  races  of  men  the 
liberty  for  which  we  have  fought  and  labored  is  the  twin 
sister  of  justice  and  peace.  Let  us  unite  in  creating  and 
maintaining  and  making  effective  an  all-American  public 
opinion,  whose  power  shall  influence  international  conduct 
and  prevent  international  wrong,  and  narrow  the  causes  of 
war,  and  forever  preserve  our  free  lands  from  the  burdens  of 
such  armaments  as  are  massed  behind  the  frontiers  of  Europe, 
and  bring  us  ever  nearer  to  the  perfection  of  ordered  liberty. 
So  shall  come  security  and  prosperity,  production  and  trade, 
wealth,  learning,  the  arts,  and  happiness  for  all." 

Third,  woman.  I  am  not  now  speaking  as  champion  or 
prophet  of  female  suffrage.  I  note  only  the  fact  that  the  last 
half  century  has  changed  her  position.  She  is  no  longer  a 
purely  home  body,  but  has  entered  largely  into  public  life. 
Whether  voting  or  not,  she  has  become  an  active  and  vigorous 
force  in  the  national  life.  Her  patriotism  is  as  certain  and 
as  strong  as  that  of  her  brother,  and  whenever  the  need  comes, 
although  she  may  not  shoulder  the  musket  or  draw  the  sword, 
she  does  all  that  is  possible  to  ameliorate  the  hardships  of 
war.  The  Red  Cross  is  her  work  and  her  glory,  and  the  noble 
bands  of  women  who  are  giving  their  time  and  strength  to 
increasing  its  efficiency  and  extending  the  reach  of  its  influ- 
ence are  among  the  heroines  of  the  nation.  But  while  all 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  363 

this  is  true,  you  need  no  assurance  that  her  voice  is  and 
always  will  be  potent  for  peace.  No  mother  nurses  her  baby 
boy  and  rears  him  to  manhood  without  dread  that  his  life 
may  in  its  prime  be  cut  off  by  the  merciless  bullet.  She  looks 
forward  to  old  age  in  the  hope  and  faith  that  that  boy,  in 
the  vigor  and  strength  of  manhood,  will  be  her  comfort,  sup- 
port, and  glory.  There  never  was  a  time  since  the  beginning 
of  days  that  woman  longed  for  bloodshed  or  the  carnage  of 
war,  and  the  more  fully  she  realizes  its  waste  and  destruction 
the  more  earnest  will  become  her  opposition. 

These  are  three  great  forces  in  the  life  of  this  nation ;  and 
as  they  unite  in  the  effort  for  arbitration  and  international 
peace,  they  will  compel  the  public  men  of  the  day  to  heed 
their  demands. 

I  believe  in  the  promises  of  Scripture,  that  His  word  shall 
not  return  unto  Him  void,  but  shall  accomplish  that  which 
He  pleases  and  shall  prosper  in  the  thing  whereto  He  hath 
sent  it;  that  the  time  will  come  when  the  swords  shall  be 
beaten  into  plowshares  and  the  spears  into  pruning  hooks, 
and  when  men  shall  learn  war  no  more  forever. 

With  the  eye  of  faith  I  see  unrolled  on  the  canvas  of  the 
future  a  glorious  picture,  in  which  shall  be  seen  every  laborer 
dwelling  beneath  his  own  vine  and  fig  tree,  receiving  ever  a 
living  wage  for  his  toil,  every  merchant  and  manufacturer 
pursuing  his  business  and  his  industry  without  a  thought  of 
interruption  by  the  ravages  of  war,  and  men  of  science  and 
wealth  combining  in  the  achievement  of  more  and  more 
gigantic  results,  adding  not  merely  to  the  necessities,  but  also 
to  the  comforts  and  luxuries  of  life,  taking  possession  of  land 
and  water  and  air,  and  all  the  forces  to  be  found  in  them, 
and  making  them  minister  to  human  life.  In  the  foreground 
will  be  seen  that  highest  type  of  womanhood,  the  Madonna, 
and  across  her  bosom  will  be  these  words:  "Mary  hath  kept 
all  these  things,  and  hath  pondered  them  in  her  heart"; 


364 

while  underneath  will  shine  in  letters  of  fadeless  light,  "The 
United  States  of  America  has  fulfilled  its  mission." 

— JUSTICE  DAVID  J.  BREWER,  The  Mission  of  the 
United  States  in  the  Cause  of  Peace. 

Whenever  the  women  of  the  world  really  make  up  their 
minds  to  put  a  period  to  war,  they  can  do  it. 

— JOHN  RUSKIN. 

The  law  haa  grown  by  development  through  the  influence 
of  the  opinion  of  society  guided  by  its  skilled  advisers.  But 
the  law  forms  only  a  small  part  of  the  system  of  rules  by 
which  the  conduct  of  the  citizens  of  a  state  is  regulated.  Law, 
properly  so  called,  whether  civil  or  criminal,  means  essen- 
tially those  rules  of  conduct  which  are  expressly  and  publicly 
laid  down  by  the  sovereign  will  of  the  state,  and  are  enforced 
by  the  sanction  of  compulsion.  Law,  however,  imports  some- 
thing more  than  this.  As  I  have  always  remarked,  its  full 
significance  cannot  be  understood  apart  from  the  history 
and  spirit  of  the  nation  whose  law  it  is.  Moreover  it  has  a 
real  relation  to  the  obligations  even  of  conscience,  as  well  as 
to  something  else  which  I  shall  presently  refer  to  as  the 
General  Will  of  Society.  .  .  . 

Besides  the  rules  and  sanctions  which  belong  to  law  and 
legality,  there  are  other  rules,  with  a  different  kind  of  sanc- 
tion, which  also  influence  conduct.  I  have  spoken  of  con- 
science, and  conscience,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word,  has 
its  own  court.  But  the  tribunal  of  conscience  is  a  private  one, 
and  its  jurisdiction  is  limited  to  the  individual  whose  con- 
science it  is.  The  moral  rules  enjoined  by  the  private  con- 
science may  be  the  very  highest  of  all.  But  they  are  enforced 
only  by  an  inward  and  private  tribunal.  .  .  . 

The  field  of  daily  conduct  is  covered,  in  the  case  of  the 
citizen,  only  to  a  small  extent  by  law  and  legality  on  the  one 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  365 

hand,  and  by  the  dictates  of  the  individual  conscience  on  the 
other.  There  is  a  more  extensive  system  of  guidance  which 
regulates  conduct  and  which  differs  from  both  in  its  character 
and  sanction.  It  applies,  like  law,  to  all  members  of  a 
society  alike,  without  distinction  of  persons.  It  resembles 
the  morality  of  conscience  in  that  it  is  enforced  by  no  legal 
compulsion.  In  the  English  language  we  have  no  name  for 
it,  and  that  is  unfortunate,  for  the  lack  of  a  distinctive  name 
has  occasioned  confusion  both  of  thought  and  of  expression. 
German  writers  have,  however,  marked  out  the  system  to 
which  I  refer  and  have  given  it  the  name  of  "Sittlich- 
keit."  .  .  . 

"Sitte"  is  the  German  for  custom,  and  "Sittlichkeit"  im- 
plies custom  and  a  habit  of  mind  and  action.  It  also  implies 
a  little  more.  Fichte  defines  it  in  words  which  are  worth 
quoting,  and  which  I  will  put  into  English :  "What,  to  begin 
with,"  he  says,  "does  'Sitte'  signify,  and  in  what  sense  do 
we  use  the  word?  It  means  for  us,  and  means  in  every 
accurate  reference  we  make  to  it,  those  principles  of  conduct 
which  regulate  people  in  their  relations  to  each  other,  and 
which  have  become  matter  of  habit  and  second  nature  at  the 
stage  of  culture  reached,  and  of  which,  therefore,  we  are  not 
explicitly  conscious."  .  .  . 

The  system  of  ethical  habit  in  a  community  is  of  a  dominat- 
ing character,  for  the  decision  and  influence  of  the  whole 
community  is  embodied  in  that  social  habit.  Because  such 
conduct  is  systematic  and  covers  the  whole  field  of  society, 
the  individual  will  is  closely  related  by  it  to  the  will  and 
spirit  of  the  community.  And  out  of  this  relation  arises  the 
power  of  adequately  controlling  the  conduct  of  the  indi- 
vidual. If  this  power  fails  or  becomes  weak  the  community 
degenerates  and  may  fall  to  pieces.  Different  nations  excel 
in  their  "Sittlichkeit"  in  different  fashions.  The  spirit  of 
the  community  and  its  ideals  may  vary  greatly.  There  may 


366   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

be  a  low  level  of  "Sittlichkeit"  and  we  have  the  spectacle 
of  nations  which  have  even  degenerated  in  this  respect.  It 
may  possibly  conflict  with  law  and  morality,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  duel.  But  when  its  level  is  high  in  a  nation  we 
admire  the  system,  for  we  see  it  not  only  guiding  a  people 
and  binding  them  together  for  national  effort,  but  affording 
the  greatest  freedom  of  thought  and  action  for  those  who 
in  daily  life  habitually  act  in  harmony  with  the  General 
Will.  .  .  . 

The  development  of  many  of  our  social  institutions,  of  our 
hospitals,  of  our  universities,  and  of  other  establishments  of 
the  kind,  shows  the  extent  to  which  it  reaches  and  is  powerful. 
But  it  has  yet  higher  forms  in  which  it  approaches  very 
nearly  to  the  level  of  the  obligation  of  conscience,  although 
it  is  distinct  from  that  form  of  obligation.  I  will  try  to  make 
clear  what  I  mean  by  illustrations.  A  man  may  be  impelled 
to  action  of  a  high  order  by  his  sense  of  unity  with  the  society 
to  which  he  belongs,  action  of  which,  from  the  civic  stand- 
point, all  approve.  "What  he  does  in  such  a  case  is  natural 
to  him,  and  is  done  without  thought  of  reward  or  punish- 
ment; but  it  has  reference  to  standards  of  conduct  set  up 
by  society  and  accepted  just  because  society  has  set  them  up. 
There  is  a  poem  by  the  late  Sir  Alfred  Lyall  which  exempli- 
fies the  high  level  that  may  be  reached  in  such  conduct.  The 
poem  is  called  Theology  in  Extremis,  and  it  describes  the 
feelings  of  an  Englishman  who  has  been  taken  prisoner  by 
Mahometan  rebels  in  the  Indian  Mutiny.  He  is  face  to  face 
with  a  cruel  death.  They  offer  him  his  life  if  he  will  repeat 
something  from  the  Koran.  If  he  complies,  no  one  is  likely 
ever  to  hear  of  it,  and  he  will  be  free  to  return  to  England 
and  to  the  woman  he  loves.  Moreover,  and  here  is  the  real 
point,  he  is  not  a  believer  in  Christianity,  so  that  it  is  no 
question  of  denying  his  Saviour.  What  ought  he  to  do? 
Deliverance  is  easy,  and  relief  and  advantage  would  be  un- 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  367 

speakably  great.  But  he  does  not  really  hesitate,  and  every 
shadow  of  doubt  disappears  when  he  hears  his  fellow-prisoner, 
a  half-caste,  pattering  eagerly  the  words  demanded.  He 
himself  has  no  hope  of  heaven  and  he  loves  life — 

"Yet  for  the  honor  of  English  race 
May  I  not  live  or  endure  disgrace." 

I  will  take  another  example,  this  time  from  the  literature 
of  ancient  Greece. 

In  one  of  the  shortest  but  not  least  impressive  of  his  Dia- 
logues, the  "Crito,"  Plato  tells  us  of  the  character  of  Socrates, 
not  as  a  philosopher,  but  as  a  good  citizen.  He  has  been 
unjustly  condemned  by  the  Athenians  as  an  enemy  to  the 
good  of  the  state.  Crito  comes  to  him  in  prison  to  persuade 
him  to  escape.  He  urges  on  him  many  arguments,  his  duty 
to  his  children  included.  But  Socrates  refuses.  He  chooses 
to  follow,  not  what  anyone  in  the  crowd  might  do,  but  the 
example  which  the  ideal  citizen  might  set.  It  would  be  a 
breach  of  his  duty  to  fly  from  the  judgment  duly  passed  in 
the  Athens  to  which  he  belongs,  even  though  he  thinks  the 
decrees  should  have  been  different.  For  it  is  the  decree  of 
the  established  justice  of  his  City  State.  He  will  not  "play 
truant."  .  .  . 

Why  do  men  of  this  stamp  act  so,  it  may  be  when  leading 
the  battle  line,  it  may  be  at  critical  moments  of  quite  other 
kinds?  It  is,  I  think,  because  they  are  more  than  mere 
individuals.  Individual  they  are,  but  completely  real,  even 
as  individual,  only  in  their  relation  to  organic  and  social 
wholes  in  which  they  are  members,  such  as  the  family,  the 
city,  the  state.  There  is  in  every  truly  organized  community 
a  Common  Will  which  is  willed  by  those  who  compose  that 
community,  and  who  in  so  willing  are  more  than  isolated  men 
and  women.  It  is  not,  indeed,  as  unrelated  atoms  that  they 
have  lived.  They  have  grown,  from  the  receptive  days  of 


368 

childhood  up  to  maturity,  in  an  atmosphere  of  example  and 
general  custom,  and  their  lives  have  widened  out  from  one 
little  world  to  other  and  higher  worlds,  so  that,  through 
occupying  successive  stations  in  life,  they  more  and  more 
come  to  make  their  own  the  life  of  the  social  whole  in  which 
they  move  and  have  their  being.  They  cannot  mark  off  or 
define  their  own  individualities  without  reference  to  the 
individualities  of  others.  And  so  they  unconsciously  find 
themselves  as  in  truth  pulse-beats  of  the  whole  system.  It 
is  real  to  them  and  they  in  it.  They  are  real  only  because 
they  are  social.  The  notion  that  the  individual  is  the  highest 
form  of  reality,  and  that  the  relationship  of  individuals  is 
one  of  mere  contract,  the  notion  of  Hobbes  and  of  Bentham 
and  of  Austin,  turns  out  to  be  quite  inadequate.  .  .  . 

In  willing  the  General  Will  we  not  only  realize  our  true 
selves  but  we  may  rise  above  our  ordinary  habit  of  mind. 
We  may  reach  heights  which  we  could  not  reach,  or  which 
at  all  events  most  of  us  could  not  reach,  in  isolation.  There 
are  few  observers  who  have  not  been  impressed  with  the 
wonderful  unity  and  concentration  of  purpose  which  an 
entire  nation  may  display — above  all,  in  a  period  of  crisis. 
We  see  it  in  time  of  war,  when  a  nation  is  fighting  for  its 
life  or  for  a  great  cause.  We  have  seen  it  in  Japan,  and 
we  have  seen  it  still  more  recently  among  the  peoples  of  the 
Balkan  Peninsula.  We  have  marveled  at  the  illustrations 
with  which  the  story  abounds  of  the  General  Will  rising  to 
heights  of  which  but  few  of  the  individual  citizens  in  whom 
it  is  embodied  have  ever  before  been  conscious  even  in  their 
dreams.  ... 

Thus  we  find  within  the  single  state  the  evidence  of  a 
sanction  which  is  less  than  legal  but  more  than  merely  moral, 
and  which  is  sufficient,  in  the  vast  majority  of  the  events  of 
daily  life,  to  secure  observance  of  general  standards  of  con- 
duct without  any  question  of  resort  to  force.  If  this  is  so 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  369 

within  a  nation,  can  it  be  so  as  between  nations?  That 
brings  me  at  once  to  my  third  point.  Can  nations  form  a 
group  or  community  among  themselves  within  which  a  habit 
of  looking  to  common  ideals  may  grow  up  sufficiently  strong 
to  develop  a  General  Will,  and  to  make  the  binding  power  of 
these  ideals  a  reliable  sanction  for  their  obligations  to  each 
other  ? 

There  is,  I  think,  nothing  in  the  real  nature  of  nationality 
that  precludes  such  a  possibility.  A  famous  student  of 
history  has  bequeathed  to  us  a  definition  of  nationality  which 
is  worth  attention;  I  refer  to  Ernst  Eenan,  of  whom  George 
Meredith  once  said  to  me,  while  the  great  French  critic  was 
still  living,  that  there  was  more  in  his  head  than  in  any 
other  head  in  Europe.  Eenan  tells  us  that,  "Man  is  enslaved 
neither  by  his  race,  nor  by  his  language,  nor  by  his  religion, 
nor  by  the  course  of  rivers,  nor  by  the  direction  of  mountain 
ranges.  A  great  aggregation  of  men,  sane  of  mind  and  warm 
of  heart,  creates  a  moral  consciousness  which  is  called  a 
nation."  Another  acute  critic  of  life,  Matthew  Arnold,  citing 
one  still  greater  than  himself,  draws  what  is  in  effect  a 
deduction  from  the  same  proposition.  "Let  us,"  he  says, 
"conceive  of  the  whole  group  of  civilized  nations  as  being, 
for  intellectual  and  spiritual  purposes,  one  great  confedera- 
tion, bound  to  a  joint  action  and  working  toward  a  common 
result;  a  confederation  whose  members  have  a  due  knowledge 
both  of  the  past,  out  of  which  they  all  proceed,  and  of  each 
other.  This  was  the  ideal  of  Goethe,  and  it  is  an  ideal  which 
will  impose  itself  upon  the  thoughts  of  our  modem  societies 
more  and  more." 

But  while  I  admire  the  faith  of  Eenan  and  Arnold  and 
Goethe  in  what  they  all  three  believed  to  be  the  future  of 
humanity,  there  is  a  long  road  yet  to  be  traveled  before  what 
they  hoped  for  can  be  fully  accomplished.  Grotius  concludes 
his  great  book  on  War  and  Peace  with  a  noble  prayer :  "May 


370      SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

God  write,"  he  said,  "these  lessons — He  who  alone  can — on 
the  hearts  of  all  those  who  have  affairs  of  Christendom  in 
their  hands.  And  may  He  give  to  those  persons  a  mind  fitted 
to  understand  and  to  respect  rights,  human  and  divine,  and 
lead  them  to  recollect  always  that  the  ministration  com- 
mitted to  them  is  no  less  than  this,  that  they  are  the  Gov- 
ernors of  Man,  a  creature  most  dear  to  God." 

— VISCOUNT  HALDANE,  Higher  Nationality,  Extracts 
from  pp.  12-14,  in  Documents  of  The  American 
Association  for  International  Conciliation,  1913. 

THE  SOCIAL  LIFE  OF  THE  NATIONS 

The  test  of  national  greatness  in  the  past  has  always  been 
the  capacity  to  make  all  other  nations  bring  tribute.  That 
has  been  the  greatest  nation  which  could  take  the  most  from 
other  nations,  which  could  steal  the  most,  conquer  the  most, 
destroy  the  most  men  or  cities,  subdue  other  nations  under 
her  feet.  .  .  . 

But  all  this  has  changed.  The  great  men  of  to-day  are  not 
the  Napoleons  but  the  Pasteurs.  We  honor  the  men  who  save 
life — not  those  who  destroy  it.  The  great  man  is  not  he  who 
gets  the  most,  but  he  who  gives  the  most.  We  determine  a 
man's  genius  even,  not  by  his  ability  to  acquire  a  vast  fortune, 
but  by  his  ability  to  use  it  where  it  will  most  forward  human 
evolution.  The  great  man  to-day  is  he  who  renders  most 
service  to  humanity ;  who  considers  himself  steward  of  what- 
ever trusts  God  may  have  given  him;  who,  in  his  greatness, 
befriends  the  weak  and  helpless ;  whose  heart  is  set  on  duties 
rather  than  on  rights. 

The  question  is  whether  this  is  not  to  be  the  test  of  a 
nation's  greatness  in  the  twentieth  century.  Is  not  that 
nation  to  be  greatest  which  can  forget  its  self-interest  occa- 
sionally and  go  out;  which  can  be  the  friend  and  helper  of 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  371 

the  weaker  nations;  which  can  demand  that  justice  be  done 
in  the  world;  which  can  have  the  sense  of  mission,  of  being 
sent  to  seek  not  its  own  only,  but  to  bless  others;  which  can 
learn  that  it  is  giving  which  makes  a  nation  great,  as  it  is 
giving  and  serving  which  makes  men  noble?  There  are 
already  signs  of  a  tendency  to  bring  nations  up  to  the  same 
test  as  that  which  we  now  apply  to  men.  .  .  . 

But  how  is  it  with  our  own  country?  Is  she  leading  in 
this  regard  ?  Is  she  "going  out"  more  than  any  other  nation, 
to  befriend  and  bless — to  serve  and  develop  other  lands?  Is 
she  learning  to  put  aside  that  national  greed  and  stealing, 
which,  until  very  recently,  even  our  churches  have  praised 
and  blessed,  and  even  sink  her  own  rights  for  the  sake  of 
lifting  other  nations  up  and  securing  welfare  for  them  ?  Per- 
haps this  is  to  be  the  ultimate  test  of  national  greatness  in 
the  twentieth  century  as  it  is  already  the  final  test  of  human 
nobleness.  Let  us  be  glad  that  we  can  say,  up  to  the  present 
time,  that  the  United  States  has  led  in  this  high  test  of 
greatness.  .  .  . 

Think  of  it !  The  President  of  the  United  States  declaring 
to  the  world  that  this  nation  does  not  intend  to  steal  any 
one's  land  and  that  her  chief  duty  is  to  help  those  nations 
that  cannot  help  themselves!  Who  ever  heard  of  such  a  thing 
of  a  nation  before !  Of  a  man,  yes — of  all  gentlemen.  It  is 
what  makes  men  great.  But  of  a  nation,  no.  Yet  we  believe 
that  the  accomplishment  of  President  Taft's  high  ideal  is  to 
be  the  nation's  future  claim  for  greatness.  We  believe  that 
he  echoed  the  thought  of  the  people  and  we  are  glad.  This 
country  is  on  the  way  to  greatness  as  thus  she  goes  out  to  her 
sister  republics. 

— FREDERICK  LYNCH,  What  Makes  a  Nation  Great, 
Extracts  from  pp.  79-85. 

We  have  seen  that  the  happy  life  is  the  social  life.    The 


372   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

fullness  and  joy  of  life  depend  upon  the  largeness  of  the 
flow  of  the  circulation  of  active  good-will  between  a  man 
and  his  fellows;  it  follows  that  there  is  an  endless  process 
of  adjustment  between  the  members  of  each  little  society — a 
family,  a  neighborhood,  a  club,  a  labor  union — with  a  press- 
ing urgency  upon,  and  within,  each  individual  so  to  relate 
himself  to  all  the  others  as  to  make  this  circulation  free  in 
every  direction.  Whenever  misunderstanding  or  selfishness 
impedes  the  flow,  discontent  (or  dis-ease)  appears.  When- 
ever the  adjustment  is  true,  happiness  prevails. 

Now,  this  same  deep  law  holds  in  the  larger  relations  of 
men,  as  they  form  groups  or  states  or  nations,  with  innumer- 
able contacts  upon  one  another.  No  group  can  long  be 
happy  or  largely  successful  alone,  unless  the  other  groups 
are  flourishing.  .  .  .  All  states  are  linked  together;  all  races 
meet;  all  religions  stand  out  in  the  open  for  comparison. 
The  happiness  of  each  nation,  its  prosperity,  the  success  of 
its  institutions,  is  bound  up  with  the  welfare,  the  prosperity, 
the  quality  of  the  government,  and  the  civilization  of  every 
other  nation.  One  law  holds  us  all.  The  life  of  the  whole 
world  consists  of  the  flow  of  the  active  and  intelligent  good- 
will of  each  and  all  peoples,  penetrating  into  every  relation 
of  their  business  and  their  mutual  intercourse.  Where  dis- 
tinct "classes"  exist  with  jealousy  and  pride  between  them, 
or  when  neighboring  peoples  quarrel  (and  all  peoples  are 
now  neighbors),  the  welfare  of  every  little  child,  whether  in 
Oregon  or  London,  is  menaced.  A  flame  set  anywhere  in  this 
modern  world  may  grow  to  a  conflagration.  A  strike  in 
Australia  is  at  once  a  tax  upon  the  labor  of  all  men.  We 
have  seen  a  war  of  little  Balkan  nations  cause  an  increase  of 
unemployment  upon  the  streets  of  New  York.  Every  seem- 
ing success  or  fortune,  built  out  of  justice  or  even  out  of  the 
failure  to  render  a  social  equivalent  in  service,  is  already  in 
unstable  equilibrium.  .  .  .  The  world  is  finding  out,  and 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  373 

publishing,  another  rather  surprising  discovery.  We  have 
long  been  hypnotized  to  suppose  that  armies  and  navies  exist 
for  the  protection  of  the  people  who  have  to  furnish  the 
soldiers  and  to  pay  the  immense  taxes  required  by  the  mili- 
tary system.  We  had  supposed  that  our  neighbors  were  our 
enemies.  We  are  learning  that  the  other  nations  are  just  like 
ourselves.  They  have  no  real  reason  to  hate  us,  as  we  have 
none  to  hate  them.  They  may  be  as  shy  of  us  as  we  are  shy  of 
them,  but  they  do  not  wish  to  attack  us  or  do  us  any  harm. 
They  like  to  be  friends  with  us  and  to  trade  with  us,  as  we 
enjoy  thinking  of  them  as  our  friends.  Only  the  few  in  any 
nation  are  responsible  for  the  existence  of  suspicion  or  enmity. 
They  are  mostly  those  who  belong  to  the  military  profession, 
or  who  have  guns  and  ships  to  build.  To  stir  up  suspicion 
seems  to  be  a  matter  of  business  with  them.  They  publish 
alarms  about  the  dangers  of  war,  which  they  themselves 
invent  and  manufacture.  My  point  is,  that  generally  the 
masses  of  the  population  of  the  great  nations  of  the  world 
are  all  the  time  coming  nearer  to  a  common  sympathy,  to  a 
mutual  understanding,  to  a  freedom  from  race  prejudice,  to 
a  sense  of  the  gigantic  oppression  which  the  war  system 
compels  us  all  to  suffer.  We  are  learning  that  our  common 
enemies,  namely,  ignorance,  arrogance,  selfishness,  greed  of 
gain,  which  in  every  age  have  created  militarism  and  afforded 
excuses  for  war,  exist  in  every  land,  and  are  here  at  home  as 
well  as  abroad.  Is  it  not  immense  gain  to  see  that  the  people 
over  the  seas  have  the  same  enemies  that  we  have?  Out  of 
these  common  enemies  conquest,  tyranny,  and  oppression  have 
come.  .  .  .  Does  the  question  seem  to  some  difficult,  how  a 
world  order  among  the  nations  can  be  maintained  and  de- 
fended, and  how  backward  peoples  in  Africa  or  the  Balkan 
peninsula  can  be  made  to  live  together?  Will  there  be  a 
great  central  world-executive  with  a  powerful  force  at  his 
command  to  punish  disorderly  or  disobedient  nations?  And 


374   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

will  not  such  an  armed  central  authority  endanger  the  costly 
liberties  of  the  world?  So  argue  those  that  follow  the  doc- 
trine that  "government  rests  at  last  upon  force,"  who  go  on 
thinking  that  it  must  always  be  so.  Why  must  it  always 
be  so,  if  men  cease  to  be  brutes?  The  new  lesson  is  plainly 
in  sight,  that  government  can  be  strong  only  when  it  is  a 
vast  scheme  of  cooperation  resting  upon  the  good  will  of  its 
people.  How  many  men  to-day  obey  the  laws  because  they 
fear  the  sheriff,  and  not,  rather,  because  they  recognize  the 
nature  of  law  which,  like  "the  rule  of  the  road,"  is  meant  for 
the  common  welfare  ? 

— CHARLES  F.  DOLE,  The  Coming  People, 
Extracts  from  pp.  210-223. 


What  is  the  relation  of  international  law  to  social  duties? 
International  law  is  in  its  essence  an  effort  to  define  the 
conduct  most  conducive  to  common  welfare  in  the  relations 
of  peoples  in  peace  and  war ;  it  is  one  chapter  in  the  system 
of  thought  about  social  duties.  International  law  seeks  to 
protect  the  integrity  of  nations,  the  right  of  each  nation  to 
its  own  government  and  to  its  own  way  of  managing  its 
affairs,  so  long  as  it  does  not  trespass  on  others.  It  seeks  to 
protect  the  peaceful  control  of  its  property  and  territory  by 
each  state.  It  defines  the  rights  and  duties  of  foreigners 
while  they  are  residing  or  traveling  among  foreign  peoples. 
It  provides  for  diplomatic  correspondence  by  means  of  minis- 
ters, ambassadors,  consuls,  as  agents  of  states.  It  provides 
for  contracts  and  agreements  in  the  form  of  treaties. 

It  sounds  almost  like  mockery  to  speak  of  rules  for  war, 
that  is  rules  for  murder  and  slaughter,  and  yet  even  a  modera- 
tion of  carnage  is  a  gain,  perhaps  a  movement  toward  the 
abolition  of  such  bloodshed.  Woolsey  tells  us  that  the 
principles  of  a  humane  and  yet  efficient  war-code  are  especially 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OP  CHRISTIANITY  375 

these:  that  war  is  a  way  of  obtaining  justice  when  other 
means  have  failed;  that  it  is  waged  between  governments; 
that  quiet  inhabitants  of  a  country  are  to  be  treated  with 
humanity  and  with  as  little  severity  as  will  allow  of  the 
effective  prosecution  of  the  conflict;  that  as  soon  as  justice 
can  be  secured,  armed  contest  ought  to  cease;  and  that  re- 
taliation, if  necessary  on  account  of  the  inhuman  or  deceitful 
conduct  of  the  adversary,  cannot  go  to  the  extreme  of  justify- 
ing that  which  is  morally  wrong.  .  .  . 

Elihu  Root  has  said:  "International  opinion  is  the  con- 
sensus of  individual  opinion  in  the  nations.  The  most  certain 
way  to  promote  obedience  to  the  law  of  nations  and  to  substi- 
tute the  power  of  opinion  for  the  power  of  armies  and  navies 
is,  on  the  one  hand,  to  foster  that  'decent  respect  for  the 
opinions  of  mankind'  which  found  place  in  the  great  Declara- 
tion of  1776,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  to  spread  among  the 
people  of  every  country  a  just  appreciation  of  international 
rights  and  duties,  and  a  knowledge  of  the  principles  and  rules 
of  international  law  to  which  national  conduct  ought  to  con- 
form ;  so  that  the  general  opinion,  whose  approval  or  condem- 
nation supplies  the  sanction  for  the  law,  may  be  sound  and 
just  and  worthy  of  respect. 

"There  is  no  civilized  country  now  which  is  not  sensitive  to 
this  general  opinion,  none  that  is  willing  to  subject  itself  to 
the  discredit  of  standing  brutally  on  its  power  to  deny  to 
other  countries  the  benefit  of  recognized  rules  of  right  con- 
duct. The  deference  shown  to  this  international  public  opinion 
is  in  due  proportion  to  a  nation's  greatness  and  advance  in 
civilization.  The  nearest  approach  to  defiances  will  be  found 
among  the  most  isolated  and  least  civilized  of  countries,  whose 
ignorance  of  the  world  prevents  the  effect  of  the  world's 
opinion;  and  in  every  country  internal  disorder,  oppression, 
poverty,  and  indebtedness  mark  the  penalties  which  warn 
mankind  that  the  laws  established  by  civilization  for  the  guid- 


376   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

ance    of    national    conduct    cannot    be    ignored    with    im- 
punity." .  .  . 

Deeper  than  all  law  is  national  character  of  which  law  is 
but  one  expression. 

Our  best  protection  against  wrong  is  our  own  righteousness, 
fairness,  kindness  to  all  men  in  all  relations.  The  most 
powerful  means  of  overcoming  evil  is  goodness.  To  conquer 
the  heart  of  a  man  or  a  nation  is  the  only  enduring  conquest. 
To  be  secure  in  universal  good  will  is  the  most  impregnable 
fortress.  Let  us  quote  the  words  of  a  soldier  and  statesman, 
Carl  Schurz: 

"The  old  Roman  poet  tells  us  that  it  is  sweet  and  glorious 
to  die  for  one's  country.  It  is  noble,  indeed.  But,  to  die  on 
the  battlefield  is  not  the  highest  achievement  of  heroism. 
To  live  for  a  good  cause,  honestly,  earnestly,  unselfishly, 
laboriously,  is  at  least  as  noble  and  heroic  as  to  die  for  it, 
and  usually  far  more  difficult.  I  am  confident  our  strongest, 
most  effective,  most  trustworthy,  and  infinitely  the  cheapest 
coast  defense  will  consist  in  'Fort  Justice,'  Tort  Good  Sense,' 
'Fort  Self-respect,'  'Fort  Good-will,'  and  if  international  dif- 
ferences really  do  arise,  'Fort  Arbitration.'  " 

— CHARLES  RICHMOND  HENDERSON,  Social  Duties 
from  a  Christian  Point  of  View,  pp.  313-316. 

The  pacific  methods  of  settling  international  disputes  are 
designed  to  deal  with  legal  differences  and  to  as  great  an 
extent  as  possible  with  political  differences.  Practically  no 
political  difference,  involving  conflict  between  national 
policies,  is  without  its  distinctly  legal  side.  The  non-amicable 
methods  of  resolving  international  disputes — breaking  diplo- 
matic relations,  retorsion,  reprisal,  embargo,  nonintercourse, 
pacific  blockade  and  intervention — are  now  practically  obso- 
lete and  employed  only  by  States  of  the  first  rank  against 
those  of  lesser  size  or  influence.  Amicable  methods  include 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  377 

negotiation,  good  offices  and  mediation,  commissions  of  in- 
quiry and  arbitration.  Of  these  methods,  arbitration  has  held 
public  attention  almost  to  the  exclusion  of  consideration  of 
the  other  methods,  which  are  of  a  less  definite  character. 
Of  the  other  methods  the  commission  of  inquiry  is  capable 
of  very  great  development.  It  is  the  medium  chosen  by 
President  Wilson  and  Secretary  of  State  Bryan  for  the 
advance  toward  assured  peace  which  they  desire  to  make, 
and  the  remarkable  response  to  the  Administration's  project 
by  the  States  of  the  entire  world  renders  the  subject  a  matter 
of  public  interest  second  to  none.  It  may  safely  be  said  that 
no  diplomatic  proposition  has  ever  made  so  rapid  headway, 
for  in  eight  months  after  the  plan  was  broached,  and  in  that 
short  time  it  was  accepted  by  thirty-one  out  of  thirty-nine 
States,  and  seven  treaties  were  signed.  In  two  years  fifteen 
treaties  were  in  force  and  fifteen  more  signed. 

The  success  of  the  "Wilson-Bryan  proposal  may  be  defined 
as  due  to  its  strict  adherence  to  the  principle  of  the  commis- 
sion of  inquiry ;  the  advance  it  records  is  that  of  the  greatest 
possible  development  within  the  limits  of  that  principle.  It 
brings  forward  into  the  range  of  practical  affairs  the  well- 
attested  maxim  that  war  will  not  come  in  cold  blood  from  a 
dispute  the  facts  of  which  are  thoroughly  attested.  It  goes 
no  further,  for  freedom  of  action  is  reserved  by  both  parties 
after  the  commission's  work  is  done. 

— DENYS  P.  MYERS,  The  Commission  of 
Inquiry,  November,  1913. 

SOCIAL   INFLUENCE   OF  CHRISTIANITY 

The  sense  of  a  great  change  comes  over  any  one  who 
watches  the  life  of  this  nation  with  an  eye  for  the  stirring 
of  God  in  the  souls  of  men.  There  is  a  new  shame  and  anger 
for  oppression  and  meanness;  a  new  love  and  pity  for  the 
young  and  frail  whose  slender  shoulders  bear  our  common 


378   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

weight;  a  new  faith  in  human  brotherhood;  a  new  hope  of 
a  better  day  that  is  even  now  in  sight.  We  are  inventing 
new  phrases  to  name  this  new  thing.  We  talk  of  the  "social 
feeling"  or  "the  new  social  consciousness."  We  are  passing 
through  a  moral  adolescence.  When  the  spirit  of  manhood 
comes  over  a  boy,  his  tastes  change.  The  old  doings  of  his 
gang  lose  interest.  A  new  sense  of  duty,  a  new  openness  to 
ideal  calls,  a  new  capacity  of  self-sacrifice  surprise  those  who 
used  to  know  him.  So  in  our  conventions  and  clubs,  our 
chambers  of  commerce  and  our  legislatures,  there  is  a  new 
note,  a  stiffening  of  will,  an  impatience  for  cowardice,  an 
enthusiastic  turning  toward  real  democracy.  The  old  leaders 
are  stumbling  off  the  stage  bewildered.  There  is  a  new  type 
of  leaders,  and  they  and  the  people  seem  to  understand  one 
another  as  if  by  magic. 

Were  you  ever  converted  to  God?  Do  you  remember  the 
change  in  your  attitude  to  all  the  world  ?  Is  not  this  new  life 
which  is  running  through  our  people  the  same  great  change 
on  a  national  scale  ?  This  is  religious  energy,  rising  from  the 
depth  of  the  infinite  spiritual  life  in  which  we  all  live  and 
move  and  have  our  being.  This  is  God. 

— WALTER  RAUSCHENBUSCH,  Christianizing 
the  Social  Order. 

We  are  at  last  passing  up  into  that  realm  of  ethics  where 
we  are  seeing  that  the  same  ethic  is  binding  upon  groups  of 
people  that  controls  and  determines  the  relations  of  indi- 
viduals to  each  other.  The  trouble  has  been  that  we  have 
been  living  under  two  standards  of  ethics — Christian  for  indi- 
viduals, pagan  for  groups,  communities,  nations.  We  have 
demanded  that  individuals  live  as  Christians  toward  each 
other,  but  corporations  and  nations  as  pirates.  But  there  is 
no  such  thing  as  a  double  standard  of  ethics  in  the  kingdom 
of  God.  That  which  is  right  for  a  man  is  right  for  the  state ; 


TttE  SOCIALIZING  OP  CHRISTIANITY  379 

that  which  is  wrong  for  a  man  to  do  is  wrong  for  a  corpora- 
tion or  nation  to  do.  Taking  things  or  land  that  do  not 
belong  to  us  is  just  as  much  stealing  when  done  by  a  nation 
as  when  done  by  a  man.  If  it  is  wrong  for  me  to  take 
revenge,  it  is  wrong  for  a  nation  to  take  revenge.  If  it  is 
wrong  for  me  to  settle  my  difficulties  on  the  street  with  my 
fists,  it  is  wrong  for  the  nations  to  settle  their  difficulties  on 
the  seas  with  gunboats.  Nations  are  under  the  same  law 
of  charity  and  forgiveness  as  individuals  in  any  system  of 
ethics  that  can  last. 

— FREDERICK  LYNCH,  Some  Untabulated  Signs  of 
World  Unity,  in  Reports  of  the  Third  Ameri- 
can Peace  Congress,  1911,  p.  414. 

In  all  the  lands  where  missionaries  are  active  their  in- 
fluence has  made  for  peace  between  European  and  Eastern. 
"No  single  person  has  done  so  much  as  the  missionary  to 
bring  foreigners  and  the  Japanese  into  close  intercourse"  is 
an  opinion  given  in  a  Japanese  newspaper.  From  Africa  the 
same  fact  is  attested.  "For  the  preservation  of  peace  between 
the  colonists  and  the  natives,  one  missionary  is  worth  a 
battalion  of  soldiers,"  said  Sir  Charles  Warren,  governor  of 
Natal. 

— WILLIAM  E.  WILSON,  Christ  and  War,  p.  197. 

Jesus  is  the  moral  leader  of  the  modern  world.  Even  those 
who  regard  Him  as  neither  unique  nor  divine,  will  seek  to  be 
like  Him.  — AMORY  H.  BRADFORD. 

The  influence  of  Christianity  in  setting  free  the  peace 
forces  of  human  nature  and  human  society,  and  starting  them 
into  activity,  has  been  slow  and  not  very  uniform ;  but  it  has 
been  incessant  and  sure,  and  some  of  the  first  fruit  of  it  is 
just  now  being  gathered. 


380   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

This  influence  has  been  exerted  through  a  Person,  a  Book, 
and  a  Society.  The  Founder  of  Christianity  was  a  perfect 
peacemaker.  He  was  not  directly  an  anti-war  prince.  He 
said  and  did  little  directly  about  the  practice  of  war  as  it 
existed  everywhere  about  him.  He  seems  to  have  ignored  it. 
His  work  was  positive  and  constructive.  He  was  the  Prince 
of  Peace.  .  .  . 

The  strife  that  he  set  going  was  that  in  which  men  conquer 
by  patient  loyalty  to  truth  and  by  cheerfully  allowing  them- 
selves to  be  killed  for  its  sake;  not  that  in  which  men  draw 
the  steel  blade  of  violence  to  spill  each  other's  blood. 

Jesus  Christ  loved  men.  That  was  his  life,  his  supreme 
motive,  his  only  passion.  He  went  about  doing  them  good, 
in  spirit  and  in  body.  There  was  nothing  he  would  not  do 
to  help  men;  but  he  never  did  harm  to  anyone.  He  lifted 
not  a  finger  of  violence  in  self-defense  or  in  defense  of 
others.  .  .  . 

As  with  the  Person,  so  with  the  Book.  The  New  Testa- 
ment is  the  Book  of  Peace.  It  says  little  about  war  as  an 
institution.  But  the  spirit  of  selfishness,  envy,  hate,  retalia- 
tion and  vengeance,  out  of  which  war  springs,  is  everywhere 
reprobated  on  its  pages.  It  exalts  love  to  the  supremest  place 
among  the  virtues.  It  makes  good  will  the  heart  of  righteous- 
ness. Its  great  thesis  is  the  Fatherhood  and  love  of  God 
manifested  in  a  practical  way  in  Jesus  Christ.  Love  to  God 
and  love  to  man,  self-sacrifice  for  others,  forgiveness  of  in- 
juries, non-resistance  of  evil  with  evil,  overcoming  evil  with 
good,  brotherly  fellowship  and  peace,  are  the  foremost  of  its 
practical  teachings.  .  .  . 

These  great  principles  of  good  will,  mutual  service  and 
peace  taught  by  Christ,  transmitted  in  the  New  Testament, 
and  operating,  now  strongly,  now  feebly,  in  the  society  which 
he  formed,  have  gradually  permeated  the  life  of  peoples  and 
nations,  and  transformed  their  habits  of  thought,  their 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OP  CHRISTIANITY  381 

morals,  customs,  laws,  and  political  institutions.  The  Chris- 
tian society,  speaking  of  it  in  the  large,  though  often  far 
from  ideal,  and  frequently  in  parts  of  it  Christian  in  almost 
nothing  but  name,  has  been  instrumental  in  working  out  the 
conditions  of  universal  and  lasting  federation  and  peace 
chiefly  through  the  new  and  profounder  idea,  and  the  better 
example  of  kinship  which  it  has  presented.  The  kinship 
lying  at  the  basis  of  Christian  civilization,  as  its  creative 
principle,  is  not  the  kinship  of  the  family,  under  earthly 
parenthood,  but  the  kinship  of  man,  in  the  Fatherhood  of 
God.  — BENJAMIN  F.  TRUEBLOOD,  The  Federation 

of  the  World,  pp.  56-63. 

It  is  the  function  of  religion  to  teach  the  individual  to 
value  his  soul  more  than  his  body,  and  his  moral  integrity 
more  than  his  income.  In  the  same  way  it  is  the  function  of 
religion  to  teach  society  to  value  human  life  more  than  prop- 
erty, and  to  value  property  only  in  so  far  as  it  forms  the 
material  basis  for  the  higher  development  of  human  life. 
When  life  and  property  are  in  apparent  collision,  life  must 
take  precedence.  This  is  not  only  Christian  but  prudent. 
When  commercialism  in  its  headlong  greed  deteriorates  the 
mass  of  human  life,  it  defeats  its  own  covetousness  by  killing 
the  goose  that  lays  the  golden  egg.  Humanity  is  that  goose 
— in  more  senses  than  one.  It  takes  faith  in  the  moral  law 
to  believe  that  this  penny-wise  craft  is  really  suicidal  folly, 
and  to  assert  that  wealth  which  uses  up  the  people  paves  the 
way  to  beggary.  Religious  men  have  been  cowed  by  the  pre- 
vailing materialism  and  arrogant  selfishness  of  our  business 
world.  They  should  have  the  courage  of  religious  faith  and 
assert  that  "man  liveth  not  by  bread  alone,"  but  by  doing  the 
will  of  God,  and  that  the  life  of  a  nation  "consisteth  not  in 
the  abundance  of  things"  which  it  produces,  but  in  the  way 
men  live  justly  with  one  another  and  humbly  with  their  God. 


382   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

When  the  social  activity  of  the  church  is  discussed,  it  is 
usually  assumed  that  the  churches  are  to  influence  legislation 
and  to  watch  over  the  execution  of  the  laws.  The  churches 
are  within  their  rights  in  doing  both.  There  are  probably 
few  denominations  which  would  hesitate  a  moment  to  fling 
their  full  force  on  a  legislature  if  the  tenure  of  their  property 
or  the  freedom  of  their  church  administration  were  threat- 
ened. If  it  is  right  to  lobby  in  their  own  behalf,  it  cannot 
well  be  wrong  to  lobby  on  behalf  of  the  people. 

But  we  have  an  exaggerated  idea  of  the  importance  of  laws. 
Our  legislative  bodies  are  the  greatest  law  factories  the  world 
has  ever  seen.  Our  zest  for  legislation  blinds  us  to  the  subtle 
forces  behind  and  beyond  the  law.  Those  influences  which 
really  make  and  mar  human  happiness  and  greatness  are 
beyond  the  reach  of  the  law.  The  law  can  compel  a  man 
to  support  his  wife,  but  it  cannot  compel  him  to  love  her,  and 
what  are  ten  dollars  a  week  to  a  woman  whose  love  lies  in 
broken  shards  at  her  feet?  The  law  can  compel  a  father  to 
provide  for  his  children  and  can  interfere  if  he  maltreats 
them,  but  it  cannot  compel  him  to  give  them  that  lovingly 
fatherly  intercourse  which  puts  backbone  into  a  child  forever. 
The  law  can  keep  neighbors  from  trespassing,  but  it  cannot 
put  neighborly  courtesy  and  good  will  into  their  relations. 
The  State  can  establish  public  schools  and  hire  teachers,  but 
it  cannot  put  enthusiasm  and  moral  power  into  their  work; 
yet  those  are  the  qualities  which  distinguish  the  few  true 
teachers  to  whom  we  look  back  in  after  years  as  the  real 
makers  of  our  lives.  The  highest  qualities  and  influences 
are  beyond  the  law  and  must  be  created  elsewhere. 

The  law  is  a  moral  agency,  as  effective  and  as  rough  as  a 
policeman's  club,  sweeping  in  its  operation  and  unable  to 
adjust  itself  to  individual  needs  and  the  finer  shadings  of 
moral  life.  It  furnishes  the  stiff  skeleton  of  public  morality 
which  supports  the  finer  tissues,  but  these  tissues  must  be 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  383 

deposited  by  other  forces.  The  State  is  the  outer  court  of 
the  moral  law;  within  stands  the  sanctuary  of  the  Spirit. 
Eeligion  creates  morality,  and  morality  then  deposits  a  small 
part  of  its  contents  in  written  laws.  The  State  can  protect 
the  existing  morality  and  promote  the  coming  morality,  but 
the  vital  creative  force  of  morality  lies  deeper. 

The  law  becomes  impotent  if  it  is  not  supported  by  a 
diffused,  spontaneous  moral  impulse  in  the  community.  If 
religion  implants  love,  mutual  helpfulness,  and  respect  for 
the  life  and  rights  of  others,  there  will  be  little  left  to  do 
for  the  law  and  its  physical  force.  The  stronger  the  silent 
moral  compulsion  of  the  community,  the  less  need  for  the 
physical  compulsion  of  the  State.  If  parents  have  to  resort 
to  physical  punishment  constantly,  it  furnishes  presumptive 
evidence  that  their  training  has  been  defective  in  its  moral 
factors.  If  we  have  to  order  out  the  militia  frequently  to 
quell  riots  and  protect  property,  it  constitutes  a  charge  of 
inefficiency  against  the  religious  and  educational  institutions 
of  the  community. 

Thus  it  is  clear  that  the  Church  has  a  large  field  for  social 
activity  before  touching  legislation.  It  cannot  make  laws, 
but  it  can  make  customs,  and  "quid  leges  sine  moribus?"  Of 
what  avail  are  laws  without  customs?  Our  two  words, 
"morals"  and  "ethics/'  the  one  from  the  Latin  and  the  other 
from  the  Greek,  both  mean  that  which  is  customary.  There 
is  a  singular  lack  of  appreciation  in  American  thought  for 
the  importance  of  custom;  possibly  because  in  our  new  and 
plastic  life  customs  are  less  rigid  and  formative  than  any- 
where else  on  earth.  Yet  our  life,  too,  is  ruled  largely  by 
unenacted  laws.  Our  helpfulness  toward  children  and  old 
people,  our  respect  for  womanhood  and  the  consequent  un- 
paralleled freedom  of  woman's  social  intercourse,  the  com- 
parative disappearance  of  profanity  and  obscenity  from 
conversation— all  this  rests  on  custom  and  not  on  law,  and 


384   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

these  customs  are  in  large  part  the  product  of  purified  modern 
religion. 

— WALTER  RAUSCHENBUSCH,  Christianity  and  the 
Social  Crisis,  pp.  372-375. 

When  we  reflect  upon  the  influence  with  which  all  un- 
prejudiced thinkers  admit  that  Christianity  has  aided  civili- 
zation in  so  many  quarters,  the  poverty  of  its  attainment  in 
the  direction  of  suppressing  war  cries  aloud  for  explanation. 
And  there  is  one  characteristic  feature  of  the  teaching  of 
nearly  every  orthodox  exponent  of  the  relation  of  the  attitude 
of  religion  to  war  which,  in  the  writer's  judgment,  goes  a 
very  long  way  to  explain  it.  This  feature  is  the  general  prac- 
tice of  making  the  right  or  wrong  of  war  solely  a  question  of 
motive.  By  this  line  of  teaching  the  intrinsic  evil  inherent 
in  war  itself  has  been  habitually  obscured,  and  invaluable 
moral  force  has  run  to  waste  in  casuistry,  which  ought  to  have 
been  concentrated  on  quickening  the  conscience  of  the  world. 
That  conscience  has  been  perpetually  assisted  to  escape  from 
the  Castle  of  Decision  by  this  miserable  postern  door.  Did 
ever  a  war  break  out  which,  in  one  aspect  or  another,  could 
not  affect  a  claim  to  justification  from  motive?  And  is  it 
not  largely  because  the  Christian  consciousness  has  been 
trained  to  accept  this  plea  as  valid,  that  the  barbarity  of  war 
is  still  rampant  in  Christendom  ? 

Buckle  maintains,  though  unconvincingly,  that  civilization 
neither  has  been  nor  can  be  aided  by  religion  in  this  matter. 
But  if  anything  connected  with  the  world's  slow  deliverance 
from  its  slavery  to  war,  could  give  to  that  contention  the 
appearance  of  validity,  it  would  be  the  obvious  impotence  of 
religious  forces  tied  and  bound  by  this  fetish  of  motive.  As 
long  as  the  criminality  of  war  itself  is  thus  left  open,  more 
may  well  be  done  for  its  abolishment  by  efforts  which  leave 
right  and  wrong  out  of  count,  and  urge  only  war's  anachro- 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  385 

nistic  folly  and  futility.  For  history  abundantly  shows  that 
to  justify  bad  conduct  by  a  good  initial  motive  may  prove 
quite  as  maleficent  as  to  teach  that  a  good  end  can  justify 
atrocious  means. 

— WILLIAM  LEIGHTON  GRANE,  The  Passing  of  War,  p.  140. 
(The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

SOCIAL  RESPONSIBILITY 

The  question  at  last  emerges,  Why  should  Christianity  be 
taught  at  all,  if  it  is  unfit  to  be  taught  fully?  Why  should 
any  profess  the  ideas  of  Jesus,  if  it  is  not  possible  to  carry 
them  right  through  life  and  politics?  To  brand  them  as 
right  but  impossible  is  to  brand  him  as  a  Utopian  of  the  worst 
kind.  Are  the  teachings  impracticable?  or  practicable?  If 
the  former,  why  do  we  call  him  a  great  teacher  ?  If  the  latter, 
why  do  we  refuse  to  obey  them  ?  If  he  taught  what  cannot  be 
lived,  what  becomes  of  him  ?  Or  if  we  decline  to  live  accord- 
ing to  what  he  taught,  what  becomes  of  us?  Let  the  war 
church  make  its  choice.  .  .  . 

The  problem  is,  How  to  make  Christendom  a  doer,  as  well 
as  a  hearer,  of  the  word  of  peace — how  to  bring  the  ideal  law 
of  love  down  into  the  life  of  to-day,  how  to  weave  the  Sermon 
into  modern  society,  how  to  make  the  Beatitudes  the  driving 
force  of  politics,  how  to  make  the  Christ  ruler  in  his  own 
house,  how  to  cast  out  the  legion  devils  that  haunt  the  tombs 
of  the  world's  battlefields,  how  to  substitute  the  cross  for  the 
sword.  If  the  church  can  solve  this  problem,  she  will  live. 
If  she  cannot,  she  will  die;  and  die  unlamented.  If  the 
church  cannot  destroy  war,  war  has  already  destroyed  the 
church.  And  that  enormous  deed  is  the  measure  of  the 
guilt,  stupidity,  and  madness  of  the  war  spirit. 

— WALTER  WALSH,  The  Moral  Damage 
of  War,  pp.  263-265. 

Propaganda  against  war  is  intimately  connected  with  any 


386   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

movement  for  social  progress  and  any  agitation  which  has  this 
object  in  view.  War  in  the  past  was  the  daughter  of  igno- 
rance and  vice  and  the  mother  of  injustice.  Were  it  to 
assume  its  former  sway  in  modern  society,  it  would  generate 
sloth,  ignorance,  and  injustice  in  an  aggravated  form.  War 
is,  in  itself,  a  pure  injustice,  and  this  alone  ought  to  suffice 
to  induce  men  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  abolish  it;  for  in- 
justice is  the  origin  of  all  evil,  of  the  physical  evils  of  disease, 
pestilence,  and  premature  death,  of  the  moral  ones  of  mad- 
ness, crime,  and  all  suffering  which  is  the  invisible  but  in- 
separable companion  of  mankind  on  earth.  How  many  men 
have  not  asked  themselves,  in  face  of  so  much  atrocious  suffer- 
ing which  appears  inexplicable  because  unmerited:  "What 
is  the  cause  of  so  much  pain  in  life  ?"  A  terrible  and  august 
reason  there  is,  to  be  sure  of  it.  The  baby  who  dies  in  its 
cradle,  the  youth  who  is  killed  by  consumption,  the  man  who 
goes  mad  in  the  flower  of  his  years,  the  son  who  inherits  his 
father's  disease,  the  degenerate  who  becomes  a  criminal,  the 
neurotic  who  passes  his  existence  tormented  and  tormenting, 
the  unfortunate  who  succumbs  to  a  broken  heart  on  account 
of  one  of  those  thousand  injuries  which  men  blindly  exchange 
in  the  thick  of  the  struggle  for  wealth  and  honor — all  of 
these  are  the  expiatory  victims  of  the  innumerable  injustices 
which  every  society  tolerates  in  its  midst,  and  for  which  we 
are  responsible,  one  and  all,  by  reason  of  an  iron  law  of 
solidarity  which  admits  of  no  immunity  nor  privilege.  The 
sin  may  not  always  have  been  committed  by  the  man  who 
expiates  it.  But  what  matters  this?  The  process  by  which 
justice  is  dealt  does  not  directly  affect  individuals,  but  the 
whole  of  society.  Only  in  a  society  totally  free  from  injustice 
would  man  be  absolutely  liberated  from  evil.  That  society 
would  no  longer  be  afflicted  with  invalids,  criminals,  lunatics, 
paupers,  vicious  or  unhappy  men.  The  seed  once  destroyed, 
the  bitter  fruit  could  no  longer  ripen. 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OP  CHRISTIANITY  387 

For  this  reason  society  unconsciously  always  tends  toward 
a  greater  degree  of  justice,  because  injustice  leads  to  suffering, 
and  man  ever  tries  to  avoid  pain. 

— GUGLIELMO  FERRERO,  Militarism,  pp.  318,  319. 

Every  great  evolution  demands  a  great  idea  to  be  its  center 
of  action;  to  furnish  it  with  both  lever  and  fulcrum  for  the 
work  it  has  to  do.  What  great  idea  has  the  Christian  Church 
which  will  serve  as  the  religious  lever  and  fulcrum  for  the 
engineering  task  of  the  present  generation?  What  great  faith 
has  it  which  will  inspire  the  religious  minds  of  our  modern 
world  in  the  regeneration  of  society? 

The  chief  purpose  of  the  Christian  Church  in  the  past  has 
been  the  salvation  of  individuals.  But  the  most  pressing 
task  of  the  present  is  not  individualistic.  Our  business  is  to 
make  over  an  antiquated  and  immoral  economic  system;  to 
get  rid  of  laws,  customs,  maxims,  and  philosophies  inherited 
from  an  evil  and  despotic  past;  to  create  just  and  brotherly 
relations  between  great  groups  and  classes  of  society;  and 
thus  to  lay  a  social  foundation  on  which  modern  men  indi- 
vidually can  live  and  work  in  a  fashion  that  will  not  outrage 
all  the  better  elements  in  them.  Our  inherited  Christian  faith 
dealt  with  individuals ;  our  present  task  deals  with  society. 

— WALTER  KAUSCHENBUSCH,  Christianizing 
the  Social  Order,  p.  40. 

STRONG  ENOUGH  TO  DO  RIGHT 

The  present  policy  of  great  military  and  naval  expenditures 
by  the  Christian  nations  is  a  travesty  on  our  Christianity. 
When  Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan  went  to  Japan  as  a  representa- 
tive of  the  World  Peace  Foundation,  he  was  cordially  received 
by  that  nation.  But  it  was  significant  and  just  that  the  press 
of  that  country  should  criticize  the  conditions  which  prevailed 


388   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

in  lands  which,  while  holding  great  peace  congresses  and 
sending  out  peace  workers,  continue  to  increase  their  own 
equipments  for  war.  It  is  all-important  to  have  international 
conferences  and  treaties,  but  I  believe  that,  if  our  nation 
would,  without  waiting  for  any  other,  take  the  initiative  and 
call  a  halt  in  our  great  expenditures  for  naval  armament,  the 
world  would  soon  follow  us.  We  are  strong  enough  to  do 
what  is  right.  Who  is  going  to  attack  us?  Not  England, 
whom  we  love  to  recognize  as  our  "mother  country";  not 
France,  who  gave  us  Lafayette  and  other  leaders  in  the  war 
of  the  Eevolution,  and  who  has  never  ceased  to  be  our  friend ; 
not  Germany — why  should  she  cut  off  her  hundreds  of 
millions  of  dollars  of  business  with  us,  her  best  customer 
across  the  sea,  and  threaten  revolution  within  from  her  busi- 
ness, manufacturing,  and  labor  interests?  not  Japan,  whose 
people,  as  a  whole,  love  us  as  their  best  and  most  faithful 
friend,  who  know  also  that  they  could  not  safely  add  to  their 
present  burdensome  debt,  and  that  the  hour  of  conflict  with 
us  would  be  the  hour  for  Eussia  to  recapture  Port  Arthur  and 
Korea.  The  men  who  try  to  stir  up  strife  between  our  nation 
and  Japan  or  any  other  nation  are  guilty  of  high  treason. 
I  am  not  unfamiliar  with  the  argument  that  an  increasingly 
stronger  navy  is  an  assurance  of  peace.  But  there  is  another 
side  to  this;  namely,  the  temptation  there  is  to  provoke  a 
quarrel  in  order  to  use  these  ships.  Colonel  Gadke,  a  German 
military  officer  of  acknowledged  authority,  has  recently  said, 
"It  is  only  partly  true  that  armaments  are  the  insurance 
premiums  of  peace;  with  better  right  they  might  be  called  a 
constant  menace  to  peace."  Von  Moltke  many  years  ago 
said  in  the  Reichstag  that  it  is  mutual  distrust  which  keeps 
the  nations  in  arms  against  one  another.  Can  any  one 
imagine  anything  that  will  more  surely  create  distrust  than 
to  be  continually  adding  battleship  to  battleship?  Our  navy 
kept  efficient  at  its  present  size  is  large  enough  for  all  pur- 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  389 

poses  of  defense ;  and  the  thought  of  anything  besides  defense 
in  connection  with  it  is  wicked. 

We  shall  be  false  to  the  missionary  interest  we  hold  in 
trust — yea,  more,  we  shall  be  false  to  him  who  is  the  Prince 
of  Peace — unless  we  are  more  earnest  and  determined  in  this 
matter. 

— SAMUEL  B.  CAPEN,  Foreign  Missions  and  World  Peace. 

When  are  "religious"  people,  for  example,  going  to  allow 
Eeligion,  which  is  the  deepest  principle  of  Unity  among  men, 
to  become  the  great  God-ordained  Unifier  of  the  Eace?  How 
long  is  it  scandalously  to  remain,  in  Mr.  Balfour's  phrase, 
"the  great  Divider  of  mankind !" 

Why,  even  a  heathen  out  of  a  pre-Christian  past,  or  a 
Hindoo  Brahman  or  Japanese  Buddhist  of  our  own  day,  may 
put  our  boasted  Christianity  to  shame !  Here  is  the  wisdom 
of  Greece  three  hundred  years  before  Christ:  "Look  to  the 
spirit,  not  to  the  letter;  to  the  intention,  not  to  the  action; 
to  the  character  of  the  actor  in  the  long  run,  not  in  the  present 
moment.  Remember  good  rather  than  evil.  Wish  to  settle 
a  matter  by  words  rather  than  by  deeds."  Here  speaks  India, 
in  the  nineteenth  century  after  Christ:  "To  be  a  Christian, 
then,  is  to  be  Christlike,"  says  Kesub  Chundah  Sen — "not 
acceptance  of  Christ  as  a  proposition,  or  as  an  outward  repre- 
sentation; but  spiritual  conformity  with  the  life  and  charac- 
ter of  Christ.  .  .  .  Allow  me,  friends,  to  say  that  England 
is  not  yet  a  Christian  nation." 

— WILLIAM  LEIGHTON  GRANE,  The  Passing  of  War,  Extract 
from  p.  118.  (The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

What  America  and  every  other  so-called  Christian  people 
chiefly  needs  in  order  to  promote  "international  conciliation," 
is  less  of  unscrupulous  greed  in  its  own  business,  less  of  per- 
sonal and  selfish  ambition  in  its  own  politics,  more  of  the 


390   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

spirit  of  wisdom  and  of  righteousness  in  its  pulpits,  and  less 

of  hypocrisy  in  its  churches. 

— GEORGE  TRUMBULL  LADD,  America  and  Japan  p.  4, 
in  Documents  of  The  American  Association  for 
International  Conciliation,  1907-08. 

If  you  push  to  its  logical  conclusion  that  spirit  of  humane- 
ness which  prompted  Henri  Dunant  to  organize  the  Red 
Cross,  you  never  can  be  satisfied  to  tolerate  the  infliction  of 
preventable  sufferings  upon  human  beings  through  war  which 
in  our  day  has  become  entirely  unnecessary. 

— CHARLES  E.  BEALS,  From  Jungleism  to  Interna- 
tionalism, in  Reports  of  the  Fourth  American 
Peace  Congress,  p.  183. 

Our  country  cannot  do  what  an  individual  cannot  do. 
Therefore  it  must  not  vaunt  or  be  puffed  up.  Rather  bend 
to  unperformed  duties.  Independence  is  not  all.  We  have 
but  half  done  when  we  have  made  ourselves  free.  The  scorn- 
ful taunt  wrung  from  bitter  experience  of  the  great  Revolu- 
tion in  France  must  not  be  leveled  at  us:  "They  wish  to  be 
free,  but  know  not  how  to  be  just"  Nor  is  priceless  Freedom 
an  end  in  itself,  but  rather  the  means  of  Justice  and  Benefi- 
cence, where  alone  is  enduring  concord,  with  that  attendant 
happiness  which  is  the  final  end  and  aim  of  Nations,  as  of 
every  human  heart.  It  is  not  enough  to  be  free.  There  must 
be  Peace  which  cannot  fail,  and  other  nations  must  share  the 
great  possession.  For  this  good  must  we  labor,  bearing  ever 
in  mind  two  special  objects,  complements  of  each  other :  first, 
the  Arbitrament  of  War  must  end;  and,  secondly,  Disarma- 
ment must  begin.  With  this  ending  and  this  beginning  the 
great  gates  of  the  Future  will  be  opened,  and  the  guardian 
virtues  will  assert  a  new  empire.  Alas!  until  this  is  done, 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  391 

National  Honor  and  National  Glory  will  yet  longer  flaunt  in 
blood,  and  there  can  be  no  True  Grandeur  of  Nations. 

To  this  great  work  let  me  summon  you.  That  Future, 
which  filled  the  lofty  vision  of  sages  and  bards  in  Greece  and 
Kome,  which  was  foretold  by  Prophets  and  heralded  by 
Evangelists,  when  man,  in  Happy  Isles,  or  in  a  new  Paradise, 
shall  confess  the  loveliness  of  Peace,  may  you  secure,  if  not  for 
yourselves,  at  least  for  your  children!  Believe  that  you  can 
do  it,  and  you  can  do  it. 

— CHARLES  SUMNEB,  Addresses  on  War,  pp.  128,  129. 

Trumpeter,  sound  for  the  splendor  of  God! 
Sound  the  music  whose  name  is  law, 
Whose  service  is  perfect  freedom  still, 
The  order  august  that  rules  the  stars! 
Bid  the  anarchs  of  night  withdraw. 
Too  long  the  destroyers  have  worked  their  will. 
Sound  for  the  last,  the  last  of  the  wars! 
Sound  for  the  heights  that  our  fathers  trod, 
When  truth  was  truth  and  love  was  love, 
With  a  hell  beneath,  hut  a  heaven  above, 
Trumpeter,  rally  us,  rally  us,  rally  UB, 
On  to  the  City  of  God. 


CHAPTEE  XII 
THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN 

A  great  task  demands  a  great  faith.  To  live  a  great  life 
a  man  needs  a  great  cause  to  which  he  can  surrender;  some- 
thing divinely  large  and  engrossing  for  which  he  can  live, 
and  if  need  be,  die. 

A  PSALM  OF  THE  HELPERS 

The  ways  of  the  world  are  full  of  haste  and  turmoil: 
I  will  sing  of  the  tribe  of  helpers  who  travel  in  peace. 

He  that  turneth  from  the  road  to  rescue  another, 
Turneth  toward  his  goal: 

He  shall  arrive  in  due  time  by  the  foot-path  of  mercy, 
God  will  be  his  guide. 

He  that  taketh  up  the  burden  of  the  fainting, 
Lighteneth  his  own  load: 

The  Almighty  will  put  His  arms  underneath  him. 
He  shall  lean  upon  the  Lord. 

He  that  speaketh  comfortable  words  to  mourners, 
Healeth  his  own  heart: 

In  times  of  grief  they  will  return  to  remembrance, 
God  will  use  them  for  balm. 

He  that  careth  for  the  sick  and  wounded, 
Watcheth  not  alone: 
There  are  three  in  the  darkness  together, 
And  the  third  is  the  Lord. 

Blessed  is  the  way  of  the  helpers: 
The  companions  of  the  Christ. 

— HENBT  VAN  DYKE. 

392 


THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN          393 

EACH  MAN'S  RESPONSIBILITY 

At  first  thought  the  ordinary  modest  Christian  in  humble 
private  station,  remote  from  the  diplomatic  circles  of  Wash- 
ington, is  inclined  to  imagine  that  affairs  of  international 
magnitude  do  not  concern  him,  that  they  belong  to  the  secrets 
of  state,  that  his  ignorance  and  lack  of  political  influence 
excuse  him  from  responsibility  in  such  high  and  complicated 
matters.  But  morality  has  no  national  boundaries,  and  the 
claims  of  neighborliness  are  valid  between  kings  and  re- 
publics. The  rulers  of  men  are  servants  of  God  and  history 
shows  that  they  are  better  men  and  governors  if  watched  by 
an  intelligent  people  who  love  righteousness  and  hate  iniquity. 
President  Nicholas  Murray  Butler  has  well  said: 

"One  of  the  chief  problems  of  our  time  is  to  bring  the 
nations'  minds  and  the  nations'  consciences  to  bear  on  the 
moral  problems  involved  in  international  relations.  This  is 
a  step  in  the  moral  education  of  the  world." 

And  at  the  same  meeting  Eear-Admiral  C.  F.  Goodrich 
stated  an  important  truth : 

"When  the  people  want  peace,  they  will  have  peace;  when 
they  want  war,  they  will  have  war,  and  they  are  likely  to 
want  that  of  which  most  is  sung  and  written  and  spoken. 
The  more  we  talk  about  peace,  the  less  our  chance  of  war.  .  .  . 
You  must  labor  with  these  gentlemen  of  the  press,  that  they 
use  their  mighty  powers  toward  allaying  race  hatred  and 
toward  sweetening  and  brightening  international  relations, 
that  they  report  the  graces  and  virtues  of  men  of  alien  blood 
and  speech,  not  their  supposed  defects  of  character,  and  so 
shall  they  bring  all  nations  of  earth  together  in  that  perfect 
understanding  and  sympathy  in  which  war  can  have  no  place." 

There  is  not  a  person  of  intelligence  so  obscure  in  the 
apublic  that  he  can  escape  responsibility.  .  .  . 

— CHARLES  BICHMOND  HENDERSON,  Social  Duties 
from  the  Christian  Point  of  View,  p.  300. 


394       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  ANt>  WAR 

If  such  socialization  of  fraternity  is  ever  to  come,  it  must 
needs  be  through  the  transformation  of  actual  human  lives. 
National  morality  cannot  be  far  in  advance  of  individual 
morality.  — SHAILER  MATHEWS. 

It  is  our  business  carefully  to  cultivate  in  our  minds,  to 
rear  to  the  utmost  vigor  and  maturity  every  sort  of  generous 
and  honest  feeling  that  belongs  to  our  nature;  to  bring  the 
dispositions  that  are  lovely  in  private  life  into  the  service 
and  conduct  of  the  commonwealth;  so  to  be  patriots  as  not 
to  forget  that  we  are  gentlemen.  — EDMUND  BURKE. 

War  is  dying,  though  it  strikes  hard  from  the  death  coil. 
It  has  been  slain  by  science.  It  has  been  slain  by  democracy. 

Between  militarism  and  democracy  the  feud  is  eternal.  As 
the  spirit  of  manhood  rises  the  war  spirit  must  fail. 

So  the  day  of  peace  is  coming.  Which  shall  it  be,  the 
Peace  of  Force  or  the  Peace  of  Law?  We  may  work  for 
either.  We  cannot  have  both.  Every  man  has  some  influence 
in  forming  public  opinion,  and,  at  the  last,  the  world  is  ruled 
by  what  its  people  think.  You  have  a  vote  in  world  affairs. 
Its  weight  depends  on  your  intelligence  and  your  integrity. 
How  shall  your  vote  be  cast  ? 

— DAVID  STARR  JORDAN,  War  and  Waste, 
Extract  from  p.  290. 

Believe  you  can  do  it  and  you  can  do  it. 

— SUMNER. 

If  I  kept  such  a  faith  with  what  is  called  the  company,  / 
must  break  the  faith,  the  covenant,  the  solemn,  original, 
indispensable  oath,  in  which  I  am  bound  by  the  eternal  frame 
and  constitution  of  things  to  the  whole  human  race. 

— EDMUND  BURKE. 


395 

The  reproach  of  being  impracticable  attaches  by  right  not 
to  those  who  insist  on  resolute,  persistent,  and  uncompromis- 
ing effort  to  remove  abuses,  but  to  a  very  different  class to 

those,  namely,  who  are  credulous  enough  to  suppose  that 
abuses,  and  bad  customs,  and  wasteful  ways  of  doing  things, 
will  remove  themselves.  — LORD  MORLEY. 

The  habit  of  seeing  things  as  they  are  is  indispensable  to 
moral  earnestness.  — FELIX  ADLER. 

It  is  for  us  to  bring  conviction  to  the  masses  that  this  ques- 
tion of  peace  cannot  be  handled  successfully  by  a  few  people. 
It  is  a  work  for  the  whole  world.  We  must  do  our  part  toward 
bringing  the  subject  so  forcefully  before  each  and  every  one 
that  all  will  feel  that  it  is  necessary  to  take  a  hand  in  it.  We  go 
about  our  vocations  of  every  kind,  giving  ninety-nine  per  cent 
of  our  time  and  money  to  them,  with  hardly  a  thought  or  a 
dollar  to  the  greatest  of  all  needs,  and  expect  these  terrible 
evils  of  war  will  be  done  away  with — that  in  some  way  the 
powers  of  the  earth  or  the  heavens  will  remove  them.  Great 
changes  in  the  established  order  of  things  do  not  come  about 
in  this  way.  The  All- Wise  Power  has  no  hands  or  voices  but 
ours.  He  must  work  through  His  creatures;  and,  if  we  fail 
to  take  up  His  commands,  the  work  will  have  to  wait.  Latent 
feeling  must  be  transformed  into  action.  The  peace  leaders 
have  not  impressed  the  people  sufficiently  with  the  idea  that 
this  is  a  work  that  must  be  undertaken  by  the  people  as  a 
whole  in  a  large  way  if  any  great  change  is  to  be  made,  and 
that  it  will  never  succeed  with  an  indefinite  and  uncertain 
source  of  supply.  We  must  place  responsibility  as  broadly 
as  possible  upon  the  people,  and  ask  each  to  take  a  hand  in 
contributions  of  both  money  and  time.  It  is  not  enough  for 
the  minister  in  the  pulpit  to  devote  one  Sunday  in  the  year 
to  a  peace  sermon;  nor  for  the  teacher  in  the  school  to  give 


396   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

one  day  in  the  year  to  peace  lessons;  nor  the  newspaper  one 
editorial  in  the  year;  nor  the  men  of  business  and  finance 
to  have  a  convention  once  a  year  to  talk  over  these  matters. 
All  must  be  awakened  to  the  necessity  of  taking  a  vital  hand 
in  this  work.  The  future  of  our  cause  depends  especially 
upon  the  cooperation  of  vigorous  young  men  who  wish  to 
devote  their  whole  lives  to  carrying  it  forward;  and  to  such 
our  schools  and  colleges  and  churches  and  the  press  should 
earnestly  appeal. 

— EDWIN  GINN,  Organizing  the  Peace  Work. 

That  man  has  no  right  to  violate  the  conscience  of  his 
fellowman  is  a  truth  which  few,  under  the  light  of  the  gospel, 
since  the  days  of  ignorance  and  superstition,  have  ventured 
to  call  in  question. 

But  military  governments,  from  their  very  nature,  neces- 
sarily infringe  on  the  consciences  of  men.  Though  the  Word 
of  God  requires  implicit  obedience  to  rulers  in  all  things  not 
contrary  to  the  Scriptures,  it  utterly  forbids  compliance  with 
such  commands  as  are  inconsistent  with  the  gospel.  We  must 
obey  God  rather  than  man,  and  fear  God  as  well  as  honor  the 
king.  But  governments,  whether  monarchial  or  republican, 
make  laws  as  they  please,  and  compel  obedience  at  the  point 
of  the  sword.  They  declare  wars,  and  call  upon  all  their 
subjects  to  support  them. 

— DAVID  Low  DODGE,  War  Inconsistent  with  the 
Religion  of  Jesus  Christ,  p.  52. 

No  great  uplift  of  humanity,  no  great  movement  in  civili- 
zation, but  has  found  its  path  to  success  in  the  developed 
moral  sense  of  man.  No  great  change  in  civilized  institutions 
but  has  found  itself  produced  by  the  dynamic,  moving  forces 
of  morality. 

— VICTOR  MORRIS,  Man's  Moral  Nature  the  Hope  of 
Universal  Peace,  in  Prize  Orations,  p.  155. 


THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OP  THE  CHRISTIAN          397 

Men  acting  singly,  recognizing  their  individual  responsi- 
bility to  God,  and  men  acting  in  masses  where  responsibility 
is  distributed  and  divided,  where  men  are  made  better  or 
worse  by  their  association,  according  to  the  cause  which 
unifies  them,  seem  often  to  be  entirely  different  men.  When 
good  men  unite  in  a  good  cause  every  man  seems  to  rise  to 
a  clearer  intelligence,  to  a  higher  competency,  to  a  larger 
heartedness.  When  men  of  average  virtue  unite  in  a  bad 
cause  it  seems  to  blind  and  degrade  every  one  of  them.  When 
bad  men  unite  in  a  bad  cause  the  worst  man,  with  the  lowest 
principles,  and  the  most  inhuman  methods  of  action,  seems 
to  be  the  hero  of  the  occasion.  It  requires  an  exceedingly 
thoughtful  man  always  to  be  consistent  with  himself.  A  story 
is  told  in  New  England  of  a  celebrated  professor  and  a  dis- 
tinguished Unitarian  minister,  in  war  time,  walking  arm  in 
arm  down  one  of  our  Boston  streets,  and  discussing  the  im- 
precatory Psalms.  The  Unitarian  would  even  thrust  them 
out  of  the  canon  of  Scripture  as  belonging  to  a  barbarous  age. 
A  few  yards  further  and  these  gentlemen  came  upon  a  news- 
paper office.  On  the  bulletin  board  was  the  announcement 
of  a  victory  by  the  Federal  over  the  Confederate  forces,  with 
the  words  appended,  "The  Confederates  severely  punished." 
"Served  them  right,"  exclaimed  the  Unitarian;  "the  rascals; 
I  hope  they'll  get  all  the  whipping  they  deserve."  "But  what 
of  your  imprecatory  Psalms?"  asked  the  professor;  "I  fear 
there  are  imprecatory  Psalms  in  you,  my  friend."  .  .  . 

I  know  that  injustice  may  be  done  to  military  men,  as  if 
wars  invariably  originated  with  them.  I  have  remarked  often 
how  unwarlike  in  tone  and  temper  are  most  of  the  men  who 
were  active  soldiers  in  the  war  of  the  Rebellion  in  the  United 
States.  They  know  what  war  is.  Did  not  General  Grant, 
when  in  England,  refuse  to  appear  at  a  military  review  ?  The 
great  soldier  had  seen  so  much  of  war,  so  much  of  its  horrors, 
as  well  as  of  its  "pomp  and  circumstance,"  that  he  wished 


398   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

never  again  to  see  another  regiment  of  soldiers.  If  ever  there 
was  a  hero,  General  Grant  was  one.  Let  us  not  libel  the 
soldier.  Who  that  remembers  such  men  as  Havelock,  Law- 
rence, and  other  great  Indian  heroes;  who  that  remembers 
such  men  as  Stonewall  Jackson,  Sherman,  Thomas,  Meade, 
and  such  men  as  these,  does  not  recognize  virtuous,  humane, 
sometimes  saintly,  always  heroic,  men — men,  however,  who 
once  in  the  stream,  must  be  borne  along  into  the  rapids,  and 
could  never  again  reach  the  banks  to  which  pastoral  peace 
invited  them.  Not  the  soldiers,  but  the  politicians,  make  the 
wars.  If  those  who  made  the  quarrels  were  the  only  men  to 
fight,  wars  would  be  few  and  far  between.  We  could  very 
well  spare  some  of  these  men.  It  would  be  a  great  relief  if 
the  places  that  know  them  now  should  know  them  no  more 
forever.  It  is  impossible  not  to  honor  brave  and  bold  men, 
whether  it  be  those  under  Miltiades  at  Marathon,  or  the 
equally  noble  six  hundred  at  Balaclava,  whether  it  be  Wel- 
lington's Old  Guard,  or  Cromwell's  Ironsides.  It  ought  to 
be  impossible  to  honor  men  who,  with  no  tears  in  their  eyes 
and  no  agony  in  their  hearts  stir  up  strife  between  nations. 
— REUEN  THOMAS,  The  War  System,  p.  3. 

The  great  searchlight  of  morality  must  be  turned  on  war 
— a  searchlight  which  is  always  bright  and  strong  and  which 
never  has  failed  to  reveal  the  truth.  To  turn  this  on  full  and 
strong  means  to  awaken  the  consciences  of  men.  It  must  be 
an  individual  proposition — not  simply  the  developed  con- 
sciences of  a  few  leaders  who  may  be  submerged  by  the  war 
spirit  of  the  masses,  but  there  must  be  developed  consciences 
of  all  the  people  individually.  All  our  arbitration  treaties 
and  the  actual  settlement  of  disputes  by  arbitration  are  of 
great  value  and  should  be  pressed  as  far  as  possible ;  but  are 
these  sufficient  forces  to  develop  the  consciences  of  men 
against  war  as  an  immorality  and  a  sin  ?  What  are  the  forces 


399 

that  have  always  come  to  our  support  against  an  immorality 
and  a  sin? 

How  about  our  churches?  Have  they  been  doing  their 
duty  ?  Have  they  made  it  clear  that  war  is  sin  and  war  is 
crime?  Has  not  the  church  been  too  easy?  Has  its  voice 
sounded  clear  and  strong  on  this  world-evil?  Surely  a  duty 
rests  upon  the  ministry  to  be  insistent  in  its  characterization 
of  war. — VICTOR  MORRIS,  Man's  Moral  Nature  the  Hope  of 
Universal  Peace,  in  Prize  Orations,  pp.  153, 154. 

INDIVIDUAL  FREEDOM 

Government  is  instituted  for  one  and  a  single  end — the 
benefit  of  the  governed,  the  protection,  peace,  and  welfare  of 
society ;  and  when  it  is  perverted  to  other  objects,  to  purposes 
of  avarice,  ambition,  or  party  spirit,  we  are  authorized  and 
even  bound  to  make  such  opposition  as  is  suited  to  restore 
it  to  its  proper  end,  to  render  it  as  pure  as  the  imperfection 
of  our  nature  and  state  will  admit. 

The  Scriptures  have  sometimes  been  thought  to  enjoin  an 
unqualified,  unlimited  subjection  to  the  "higher  powers" ;  but 
in  the  passages  which  seem  so  to  teach,  it  is  supposed  that 
these  powers  are  "ministers  of  God  for  good/'  are  a  terror 
to  evildoers,  and  an  encouragement  to  those  that  do  well. 
When  a  government  wants  this  character,  when  it  becomes 
an  engine  of  oppression,  the  Scriptures  enjoin  subjection  no 
longer.  Expediency  may  make  it  our  duty  to  obey,  but  the 
government  has  lost  its  rights;  it  can  no  longer  urge  its 
claims  as  an  ordinance  of  God. 

— WILLIAM  ELLERY  CHANNING,  Discourses  on  War, 
pp.  114,  115. 

The  highest  aim  of  all  authority  is  to  confer  liberty.    This 
true  of  domestic  rule.    The  great,  we  may  say  the  single, 
DJect  of  parental  government,  of  a  wise  and  virtuous  educa- 


400   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

tion,  is  to  give  the  child  the  fullest  use  of  his  own  powers ;  to 
give  him  inward  force;  to  train  him  up  to  govern  himself. 
The  same  is  true  of  the  authority  of  Jesus  Christ.  He  came 
indeed  to  rule  mankind,  but  to  rule  them  not  by  arbitrary 
statutes,  not  by  force  and  menace,  nor  by  mere  will,  but  by 
setting  before  them,  in  precept  and  life,  those  everlasting 
rules  of  rectitude  which  heaven  obeys  and  of  which  every  soul 
contains  the  living  germ.  .  .  . 

Of  civil  government,  too,  the  great  end  is  to  secure  free- 
dom. Its  proper  and  highest  function  is  to  watch  over  the 
liberties  of  each  and  all,  and  to  open  to  a  community  the 
widest  field  for  all  its  powers.  Its  very  chains  and  prisons 
have  the  general  freedom  for  their  aim.  They  are  just  only 
when  used  to  curb  oppression  and  wrong;  to  disarm  him 
who  has  a  tyrant's  heart  if  not  a  tyrant's  power,  who  wars 
against  others'  rights,  who  by  invading  property  or  life  would 
substitute  force  for  the  reign  of  equal  laws.  Freedom — we 
repeat  it — is  the  end  of  government.  To  exalt  men  to  self- 
rule  is  the  end  of  all  other  rule;  and  he  who  would  fasten  on 
them  his  arbitrary  will  is  their  worst  foe. 

— WILLIAM  ELLERY  CHANNING,  Discourses  on  War, 
pp.  139,  140. 

IDEALS  MADE  REAL 

Ideals  do  not  become  less  ideal  because  they  become  more 
closely  associated  with  material  welfare. 

The  Christian  saint  who  would  allow  the  nails  of  his  fingers 
to  grow  through  the  palm  of  his  clasped  hand  would  excite, 
not  our  admiration,  but  our  revolt.  More  and  more  is  reli- 
gious effort  being  subjected  to  this  test:  does  it  make  for  the 
improvement  of  society  ?  If  not,  it  stands  condemned.  Politi- 
cal ideals  will  inevitably  follow  a  like  development,  and  will 
be  more  and  more  subject  to  a  like  test.  Lecky  has  sum- 
marized the  tendency  thus:  "Interest  as  distinguished  from 


401 

passion  (and  if  we  read  for  'passion'  unreasoned  emotion 
the  generalization  confirms  my  point)  gains  a  greater  empire 
with  advancing  civilization/' 

Progress  of  this  kind  here  is  not  marked  by  a  betterment 
of  ideal — a  betterment  of  intention.  There  was  probably  as 
much  good  intention,  as  much  readiness  for  self-sacrifice, 
in  the  Europe  of  Simon  Stylites  as  in  the  Europe  of  our  day; 
there  is  perhaps  as  much  to-day  in  Hindustan  or  Arabia  as 
in  England.  But  what  differentiates  the  twentieth  from  the 
fifth  century,  or  Arabic  from  British  civilization,  is  a  differ- 
ence of  ideas  due  to  hard  mental  work ;  the  prime,  if  not  the 
sole  factor  of  advance  is  hard  thinking. 

That  brings  us  to  what  I  believe  to  be  the  real  distinction, 
if  any,  between  the  older  and  the  newer  pacifism — namely 
that  the  older  Pacifists  appealed  to  an  intuitive  unanalyzed 
ideal,  which  they  did  not  justify  by  a  process  of  reasoning, 
while  the  New  Pacifists  attempt  to  obtain  their  results  by 
analysis,  by  showing  the  how  and  why  of  certain  facts  in 
human  relations,  instead  of  merely  holding  up  an  ideal 
without  the  process  of  rationalistic  justification.  .  .  . 

I  do  not  believe  that  the  man  who  achieves  his  conviction 
as  the  result  of  a  process  of  reasoning  is  less  sincere,  or  has 
necessarily  less  fervor,  than  the  man  who  holds  his  conviction 
by  intuition — by  the  inner  light.  The  defender  of  an  old 
inherited  conception  is  often  undoubtedly  sincere,  but  the 
reformer  who  has  thought  himself  into  new  conceptions, 
modifying  and  qualifying  the  old,  has  generally  as  great  a 
fervor;  and  a  new  movement  of  ideas  like  those  of  the  Re- 
formation or  the  French  Revolution,  which  were  in  their 
beginnings  purely  a  matter  of  argument  and  discussion,  often 
abstruse,  in  their  development  may  inflame  millions  to  a 
high  pitch  of  passion  and  fervor.  .  .  . 

What  we  call  public  opinion  does  not  descend  upon  us  from 
the  outside,  is  not  something  outside  our  acts  and  volition,  but 


402   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

the  reflection  of  those  acts;  it  is  not  made  for  us,  we  make 
it.  That  we  are  the  instruments  of  our  own  salvation,  that 
without  the  act  of  the  individual  there  can  be  no  salvation, 
is  a  truth  that  has  the  sanction  alike  of  economics,  of  morals, 
and  of  religion.  And  the  contrary  view — that  nothing  that 
we  can  do  will  affect  our  destiny — is  one  that  the  Western 
World  and  its  religion  have  rejected.  For  to  the  degree  to 
which  it  is  accepted  it  involves  stagnation  and  decline.  If 
it  were  true  it  would  take  from  the  finer  activities  of  life  all 
that  gives  dignity  to  human  society,  since  it  would  make  of 
men  the  blind  puppets  of  the  brute  forces  of  nature.  It  would 
imply  the  decay  and  death  of  the  human  soul,  of  the  better 
things  for  which  men  live. 

— NORMAN  ANGELL,  Arms  and  Industry,  pp.  53-85. 
(G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  Publishers.) 

Let  us  consider  the  point  of  difference  between  illusion  and 
ideal,  and  note  that  an  ideal  is  an  idea  or  mental  picture  of 
something  that  ought  to  be.  The  ideal  condemns  the  actual. 
There  would  be  no  need  of  an  ideal  if  the  actual  were  what 
it  ought  to  be — perfect  as  it  ought  to  be.  Every  ideal  con- 
demns the  actual,  but  it  also  as  an  ideal  appreciates  the  actual 
in  so  far  as  the  actual  conditions  lend  themselves  to  better- 
ment. There  could  be  no  ideal  if  the  actual  were  not  capable 
of  being  made  what  it  ought  to  be.  The  ideal  has  just  these 
two  implications — always  against  the  actual,  depreciating  it, 
and  always  for  it,  appreciating  it.  Now  an  illusion  is  the 
notion  that  what  ought  to  be  can  be  realized  immediately, 
without  working  over  the  actual,  without  effort,  without  pain 
— at  least  with  a  minimum  of  effort  and  pain.  We  need  but 
to  form  a  few  peace  societies,  build  a  Peace  Temple  at  The 
Hague,  call  mass  meetings  and  pass  resolutions,  recommend 
apparently  simple  devices  like  an  international  police — any- 
thing ready  to  hand,  anything  easy,  to  bring  about  what  ought 


THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN          403 

to  be.  That  is  characteristic  of  the  illusion.  The  ideal  is 
stern;  it  contemplates  the  actual  and  sees  how  difficult  it  is 
to  change  it,  although  it  is  anything  but  despondent,  and  sees 
that  the  actual  certainly  is  capable  of  being  changed.  The 
illusion — the  immediate  illusion — is  that  at  the  end  of  this 
war  people  will  have  become  so  tired  of  massacre  and  destruc- 
tion of  property  that  some  small  device,  calling  for  but  slight 
effort,  will  serve  to  effect  the  longed-for  change  in  human 
society.  This  is  the  illusion  which  must  be  denounced,  for  it 
is  a  deception  of  oneself ;  and  it  is  due,  in  a  certain  sense,  to 
a  moral  fault  in  those  who  are  obsessed  by  it.  The  illusionists 
are  at  bottom  joy-loving  people,  who  do  not  realize  that  the 
world  is  not  made  for  enjoyment,  and  shirk  the  toil  which  is 
laid  upon  mankind. 

It  is  said  that  the  character  of  certain  kinds  of  material, 
wood  or  stone,  because  of  the  grain,  or  one  or  another  resist- 
ance, makes  it  difficult  for  the  sculptor  to  work  in  them  and 
to  realize  his  ideal  image.  But  in  these  resistances  the  true 
artist  finds  his  education.  He  is  compelled  by  these  very 
obstacles  in  the  material  to  ponder  and  consider,  to  mature 
his  ideal  image,  to  gain  a  closer  grip  of  it.  The  difficulties 
which  mankind  experiences  in  moralizing  the  human  race 
are  like  those  which  the  artist  experiences  in  carving  the 
hard  wood  or  the  stone;  the  very  difficulties  are  the  means 
of  educating  mankind,  of  helping  the  world  to  visualize  its 
ideals,  to  conceive  them  more  truly,  to  test  them,  so  that  if 
they  do  not  work  perhaps  because  they  are  themselves  not  yet 
right  or  just,  they  can  be  further  perfected.  The  resistance 
we  meet  is  a  challenge  compelling  us  to  mature  our  moral 
ideals,  and  the  justification  of  our  efforts  in  the  world  lies 
precisely  in  the  closer  grip  we  obtain  on  ideal  realities.  It  is 
never  in  the  fact  that  we  house  them  in  the  actual  world. 
That  we  never  do.  Our  reward  is  in  our  surer  understanding, 
our  firmer  possession  of  the  ideal  as  reality. 


404   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

It  sometimes  happens  that  an  illusion  is  due  to  pity. 
Under  very  great  stress,  deep  feeling  is  apt  to  breed  illusions. 
For  instance,  you  see  the  suffering  of  the  poor.  The  more 
your  pity  is  stirred  up  the  less  are  you  willing  to  wait  for  a 
remedy.  This  state  of  things,  you  exclaim,  is  intolerable,  and 
there  must  be  relief.  Therefore  you  ask  for  a  cure  that  will 
work  at  once.  But  the  real  remedies  never  work  in  that  way. 
They  work  slowly,  gradually.  Yet,  when  feeling  is  wrought 
up,  then  a  gradual  remedy  is  scouted;  you  insist  on  one  that 
shall  work  promptly  and  completely.  This  is  the  origin  of 
social  Utopias. 

Such  also  is  the  origin  of  the  illusion  of  peace.  Our  feel- 
ings are  wrought  up ;  we  hear  about  the  massacres ;  the  young 
men,  the  flower  of  Europe  are  being  slain;  mothers  are  de- 
prived of  their  sons,  sweethearts  of  their  lovers,  wives  of  their 
husbands.  We  say  this  is  intolerable,  we  cannot  endure  it; 
we  cry  out  for  a  remedy,  a  quick  remedy,  for  something  that 
promises  to  give  immediate  relief. 

Now  the  danger  is  that  people  whose  feelings  are  very 
much  wrought  up  will  overlook  the  real  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  removing  the  evil  condition.  The  illusionist  often  does 
more  harm  than  good.  It  may  be  that  he  does  good  in 
stirring  up  our  conscience.  But  he  also  paves  the  way  for 
disappointment,  disillusion.  Those  who  indulge  in  the  hope 
of  a  quick  and  a  durable  peace  are  apt  to  single  out  such 
factors  in  the  actual  situation  as  seem  favorable  to  their 
dream,  but  ignore  or  are  incapable  of  estimating  those  that 
are  opposed  to  their  remedy.  They  fasten  on  international 
courts,  as  if  the  case  of  strife  between  nations  were  the  same 
as  that  between  individuals.  Or  they  depend  on  pity,  and 
say  pity  will  conquer ;  sympathy  has  more  power  and  is  more 
general  to-day  than  ever  before.  Or  why  cannot  we  appeal  to 
self-interest?  War  is  unprofitable  to  the  victor  and  the 
vanquished,  said  Jean  Bloch  and  Norman  Angell — and  war, 


THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OP  THE  CHRISTIAN         405 

utterly  unprofitable  war,  presently  happened.  There  are  cer- 
tain factors  in  the  situation  which  give  a  plausible  color  to  the 
quick  remedies  while  the  illusionists  overlook  the  things  that 
make  for  war.  .  .  . 

I  do  not  wish  to  dampen  the  belief  in  peace,  which  I  share, 
but  rather  to  dispel  the  illusion — as  if  the  Golden  Vision  were 
entering  the  gate,  as  if  the  beautiful  feet  of  those  who  bring 
glad  tidings  of  peace  were  already  discernible  on  the  moun- 
tains. The  habit  of  seeing  things  as  they  are  is  indispensable 
to  moral  earnestness.  It  is  immoral  not  to  try  to  see  things 
as  they  are.  We  can  only  overcome  difficulties  if  we  first 
clearly  see  them. 

— FELIX  ADLER,  The  Illusion  and  the  Ideal  of  Inter- 
national Peace,  The  Standard,  February,  1915. 

Our  entire  generation  needs  a  faith,  for  it  is  confronting 
the  mightiest  task  ever  undertaken  consciously  by  any  genera- 
tion of  men.  Our  civilization  is  passing  through  a  great 
historic  transition.  We  are  at  the  parting  of  the  ways.  The 
final  outcome  may  be  the  decay  and  extinction  of  Western 
civilization,  or  it  may  be  a  new  epoch  in  the  evolution  of  the 
race,  compared  with  which  our  present  era  will  seem  like 
a  modified  barbarism.  We  now  have  such  scientific  knowledge 
of  social  laws  and  forces,  of  economics,  of  history,  that  we 
can  intelligently  mold  and  guide  the  evolution  in  which  we 
take  part.  Our  fathers  cowered  before  the  lightning ;  we  have 
subdued  it  to  our  will.  Former  generations  were  swept  along 
more  or  less  blindly  toward  a  hidden  destiny ;  we  have  reached 
the  point  where  we  can  make  history  make  us.  Have  we  the 
will  to  match  our  knowledge?  Can  we  marshal  the  moral 
forces  capable  of  breaking  what  must  be  broken,  and  then 
building  what  must  be  built  ?  What  spiritual  hosts  can  God 
line  up  to  rout  the  devil  in  the  battle  of  Armageddon? 

Our  moral  efficiency  depends  on  our  religious  faith.    The 


406   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

force  of  will,  of  courage,  of  self-sacrifice  liberated  by  a  living 
religious  faith  is  so  incalculable,  so  invincible,  that  nothing 
is  impossible  when  that  power  enters  the  field.  The  author 
of  the  greatest  revolution  in  history  made  the  proposition  that 
even  the  slightest  amount  of  faith  is  competent  to  do  the 
unbelievable;  faith  as  tiny  as  a  mustard  seed  can  blast  away 
mountains. 

— WALTER  RAUSCHENBUSCH,  Christianizing 
the  Social  Order,  p.  40. 

A  HIGHER  INDIVIDUAL  STANDARD 

We  have  made  more  progress  in  intelligence  than  in  kind- 
ness. For  thousands  of  generations,  and  until  very  recent 
times,  one  of  the  chief  occupations  of  men  has  been  to 
plunder,  bruise,  and  kill  one  another.  .  .  .  The  tender  and 
unselfish  feelings,  which  are  a  later  product  of  evolution, 
have  too  seldom  been  allowed  to  grow  strong  from  exercise; 
and  the  whims  and  prejudices  of  militant  barbarism  are  slow 
in  dying  out  from  the  midst  of  peaceful  industrial  civilization. 
The  coarser  forms  of  cruelty  are  disappearing  and  the 
butchery  of  men  has  greatly  diminished.  But  most  people 
apply  to  industrial  pursuits  a  notion  of  antagonism  derived 
from  ages  of  warfare,  and  seek  in  all  manner  of  ways  to  cheat 
or  overreach  each  other.  And  as  in  more  barbarous  times 
the  hero  was  he  who  had  slain  his  tens  of  thousands,  so  now 
the  man  who  has  made  wealth  by  overreaching  his  neighbors 
is  not  uncommonly  spoken  of  in  terms  that  imply  approval. 
.  .  .  Nevertheless,  in  all  these  respects  some  improvements 
have  been  made.  .  .  .  The  manifestations  of  selfish  and  hate- 
ful feeelings  will  be  more  and  more  sternly  repressed  by 
public  opinion  and  such  feelings  will  become  weakened  by 
disuse.  Human  progress  means  throwing  off  the  brute  in- 
heritance— gradually  throwing  it  off  through  ages  of  struggle 
that  are  by  and  by  to  make  struggle  needless.  Man  is  slowly 


THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN          407 

passing  from  a  primitive  social  state  toward  an  ultimate 
social  state  in  which  his  character  will  be  so  transformed  that 
nothing  of  the  brute  can  be  detected  in  it.  ...  The  process 
of  evolution  is  an  advance  toward  true  salvation. 

— JOHN  FISKE. 

Man's  conception  of  his  duty  to  his  neighbor  has  been 
modified  by  three  relations  of  affinity — race,  creed,  and  color ; 
and  each  of  these  affinities  has  been  the  motive  of  conflict 
between  the  communities  it  has  included  and  those  it  has 
excluded. 

The  history  of  civilization  is  the  history  of  the  evolution 
of  conscience  in  controlling  the  policy  of  the  included  to  the 
excluded  communities  in  these  conflicts.  It  presents  an 
orderly  process  of  development  through  three  stages,  each 
exhibiting  a  dominant  policy — a  policy  of  extermination,  a 
policy  of  servitude,  and  a  policy  of  amalgamation.  By 
amalgamation  I  mean  union  in  the  same  community  as  mas- 
ters and  servants,  as  fellow-laborers,  as  fellow-citizens,  and, 
if  possible,  but  not  necessarily,  as  connected  by  intermarriage. 
— SIR  CHARLES  BRUCE,  Papers  on  Inter-Eacial 
Problems,  p.  280. 

Nearly  three  thousand  years  ago  a  mighty  poet,  an  idealist, 
lifted  up  his  voice  amidst  a  nation  of  armed  men  and  dared 
to  sing  of  a  day  when  men  "shall  beat  their  swords  into 
ploughshares,  and  their  spears  into  pruning  hooks:  nation 
shall  not  lift  up  sword  against  nation,  neither  shall  they 
learn  war  any  more." 

Many  centuries  have  passed  since  those  words  were  uttered, 
and  still  the  nations  of  the  earth,  the  most  highly  civilized 
among  those  nations,  spend  of  the  best  of  their  skill,  their 
science,  and  their  energy,  in  forging  engines  of  destruction. 
But  we  have  at  least  traveled  so  far  along  the  road  toward 


408   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

universal  peace  that  by  a  large  and  growing  body  of  opinion 
in  all  the  more  civilized  countries  the  prophecy  of  Isaiah  is 
regarded  not  as  the  dream-picture  of  another  world,  but  as  a 
definite  and  attainable  goal  toward  which  the  nations  of  this 
world  are  surely  moving. 

— DOROTHY  M.  HUNTER,  Anglo-German  Trade  and 
the  Unmeasured  Costs  of  War,  p.  1. 

That  war  and  policy  are  closely  bound  together  is  un- 
deniable. What  then,  is  policy?  Policy  in  this  connection 
represents  the  general  interests  of  a  whole  community.  What 
determines  policy  ?  Public  opinion.  What  determines  public 
opinion?  The  view  of  its  interests  which  most  commends 
itself  to  the  community.  And  what  will  determine  that  view  ? 
The  stage  of  development  reached  by  the  social  sense  of  the 
community.  Upon  that  will  depend  the  sort  of  policy  pur- 
sued; that  sort  which  naturally  completes  itself  in  war,  or 
that  which  is  perfected  in  peace. 

Thus  the  cardinal  importance  of  using  every  possible  means 
of  fostering  the  social  sense  is  patent.  Such  means  were 
happily  summarized,  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago,  by  "the 
greatest  man  since  Milton,"  as  Macaulay  called  him — 
Edmund  Burke:  "It  is  our  business  carefully  to  cultivate  in 
our  minds,  to  rear,  to  the  utmost  vigor  and  maturity,  every 
sort  of  generous  and  honest  feeling  that  belongs  to  our 
nature;  to  bring  the  dispositions  that  are  lovely  in  private 
life  into  the  service  and  conduct  of  the  commonwealth;  so 
to  be  patriots  as  not  to  forget  that  we  are  gentlemen/' 

However  slow  the  movement,  the  world  advances.  There 
are  thousands  in  England  to-day,  for  every  ten  in  Burke's 
day,  who  can  see  something  more  profound  than  platitude  in 
his  maxim,  "There  is  no  qualification  for  government  but 
wisdom  and  virtue,  actual  or  presumptive.  Wherever  they 
are  actually  found  they  have,  in  whatever  state,  condition, 


THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN           409 

profession  or  trade,  the  passport  of  heaven  to  human  place 
and  honor." 

As  Dr.  Montagu  Butler  reminds  us,  "India  is  still,  as  it  was 
a  hundred  years  ago,  the  truest  touchstone  of  England's 
conscience."  Compare,  then,  Burke's  outlook  on  Indian  affairs 
(to  which  he  gave  fourteen  years  of  laborious  and  unbroken 
study)  with  the  outlook  of  statesmanship  in  our  own  day; 
and  realize  the  change  in  social  consciousness  involved. 
Burke's  scathing  indictment  of  the  "Company"  for  vulgar 
heartlessness,  as  much  as  for  downright  cruelty,  is  as  his- 
torical as  his  more  famous  impeachment  of  Hastings.  The 
stock  plea  was  that  the  public  faith  was  plighted  to  their 
charter;  but  for  Burke  any  such  fidelity  to  crime  appeared 
simply  intolerable  cant.  "If  I  kept  such  a  faith  with  what 
is  called  the  Company,  I  must  break  the  faith,  the  covenant, 
the  solemn,  original,  indispensable  oath,  in  which  I  am 
bound  by  the  eternal  frame  and  constitution  of  things  to  the 
whole  human  race."  There  speaks  the  ideal  citizen,  who 
already  held  that  "all  persons  possessing  any  portion  of  power 
ought  to  be  strongly  and  awfully  impressed  with  the  idea  that 
they  act  in  trust,  and  that  they  are  to  account  for  their  con- 
duct to  the  one  great  Master,  Author,  and  Founder  of  So- 
ciety," and  that  nothing  in  heaven  or  earth  is  surer  than  the 
retribution  in  store  for  tyranny  and  the  petty  greed  of  the 
oppressor.  "If  we  make  ourselves  too  little  for  the  sphere 
of  our  duty;  if  we  do  not  stretch  and  expand  our  minds  to 
the  compass  of  their  object;  be  well  assured  that  everything 
about  us  will  dwindle  by  degrees,  until  at  length  our  concerns 
are  shrunk  to  the  dimensions  of  our  minds." 

— WILLIAM  LEIGHTON  GRANE,  The  Passing  of  War,  Ex- 
tracts from  pp.  110-112.  (The  Macmillan  Co.,  Pubs.) 

CONSECRATION  TO  A  GREAT  CAUSE 

The  greatest  criminals,  I  verily  believe,  on  God's  earth 


410   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

to-day  would  be  the  politicians  and  the  reckless,  irresponsible 
newspaper  writers,  who  would  deliberately  sow  the  seeds  of 
discord  between  these  English-speaking  peoples.  The  world's 
future,  it  seems  to  me,  depends  for  its  brightness  and  glory 
on  a  union  of  all  English-speaking  nations  in  one  great  con- 
federacy of  Peace,  as  preliminary  to  that  wider  interna- 
tionalism, of  which  the  great-hearted  poet-laureate  has  sung, 
"the  parliament  of  man,  the  federation  of  the  world."  0,  let 
us  pray  for  it — let  us  work  for  it!  Great  is  he  who  conse- 
crates himself  to  such  an  idea.  In  order  to  possess  greatness 
of  character,  we  must  be  possessed  by  great  ideas,  great  aims. 
We  must  ally  ourselves  to  great  causes.  This  is  humanity's 
day.  Small  men  in  great  places  are  at  a  discount.  They 
have  had  their  day.  It  has  been  a  long,  dark  day.  But  the 
fountains  of  the  great  deep  in  human  nature  are  being  broken 
up,  and  the  windows  of  Heaven  are  opening.  The  baptism 
of  the  Spirit  can  never  narrow  men.  It  can  never  divide 
those  who  receive  it.  It  must  unite  them.  In  front  of  us 
men  are  born,  or  are  to  be  born,  who  shall  be  great  construc- 
tionists,  great  missionaries,  great  human-hearted  statesmen, 
for  whoever  believes  that  "all  power  is  given  to  our  Lord 
Christ"  inevitably  believes  in  a  great  future  for  men. 

— REUEN  THOMAS,  The  War  System,  pp.  3-30. 

After  all,  we  have  overestimated  the  significance  of  the 
valor  of  the  soldier.  The  hardest  and  highest  triumphs  are 
those  won  over  prosperity,  not  over  adversity;  those  which 
compel  the  resources  of  intelligence  and  wealth  to  serve  the 
cause  of  humanity.  Life  is  once  and  forever  a  battle,  and 
there  are  no  gains  that  come  without  a  struggle. 

The  inspiration  of  the  man  with  a  musket  is  always  inferior 
to  the  inspiration  of  the  man  with  a  principle.  Women  who 
in  war  days  tore  their  garments  into  lint  now  dare  not  sacri- 
fice a  single  napkin  of  the  proprieties  to  bandage  the  mangled 


THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN          411 

spirits  of  those  who  go  forth  in  search  of  truth  and  justice. 
Beautiful  are  the  lives  of  those  who  decide  that  men  must  be 
free  from  the  slavery  of  the  body,  but  nobler  are  those  who 
valorously  wage  the  war  against  spiritual  slavery  and  moral 
bondage. 

"So  he  died  for  his  faith.    That  is  fine- 
More  than  most  of  us  do. 
But  stay,  can  you  add  to  that  line 
That  he  lived  for  it,  too? 

"It  is  easy  to  die.    Men  have  died 

For  a  wish  or  a  whim — 
From  bravado  or  passion  or  pride. 
Was  it  harder  for  him? 

"But  to  live;  every  day  to  live  out 

All  the  truth  that  he  dreamt, 
While  his  friends  met  his  conduct  with  doubt 
And  the  world  with  contempt — 

"Was  it  thus  that  he  plodded  ahead, 

Never  turning  aside? 
Then  we'll  talk  of  the  life  that  he  led— 

Never  mind  how  he  died." 

— JENKIN  LLOYD  JONES,  Peace,  not  War,  the  School  of 
Heroism,  in  the  Fourth  American  Peace  Congress. 


CHAPTEE  XIII 

CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  BASIS  AND  ASSURANCE 
OF  PERMANENT  INTERNATIONAL  GOOD  WILL 

As  yet  lingers  the  twelfth  hour  and  the  darkness;  but  the 
time  will  come  when  it  shall  be  light,  and  man  will  awaken 
from  his  lofty  dreams  and  find — his  dreams  all  there  and 
nothing  gone  save  his  sleep. 

— JEAN  PAUL  RICHTER. 

THE  CALL  TO  THE  CHURCH 

If  we  in  this  professedly  Christian  nation  had  been  doing 
our  whole  duty  as  a  Christian  people,  not  merely  in  teaching 
and  preaching,  or  in  listening  or  subscribing  to,  but  in  prac- 
ticing and  obeying  this  religion  of  Jesus  Christ,  would  there 
be  any  war  in  Europe  to-day?  But  is  that  too  much  to  ask 
of  us,  too  much  to  expect  of  us  ?  Possibly  so.  And  yet  it  is 
the  duty  call  and  summons  of  the  hour,  the  call  which  in  this 
hour,  this  midnight  hour,  we  hear — "Behold,  the  Bridegroom 
cometh !"  It  is  not  a  time  for  despondency,  it  is  not  a  time 
for  despair,  it  is  a  time  for  resolute  and  hopeful  action — 
"Behold,  the  Bridegroom  cometh";  and  confessing  our  sin 
and  failure  and  that  we  have  all  slumbered  and  slept,  but 
trimming  now  our  lamps  of  faith  and  hope  and  love,  let  us 
go  out  to  meet  Him,  that  we  may  learn  of  Him  to  find  and 
to  walk  in  the  way  of  love  and  peace;  peace  for  ourselves, 
peace  for  the  Church  of  God,  peace  for  the  fighting  and 
warring  nations;  the  way  of  love  and  peace.  In  the  mid- 
night darkness  the  cry  is  heard — "Behold,  the  Bridegroom 
cometh ;  go  ye  out  to  meet  Him !" 

— DAVID  H.  GREEK,  The  Midnight  Cry. 
412 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  413 

We  have  seen  the  love  of  a  great  Liberator  and  we  also  see 
that  as  we  pass  from  the  sacrificial  love  of  a  Saviour  to  the 
sacrificial  duty  of  disciples  of  the  Saviour  we  are  building  up 
ideals  and  social  minds  and  social  passions  that  shall  answer 
problems  of  war  and  peace  we  shall  never  answer  in  terms 
of  dollars  and  cents.  It  is  indeed  significant  that  the  Federal 
Council  of  Churches  of  Christ  in  America,  representing  as 
it  does  something  like  thirty-two  denominations  and  possibly 
sixteen  million  Protestant  church  members,  has  a  commission 
on  world  peace  and  is  endeavoring  to  create  a  state  of  peace. 
For  what  the  world  needs  is  not  simply  antimilitarism,  but 
positive  and  helpful  peace. 

The  mission  of  Christianity  is  not,  "Thou  shalt  do  things," 
but  rather,  "Thou  shalt  do  those  things  which  are  embodied 
in  the  dramatic  ideal  set  by  the  Founder  of  Christianity  Him- 
self." He  dared  to  give  His  life  to  serve,  He  dared  to  work 
for  others,  He  dared  to  sacrifice  that  others  should  have  a 
peace  that  passes  understanding.  And  when  so-called  Chris- 
tian nations  really  become  Christian  nations,  they  will  not 
go  to  arbitration  courts  simply  to  get  what  they  can  out  of 
the  decision.  They  will  rather  say,  "Now,  gentlemen,  tell  us 
what  is  right;  tell  us  what  is  justice;  and  if  your  decision 
is  against  us  we  shall  rejoice  that  justice  is  being  done  even 
though  our  claims  are  not  met." 

That  is  the  ideal  toward  which  we  are  moving.  As  we 
socialize  this  spirit  of  altruism  that  costs  something,  we  shall 
legalize  it,  nationalize  it,  internationalize  it.  And  we  dare 
have  this  great  hope,  not  as  an  academic,  glittering  generality, 
but  as  a  conviction  born  of  the  observation  of  the  past,  born 
of  a  belief  that  the  spiritual  order  is  superior  to  the  material 
order,  born  of  the  belief  that  God  is  in  His  world,  and  that 
God  is  the  God  of  Love :  a  great  hope  that  the  time  is  coming 
when  the  real  rather  than  the  secondary  Christianity  shall 
rule  men's  planning;  that  the  universal  prayer  is  to  be 


414   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

answered  that  God's  Kingdom  shall  come  and  that  His  will 
of  love  shall  be  done  on  earth  as  it  is  in  heaven. 

— SHAILER  MATHEWS,  Christianity  and  World  Peace, 

in  the  Reports  of  The  Fourth  American  Congress, 

pp.  371,  372. 


One  thing  seems  certain.  Not  this  nation  or  that,  but  the 
whole  civilized  world  will  ere  long  be  forced  to  a  decision 
between  the  ruinous  worship  of  Force  and  the  beneficent 
worship  of  God.  Two  Masters  cannot  be  served  forever. 
Two  opposite  opinions  cannot  be  eternally  maintained.  The 
time  comes  when  it  is  no  longer  possible  to  continue  to  keep 
both,  and  it  is  necessary  to  ally  oneself  with  either  one  or 
the  other.  No  compromise  is  possible  between  Christ  and 
Nietzsche.  Multitudes  even  now  are  mustering  in  the  Valley 
of  Decision.  And  before  them  lies  the  most  momentous 
choice  yet  proposed  in  the  course  of  the  social  evolution  of 
the  world.  .  .  . 

Let  us  turn  to  "the  people" — the  greatest  army  after  all 
in  every  nation,  because  it  is  productive.  Is  their  own  out- 
look upon  life  likely  to  range  these  rulers  of  the  future  on 
the  side  of  Peace  or  War  ?  How  will  this  enormous  question, 
in  Creighton's  phrase,  "strike  their  imagination"  ?  The  first 
step  toward  answering  that,  is  to  ask  what  already  constitutes 
their  ideal.  Now  I  think  it  may  be  taken  as  an  admitted 
truth  that,  speaking  broadly,  there  are  three  essential 
elements  of  human  life  really  dear  to  the  people.  Leaving 
aside  for  the  moment  the  dignity  of  labor,  the  average  work- 
ing-class ideal  seems  to  be  compounded  of  these  three  ideas: 
Religion,  Association,  Liberty.  Each  of  these  elements  is 
more  than  living,  it  is  germinal;  and  that  of  which  each 
contains  the  seed  is  not  War  but  Peace.  Consequently  I 
regard  their  combined  influence  in  the  popular  mind  as  of 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  415 

cardinal  importance  in  connection  with  the  Peace  movement 
in  the  world. 

First,  as  to  Religion.  It  is  sometimes  said  that  the  great 
masses  of  mankind  are  irreligious.  But  they  are  not.  It 
is  not  they  who  are  opposed  to  the  Christianity  of  Christ. 
Whether  they  go  to  church  or  not,  they  still  "hear  Him 
gladly."  .  .  .  Their  regard  for  morality  is  intense:  and 
they  are  never  found  belittling  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount. 
If  neglect  of  common  worship  leads  many  of  them  to  miss 
the  great  idea  of  Fellowship  inherent  in  Religion,  they  all 
believe  in  Association  for  practical  purposes,  and  throughly 
understand  its  power.  Moreover,  this  idea  is  conceived  in  a 
large  and  noble  way  which  brooks  no  hampering  national 
limits.  Their  Brotherhood  movements,  Cooperative  Societies, 
Socialist  Federations,  Labor  Unions,  are  all,  more  or  less, 
international.  Such  organizations  are  educative.  They  pre- 
pare the  way  for  that  larger  view  of  the  world's  life  into 
which  the  limited  patriotism,  which  was  a  virtue  and  a 
necessity  in  the  past,  is  now  in  process  of  translation. 

So  with  their  love  of  liberty.  That  again  refuses  to  be 
limited  by  considerations  of  race  or  clime.  And  even  the 
spirit  of  nationalism,  if  it  tends  to  isolate  the  gifts  of  free- 
dom and  progress  from  the  universal  life  palpitating  every- 
where, will  be  rejected  as  inadequate.  In  the  eyes  of  the 
people,  separate  nations  will  increasingly  appear  as  the  sepa- 
rate families  of  humanity.  And  even  as  no  man  can  com- 
pletely fulfill  his  duty  as  a  father,  who  fails  in  the  higher 
duty  which  he  owes  to  his  country;  so  no  man  can  rightly 
fulfill  his  duties  as  a  patriot,  who  fails  in  the  higher  duty 
which  he  owes  to  humanity. 

— WILLIAM  LEIGHTON  GRANE,  The  Passing  of  War, 
pp.  70-82.  (The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

We  need  to  be  taught  that  preparation  for  war  is  a  heathen 


416   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

way  of  insuring  peace,  and  that  the  Christian  method  is  to 
avoid  war  by  removing  causes  of  dispute.  A  Christian  society 
may  punish;  it  should  never  fight.  This  law  is  as  true  of 
industry  as  of  politics.  A  world  kept  at  peace  by  fear  of 
strikes  and  lockouts  is  as  hideous  a  caricature  of  Christendom 
as  a  world  kept  at  peace  through  fear  of  armies. 

As  far  as  the  church  itself  is  concerned,  the  situation  is 
a  very  simple  one :  the  production  of  men  who  have  the  spirit 
of  Christ  and  are  ready  to  sacrifice  privilege  for  the  benefit 
of  other  people.  And  that  means  strong  preaching.  A  reli- 
gion which,  no  matter  what  its  pious  phrases,  actually  leads 
a  man  to  hold  fast  to  everything  he  possesses,  whether  it  be 
money  or  advantage,  has  no  right  to  call  itself  Christian.  It 
is  mere  barbarism.  Obey  it  and  you  will  be  following  the 
medicine-man. 

Conciliatory  arbitration,  with  the  accent  upon  the  first 
word,  is  the  practical  contribution  Christian  men  can  make 
to  the  industrial  situation.  And  Christians  must  make  this 
contribution  without  fear  of  the  contempt  of  those  who  prefer 
fighting  to  discussion;  without  fear  of  being  called  amateurs 
in  practical  affairs;  without  fear  of  anything  except  the 
rebuke  of  one's  own  conscience. 

If  the  Golden  Rule  is  inoperative  outside  pious  books,  let  us 
be  honest  with  ourselves  and  say  so. 

If  reconciliation  between  men  is  less  possible  than  recon- 
ciliation with  God,  let  us  say  that  also. 

Only  let  us  also  not  deceive  ourselves  in  another  particular. 
Let  us  be  honest  and  label  ourselves  heathen. 

— SHAILEE  MATHEWS,  The  Making  of  To-Morrow, 
Extracts  from  pp.  103-105. 

THE  CALL  TO  MINISTERS 

The  doubt  whether,  as  things  are,  all  can  be  quite  right 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  417 

with  normal  Christian  teachings  seems  fortified  by  the  fact 
that,  when  the  most  up-to-date  English  dictionary  refers  to 
"Christianity/'  the  last  possible  definition  given  is  "con- 
formity to  the  teachings  of  Christ  in  life  and  conduct,"  and 
this  is  ominously  pronounced  "Rare/'  Are  we  to  fold  our 
hands  until  we  discover  in  the  next  edition  that  "Rare"  has 
become  "Obsolete"? 

Surely  we  still  have  need  to  lay  to  heart  the  appeal  by 
a  great  lay  preacher  of  political  righteousness,  when  he  strove 
in  1853  to  avert  that  war  in  the  Crimea  which  was  as  im- 
mediately fertile  in  horrors  as  it  afterward  proved  politically 
barren — 

"You  profess  to  be  a  Christian  nation.  You  make  it  your 
boast  that  you  are  a  people  who  draw  your  rule  of  doctrine 
and  practice,  as  from  a  well  pure  and  undefiled,  from  the 
living  oracles  of  God.  You  have  even  conceived  the  magnifi- 
cent project  of  illuminating  the  whole  earth,  even  to  its  re- 
motest and  darkest  recesses,  by  disseminating  the  volume  of 
the  New  Testament,  in  whose  every  page  are  written  forever 
the  words  of  peace.  Within  the  limits  of  this  island  alone, 
on  every  Sunday,  in  more  than  twenty  thousand  temples, 
devout  men  and  women  assemble  that  they  may  worship  Him 
who  is  the  'Prince  of  Peace.'  Is  this  a  reality,  or  is  your 
Christianity  a  romance,  and  your  profession  a  dream?  No, 
I  am  sure  that  your  Christianity  is  not  a  romance,  and  I  am 
equally  sure  that  your  profession  is  not  a  dream.  It  is  be- 
cause I  believe  this  that  I  have  hope  and  faith  in  the  future. 
I  believe  that  we  shall  see,  and  at  no  very  distant  time,  sound 
economic  principles  spreading  much  more  widely  among  the 
people ;  a  sense  of  justice  growing  up  in  a  soil  which  hitherto 
has  been  deemed  unfruitful,  and  better  than  all,  the  churches 
of  Britain  awaking  as  it  were  from  their  slumbers,  and  gird- 
ing up  their  loins  to  more  glorious  work,  when  they  shall  not 
only  accept  and  believe  in  the  prophecy,  but  labor  earnestly 


418   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

for  its  fulfillment,  that  there  shall  come  a  time — a  time 
which  shall  last  forever — when  'nation  shall  not  lift  up  sword 
against  nation,  neither  shall  they  learn  war  any  more.' '' 

Now  can  we  think  that  during  the  sixty  years  which  have 
passed  since  those  words  were  spoken,  the  "Churches  of 
Britain"  have  "labored  earnestly"  in  this  direction?  I  am 
quite  sure  the  Church  of  England  has  not.  Among  her  multi- 
tudinous societies  and  organizations  for  every  imaginable 
propaganda,  no  sort  of  association  for  promoting  either  the 
Peace  of  the  World  or  any  kind  of  peace  ideal  even  existed 
till  about  1910,  and  perhaps  a  hundred  names  would  nearly 
exhaust  its  present  membership.  Too  rarely  has  her  voice 
been  raised  at  all  against  the  militarism  which  now  more  than 
ever  oppresses  Europe,  and  which  dishonors  and  defies  the 
Christianity  we  profess. 

Let  any  one  who  has  been  accustomed  for  many  years  to 
listen  to  sermons  try  to  recall  even  two  or  three  occasions  on 
which  the  possible  prevention  of  war  by  Christian  influences 
has  been  treated.  He  will,  in  all  probability,  find  the  topic 
untouched.  ...  A  simultaneous  appeal  such  as  is  now  annu- 
ally made  to  thousands  of  conscientious  people,  if  it  could 
become  universal  over  the  whole  Christian  world,  could  hardly 
fail  of  considerable  cumulative  effect.  .  .  .  Perhaps  nothing 
would  do  more  to  stir  endeavor  in  the  right  direction  than 
a  real  conviction  that  "Peace  on  earth"  is  not  an  angel-song, 
or  merely  a  crank's  quixotic  dream,  but  a  real,  definite, 
practicable  possibility.  And  is  it  not  so?  In  1780  Benjamin 
Franklin  wrote,  "We  make  great  improvements  in  natural, 
there  is  one  I  wish  to  see  in  moral,  philosophy;  the  discovery 
of  a  plan  which  would  induce  and  oblige  nations  to  settle 
their  disputes  without  first  cutting  one  another's  throats. 
When  will  human  reason  be  sufficiently  improved  to  see  the 
advantage  of  this?"  Commenting  on  this  (in  a  leading 
article  inspired  by  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie's  munificent  gift 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  419 

in  the  cause  of  peace)  the  Times  recently  observed:  "After 
the  lapse  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  years  human  reason  is 
manifestly  not  yet  sufficiently  improved  to  see  it.  We  must 
still  sorrowfully  say,  with  Joubert,  'Force  is  the  Right  which 
rules  everything  in  the  world;  Eight  waits  upon  Force.' 
Force  is  still  waiting  until  Right  is  ready  to  achieve  its  per- 
fect work;  and  to  all  appearance  it  will  still  have  many  a 
long  day  to  wait." 

I  am  bold  to  put  among  our  grounds  of  Hope  language 
even  such  as  this,  from  such  a  source.  The  Times  leader- 
writer  is  at  least  sorrowful  about  his  verdict,  and  he  does  not 
dismiss  Franklin's  ideal  as  absurd,  but  only  as  likely  to  be 
long  delayed.  Indeed  he  goes  on  to  say  that  "it  would  be 
well  worth  the  while  of  the  nations  to  lay  down  their  tens  of 
millions  of  pounds  for  each  of  the  two  just  given  by  Mr. 
Carnegie  (to  hasten  the  abolition  of  international  war)  if 
by  so  doing  they  could  get  rid  of  the  crushing  and  ever- 
growing burden  of  their  armaments.  But  could  they? 
Franklin  yearned  for  a  plan  which  could  induce  and  oblige 
nations  to  settle  their  disputes  without  first  cutting  one  an- 
other's throats.  But  where  is  the  obligation — or  sanction 
as  jurists  call  it — to  come  from? 

This  question,  we  must  all  agree,  "touches  the  spot."  And 
we  shall  all  be  as  hopeless  as  the  Times,  if  we  think  it  un- 
answerable. But  I  venture  to  submit  that  it  is  not.  No  one 
who  gives  due  weight  to  the  opinions  of  psychologists  most 
qualified  to  judge,  no  one  who  recognizes  the  leading  factor 
in  such  advances  in  social  evolution  as  have  already  been 
made,  can  be  anything  but  confident  that  the  "sanction"  and 
"obligation"  of  which  the  leader-writer  despairs,  can  be,  and 
will  be,  found  in  a  further  developed  moral  sense  among  the 
peoples  of  the  earth.  .  .  . 

If  the  clergy  hold  commission  from  Him  who  came  "not 
to  destroy  men's  lives  but  to  save  them,"  how  can  they  fulfill 


420   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

it  without  doing  all  that  in  them  lies  to  elevate  the  public 
sentiment  in  this  tremendous  affair?  Ought  they  not  to 
feel  "straitened"  until  something  further  is  accomplished, 
and  the  nations,  instead  of  spending  and  being  spent  in 
"making  provision"  to  bite  and  devour  one  another,  are 
enlisted  in  a  holy  army  and  launched  on  a  new  crusade  for 
the  unifying  and  compacting  of  the  common  civilization,  and 
for  an  organized  international  rescue  of  the  still  desecrated 
Temple  of  Peace.  For  this — this  novum  salutis  genus  indeed 
— the  old  war-cry  may  well  be  raised  again,  and  with  in- 
finitely greater  truth :  Deus  vult!  Dieu  le  veult!  God  wills  it ! 
— W.  L.  GRANE,  The  Passing  of  War,  Extracts  from 
pp.  165-174.  (The  Macmillan  Co.,  Publishers.) 

The  next  great  forward  step  for  the  Christian  world  is  the 
Crusade  for  Peace.  Who  shall  be  the  leaders  in  this  forward 
movement  of  the  modern  world? 

Pastors,  awake  !  Enlist  in  the  new  crusade !  Yours  is  the 
great  opportunity:  yours  the  splendid  responsibility.  The 
suffering  war-sick  world  awaits  your  response  to  the  call  of 
the  Prince  of  Peace. 

Tinder  enthusiastic  guidance  by  the  pastors  of  America 
100,000  strong,  the  Christian  forces  can  easily  be  mobilized 
for  the  New  Crusade,  the  war  against  war.  Vast  campaigns 
are  before  us.  Ballots  shall  be  our  bullets.  Legislatures 
must  be  captured.  Golden  Kule  laws  must  be  enacted  by  na- 
tional and  State  legislatures. 

The  Prince  of  Peace  invites  volunteers  for  the  New  Cru- 
sade. 

— SIDNEY  L.  GULICK,  The  Fight  for  Peace,  p.  191. 

Upon  these  700,000  ministers  of  the  Gospel  rests  a  pecul- 
iarly solemn  responsibility  for  the  peace  of  the  world.  They 
are,  of  all  men,  best  acquainted  with  the  teaching  of  Jesus, 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  421 

and  it  is  their  sole  business  in  life  to  enforce  that  teaching. 
Granted  that  they  do  not  agree  on  the  question  whether  the 
Gospel  ever  sanctions  war,  they  must  agree,  if  they  read  the 
Gospel  intelligently  and  without  the  fear  of  man,  that  Jesus 
laid  supreme  emphasis  on  the  attainment  of  qualities  of 
character  which  render  war  increasingly  impossible,  and  they 
must  agree  that  the  spirit  of  Jesus  would  try  every  suggestion 
of  brotherly  love  before  it  would  even  consider  a  resort  to  the 
"dread  arbitrament  of  war." 

— GEORGE  HOLLEY  GILBERT,  The  Bible  and  Universal 
Peace,  pp.  202-204. 

The  striking  chapter  on  "The  Moral  Supremacy  of 
Christendom"  with  which  the  editor  of  The  Hibbert  Journal 
closes  his  recent  book,  The  Alchemy  of  Thought,  should  be 
digested  by  the  clergy.  If  Christianity  is  so  taught  in  the 
West  that  neither  the  Christian  ideal,  nor  even  the  "Gothic 
qualities"  of  chivalry  and  honor  are  generally  operative,  while 
other  faiths  are  producing  higher  policy  and  better  lives, 
Christendom  is  challenged  indeed.  To  the  man  whose  eyes 
are  open,  the  broad  outlines  of  any  policy  of  blood  and 
iron,  from  the  story  of  British  colonial  expansion — however 
splendidly  compensated  by  subsequent  administration — down 
to  the  Italian  descent  on  Tripoli — however  blessed  by  Princes 
of  the  church — have  really  "as  little  to  do  with  chivalry  and 
honor  as  with  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount." 

— WILLIAM  LEIGHTON  GRANE,  The  Passing  of  War,  Extract 
from  p.  120.  (The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

One  of  the  beautiful  pictures  adorning  the  dome  of  a 
church  in  Rome,  by  that  master  of  art,  whose  immortal 
colors  speak  as  with  the  voice  of  a  poet,  the  divine  Raphael, 
represents  Mars  in  the  attitude  of  War,  with  a  drawn  sword 


422   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

uplifted  and  ready  to  strike,  while  an  unarmed  angel  from 
behind,  with  gentle,  but  irresistible  force,  arrests  and  holds 
the  descending  hand.  Such  is  the  true  image  of  Christian 
duty;  nor  can  I  readily  perceive  any  difference  in  principle 
between  those  ministers  of  the  Gospel  who  themselves  gird  on 
the  sword,  as  in  the  olden  time,  and  those  others,  unarmed, 
and  in  customary  suit  of  solemn  black,  who  lend  the  sanction 
of  their  presence  to  the  martial  array,  or  to  any  form  of 
preparation  for  war.  The  drummer  who  pleaded  that  he  did 
not  fight,  was  held  more  responsible  for  the  battle  than  the 
soldier — as  it  was  the  sound  of  his  drum  that  inflamed  the 
flagging  courage  of  the  troops. 

— CHARLES  SUMNER,  Addresses  on  War,  p.  60. 

Let  us  hear  more  of  the  inherent  senselessness  of  war,  and 
less  of  the  inherent  right  of  a  nation  to  make  war.  Let  us 
hear  less  and  less  of  the  so-called  justifiable  nature  of  war, 
the  purifying  influence  of  war,  the  heroic  sacrifices  made  in 
war ;  let  us  be  unsparing  in  denunciation  of  the  selfish  motives 
that  lead  to  war.  Let  us  regard  as  a  flagrant  contradiction  in 
terms  such  phrases  as  a  "war  of  progress/'  "the  judicial 
character  of  war/'  "the  lawful  place  of  war  in  the  world," 
"the  sacred  and  serious  object  of  war,"  "the  morality  of  war," 
"the  solemnizing  type  of  character  produced  by  war" ;  and  let 
us  stoutly  maintain  that  no  function,  however  serious  and 
sacred,  can  "consecrate"  war.  Let  us  cease  to  preach  that 
war,  as  such,  can  be  "elevated" — even  by  "sacrifice."  Lastly, 
let  us  refuse  to  concede  in  any  given  case  the  "necessity 
of  war." 

— E.  S.  EGBERTS,  Quoted  in  The  Passing  of  War,  p.  168. 

THE  BIBLE  AND  PEACE 

To  measure  accurately  the  part  which  the  Bible  has  had 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  423 

in  the  creation  and  development  of  the  desire  and  purpose 
to  substitute  peace  for  war,  and  in  the  establishment  of  insti- 
tutions whose  aim  is  to  realize  that  desire  and  purpose,  would 
of  course  be  an  impossible  task.  The  Bible  has  been  the 
main  source  of  religious  direction  and  inspiration  for  all 
Christian  peoples,  and  religion  has  always  been,  as  it  still 
is,  the  deepest  spring  of  human  progress.  But  the  connection 
between  the  Bible  and  specific  stages  of  progress  is  often 
indirect  and  hidden,  the  more  so  as  the  distance  between  the 
living  present  and  the  Bible  widens.  While  countless  deeds 
are  daily  wrought  for  righteousness  by  those  who  are  perfectly 
conscious  that  their  best  life  is  rooted  in  the  Gospel,  it  is 
also  true  that  countless  good  influences  are  daily  set  in 
motion  or  fostered  by  men  and  women  who  are  not  aware  that 
the  spirit  of  their  lives  is  a  heritage  from  the  Bible,  and 
indeed  it  is  not,  in  multitudes  of  cases. 

But  though  it  is  impossible  perfectly  to  disentangle  the 
strands  of  the  Bible's  influence  for  peace  from  other  in- 
fluences working  toward  that  end,  we  may,  nevertheless,  hope 
to  form  an  approximately  correct  view  of  their  strength,  and 
even  that  task  seems  well  worth  the  doing. 

It  is  to  be  admitted,  of  course,  at  the  outset  that  the 
Bible  has  promoted  war  as  well  as  peace,  that  it  has  furnished 
the  quiver  of  the  stout  fighter  not  less  abundantly  than  that 
of  the  friend  of  peace.  We  shall  not  attempt  to  show  how 
widely  and  deeply  the  Bible  has  stimulated  war  either  by  its 
picture  of  a  warlike  Yahweh,  or  through  various  texts  and 
incidents  in  Old  Testament  history,  or  through  the  misinter- 
pretation of  certain  New  Testament  passages.  The  man  who 
has  had  it  in  his  heart  and  in  the  power  of  his  hand  to 
torment  or  kill  his  adversary  has  never  been  long  at  a  loss 
to  find  justification  in  Scripture,  if  indeed  he  has  sought  it. 
As  in  the  name  of  liberty  some  of  the  worst  crimes  against 
her  spirit  have  been  perpetrated,  so  in  the  name  of  God 


424   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

and  the  Bible  men  have  often  plunged  wildly  into  the  nether- 
most abysses  of  savage  war. 

And  yet,  while  making  this  admission,  we  hold  it  true  that 
the  growth  of  the  sentiment  and  institutions  of  peace — a 
growth  that  implies  a  corresponding  decline  of  the  war-spirit 
— is  traceable  in  a  considerable  degree  to  the  Bible,  the  same 
Bible  that  has  sometimes  fed  the  destroying  flames  of  war, 
but  that  Bible  better  understood. 

There  is,  indeed,  a  large  element  of  truth  in  the  assertion 
that  all  Jewish  history — meaning  by  that  phrase  Old  Testa- 
ment history — is  a  narrative  of  wars,  but  the  statement  that 
these  wars — some  of  them  defensive  and  with  apparent  good 
ground,  as  Gideon's  campaign  against  the  Midianites,  and 
others  offensive  and  destitute  of  any  manifest  justification, 
as  the  war  of  extermination  against  the  Amalekites — were  all 
waged  under  the  personal  direction  of  the  Lord,  is  a  state- 
ment before  which  the  moral  sense  of  a  Christian  ought  to 
shrink  back  with  horror.  If  the  "Lord  of  hosts"  was  the  God 
of  Jesus,  then  it  is  obvious  that  he  never  commanded  that 
women  and  little  children  should  be  put  to  the  sword,  be- 
cause their  ancestors,  two  hundred  years  before,  had  done  an 
injury  to  Israel;  obvious,  also,  that  He  did  not  inspire  the 
fratricidal  wars  between  Judah  and  the  northern  tribes,  which 
were  sometimes  wars  of  revenge,  of  greed,  and  of  ambition. 
These  wars  were  no  better,  and  perhaps  no  worse,  than  the 
wars  waged  in  those  generations  outside  of  Palestine,  and  to 
say  that  they  were  waged  under  the  direction  of  the  Lord  of 
hosts  is  to  concede  that  this  Lord  of  hosts  was  of  a  wholly  dif- 
ferent spirit  from  the  God  of  Jesus  and  the  Gospel.  .  .  . 

Christian  people  ought  at  last  to  agree  that  an  appeal  to 
any  Scripture  whose  spirit  is  foreign  to  the  spirit  of  Jesus  is 
a  most  dangerous  perversion  of  the  Bible. 

— GEORGE  HOLLEY  GILBERT,  The  Bible  and  Universal 
Peace,  pp.  161-163. 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  425 

THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE  CHURCH 

His  name  shall  be  called  the  Prince  of  Peace,  and  yet  what 
terrible  mockery  has  been  offered  to  that  name  by  His  avowed 
followers !  It  is  one  of  the  ironies  of  history  that  the  most 
costly  and  deadly  armaments  for  the  killing  of  men  in  war 
are  being  wrought  out  in  cold  steel  to-day  not  by  the  nations 
which  owe  their  allegiance  to  Mahomet,  the  Prophet  of  the 
Sword,  but  by  those  nations  which  profess  allegiance  to  the 
Prince  of  Peace.  "Put  up  thy  sword,"  He  said  twenty 
centuries  ago !  The  command  has  never  been  withdrawn  nor 
revoked.  And  yet  look  out  across  the  face  of  what  we  call 
Christendom  and  see  the  wicked  and  costly  refusal ! 

Christian  Germany,  where  the  Protestant  Eeformation  was 
ushered  in  by  the  preaching  of  Martin  Luther,  has  increased 
her  national  debt  in  a  single  generation  from  eighteen  millions 
of  dollars  to  over  one  thousand  millions,  chiefly  by  expendi- 
tures upon  her  army  and  navy.  Christian  England,  known 
to  the  ends  of  the  earth  as  a  center  of  missionary  impulse,  is 
almost  beside  herself  in  her  mad  desire  to  increase  the  num- 
ber of  "dreadnoughts."  She  is  spending  three  hundred 
millions  of  dollars  a  year  on  her  army  and  navy  as  against 
eighty-two  millions  all  told  on  education,  science,  and  art. 
Christian  Eussia,  professing  in  her  Orthodox  Greek  Church 
to  have  the  only  true  faith  to  be  found  upon  the  globe,  is 
planning  a  billion-dollar  navy  and  is  actually  spending  two 
hundred  millions  a  year  upon  armaments  as  against  twenty- 
two  millions  a  year  upon  education.  And  our  Christian  coun- 
try has  been  making  a  strange  and  sad  departure  from  that 
policy  which  has  made  us  prosperous  and  happy,  honored  and 
useful  among  the  nations  of  the  earth  for  more  than  one 
hundred  years.  The  United  States  has  increased  in  popula- 
tion within  the  last  ten  years  ten  per  cent  and  it  has  increased 
its  military  expenditures  during  that  period  by  three  hundred 
per  cent.  And  this  is  Christendom !  These  are  the  nations 


426   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

which  look  up  to  the  One  whose  name  is  called  "The  Prince 
of  Peace"  and  crown  him  Lord  of  all !  Alas !  for  the  terrible 
and  bitter  irony  of  such  a  course ! 

And  all  this  at  a  time  when  the  bare  problem  of  bread  is 
becoming  more  and  more  serious.  England  spending  her 
three  hundred  millions  of  dollars  a  year  on  military  outlay 
has  little  children  in  the  streets  of  London  and  Glasgow 
eating  refuse  out  of  the  swill  tubs  and  garbage  barrels  because 
they  are  hungry.  The  problem  of  poverty  and  unemploy- 
ment there  is  so  grave  that  the  British  Parliament  sets  aside 
whole  days  for  its  consideration.  In  Germany  a  government 
expert  said  recently  that  according  to  carefully  prepared 
estimates  based  upon  detailed  investigation  there  were  two 
men  applying  for  every  job  which  promised  a  living  wage — 
one  half  of  the  skilled  and  effective  labor  of  the  empire  was 
out  of  employment.  In  Russia  people  by  the  thousand  die 
like  flies  from  malnutrition  at  the  very  hour  when  her  mili- 
tary experts  are  talking  about  the  billion-dollar  navy.  It  is 
nothing  less  than  criminal  thus  to  take  the  children's  bread 
and  fling  it  to  the  dogs  of  war !  How  terrible  all  this  is  for 
nations  which  profess  to  honor  and  follow  the  One  who 
came  not  to  destroy  men's  lives,  but  to  save  them ! 

And  in  our  own  country  while  the  situation  is  less  serious 
there  are  men  enough,  God  knows,  out  of  work  and  unable  to 
find  bread  to  put  into  the  mouths  of  their  families.  Our 
national  leaders  are  looking  in  every  direction  to  discover 
how  the  revenue  may  be  increased.  The  revenue  to-day  is 
sadly  inadequate  for  the  things  which  ought  to  be  done. 
There  are  millions  of  acres  of  arid  land  to  be  irrigated  by 
national  enterprise  and  offered  for  settlement  to  industrious 
families.  There  are  great  areas  of  swamp  land  to  be  drained 
which  would  support  a  busy,  happy  population.  There  are 
forests  to  be  conserved  and  renewed  in  a  way  that  would 
change  the  whole  face  of  the  situation  for  the  farmer  and  the 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  427 

fruit  grower  in  great  sections  of  our  country.  There  are 
inland  waterways  to  be  improved  and  developed,  bringing 
producer  and  consumer  nearer  together  by  better  means  of 
transportation,  thus  reducing  the  cost  of  living.  There  is  a 
merchant  marine  sadly  needing  assistance  in  order  that  our 
flag  might  fly  on  all  seas  and  in  every  port,  thus  making 
possible  a  useful  and  profitable  trade.  All  these  things  ought 
to  be  done  at  once  if  there  was  only  money  to  do  them.  All 
these  interests  of  life  suffer  and  lag  for  lack  of  money  in 
the  very  period  when  within  ten  years  we  are  increasing  our 
military  expenditures  by  three  hundred  per  cent.  His  name 
shall  be  called  "The  Prince  of  Peace"  and  it  is  under  His 
banner  that  we  profess  to  march !  .  .  . 

Has  not  the  time  come  for  the  plain  people  to  call  a  halt ! 
Has  not  the  time  come  for  the  indignant  toilers  in  peaceful 
occupations  to  hurl  those  mischief-makers  who  are  responsible 
for  this  craze  of  militarism  out  of  their  positions  of  influence ! 
Has  not  the  solemn  and  ugly  farce  of  seeing  Christian  nations 
build  ten  million-dollar  bulldogs  in  the  remote  possibility  of 
being  called  upon  to  match  them  against  the  costly  bulldogs 
of  their  neighbors,  unless  perchance  these  expensive  creations 
should  before  that  have  been  relegated  to  the  scrapheap  by 
some  new  device — has  not  that  solemn,  ugly  farce  about 
played  itself  out?  The  welfare  of  the  people  is  the  supreme 
law  of  all  lands  and  anyone  who  has  visited  Europe,  where 
every  third  peasant  carries  a  useless  and  burdensome  soldier 
on  his  back  as  he  goes  forth  to  his  toil,  knows  that  this  modern 
evil  of  militarism  is  a  mighty  menace  to  the  welfare  of  any 
people. 

— CHARLES  R.  BROWN,  The  Prince  of  Peace, 
Extracts  from  pp.  3-24. 

What  are  the  churches  doing — what  in  particular  is  the 
church  of  England  doing — to  help  the  fulfillment  of  her, 


428   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

prayer  for  the  gift  to  all  nations  of  unity,  peace,  and  con- 
cord? 

In  her  best  and  greatest  days  the  church  has  been  a  great 
emancipating  power.  .  .  .  But  it  is  the  mission  of  the  church 
not  only  to  set  men  free  but  to  bind  and  hold  them  together. 
She  has  banished,  or  helped  to  banish,  many  of  the  social 
plagues  which  used  to  poison  and  devastate  human  life.  She 
may  still,  if  she  will — using  her  opportunities  and  living  up 
to  the  height  of  her  mandate — take  her  share  in  expelling 
the  greatest  scourge  which  still  threatens  the  unity  and 
progress  of  mankind. 

— H.  H.  ASQUITH,  as  quoted  in  The  Passing  of  War, 
Extract  from  p.  126. 

A  church  filled  with  a  contagious  faith  in  the  God  of  things 
as  they  are  becoming,  that  seeks  first  the  kingdom  of  God 
and  His  righteousness,  that  stirs  men  to  moral  discontent, 
in  order  that  they  may  be  brought  into  sacrificial  service, 
through  fellowship  with  their  crucified  Lord,  that  bases  the 
demand  for  human  fraternity  upon  the  experience  of  divine 
Bonship — such  a  church  is  the  veritable  servant  of  the  living 
God. 

— SHAILER  MATHEWS. 

Seldom  in  the  history  of  the  Christian  Church  has  there 
been  opened  to  her  a  more  superb  opportunity  to  serve  man- 
kind than  that  now  calling  her  to  reenforce  and  carry  forward 
this  movement  in  the  interests  of  the  world's  peace.  Even 
should  there  be  among  her  ministers  or  her  members  those 
still  prepared,  under  certain  conditions,  to  justify  war,  yet 
no  man  fit  to  be  called  a  Christian  can  refuse  for  an  instant 
to  admit  the  obligation  we  are  under  to  avert  the  horrors  of 
war,  if  it  be  possible,  by  arbitration.  If  war  must  be,  then 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  429 

let  it  be  only  after  the  last  possible  means  has  been  exhausted 
that  could  have  saved  so  dread  and  desolating  a  calamity. 

There  are  three  ways  at  least  in  which  the  churches  can  add 
to  the  power  and  momentum  of  the  movement  this  Conference 
represents:  First,  their  ministers  and  their  teachers,  with 
their  rare  opportunities  to  reach  the  generation  of  to-day  and 
the  generation  that  shall  be  to-morrow,  can  make  clear  the 
real  meaning  and  purpose  of  arbitration.  Just  what  this 
word  embodies  in  the  language  and  discussion  of  our  time 
multitudes  do  not  know.  And  what  arbitration  has  already 
accomplished  in  averting  war,  in  cultivating  a  kindlier  inter- 
national spirit,  in  revealing  the  possibilities  along  the  path 
toward  which  it  points,  here  our  churches  should  be  the  in- 
structors of  their  people.  Few  nobler  themes  can  demand 
attention  at  the  hands  of  the  Christian  ministry  than  the 
significance  of  such  gatherings  as  those  at  The  Hague.  What 
those  historic  assemblies  in  the  name  of  peace  have  actually 
achieved  in  deepening  the  desire  of  the  nations  to  live  to- 
gether as  friends  and  not  as  foes,  it  is  time  the  people  in  our 
churches  were  led  to  understand.  Too  widely  prevails  the 
idea  that  it  is  folly  to  expect  governments  to  act  save  in  their 
own  selfish  interests.  Again  and  again  the  claim  is  made, 
that,  however  individuals  in  a  nation  might  be  willing  to  do 
the  righteous  thing  for  the  sake  of  peace  and  good-will,  in 
their  united  capacity  as  a  government,  they  can  never  be 
counted  on  to  see  any  good  higher  than  their  own  aggrandize- 
ment. It  was  the  late  Prime  Minister  of  Great  Britain  who 
said,  "The  bonds  of  mutual  understanding  and  esteem  are 
strengthening  between  the  peoples";  and  Mr.  Root  has  re- 
cently told  us  that  this  growing  sense  of  the  right  relations 
that  should  exist  between  nations  is  influencing  them  "in 
countless  cases  to  shape  their  own  conduct  against  their  own 
apparent  interests."  Utterances  like  these,  made  by  the  lead- 
ing statesmen  of  the  world,  are  growing  significantly  common. 


430   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

The  very  knowledge  of  this,  clearly  in  the  minds  of  the  people 
of  our  churches,  would  predispose  them  to  larger  hope  as  to 
the  outcome  of  friendly  conference. 

All  this,  as  a  vital  part  of  that  broader  world-view  that  is 
characterizing  our  time,  the  people  of  our  churches  should 
know.  In  opposition  to  the  reiterated  declarations  that  the 
Hague  Conferences  have  proved  failures,  that  arbitration  is 
impracticable,  that  nations  may  not  be  expected  to  treat  each 
other  as  sane  and  honorable  men  may  do,  let  the  churches, 
through  their  ministers,  set  the  actual  facts,  and  so  become 
persistent,  intelligent  educational  centers  training  the  men 
and  women  of  to-day  and  to-morrow  into  enthusiastic  friends 
of  arbitration. 

Second,  the  churches,  through  their  ministers  and  teachers, 
may  aid  the  movement  for  the  world's  peace  by  laying  upon 
the  hearts  of  their  people  what  has  been  so  well  called  "the 
moral  damage  of  war."  I  may  not  plead  here  against  all  war. 
I  am  not  asked  to  free  my  soul  with  respect  to  the  question 
whether  anything  but  evil  may  be  hoped  for  from  such  an 
inferno  into  which  men  plunge  when  they  strike  for  each 
others'  throats  in  the  wild  carnage  of  war.  But  here  I  may 
plead  with  those  who  stand  as  leaders  in  the  world's  great 
moral  conflict  to  open  to  all  who  will  read  it  the  book  that 
tells  the  story  of  the  moral  relapse  a  nation  suffers  when  it 
resolves  to  stain  its  hands  with  blood,  and  of  the  inhuman 
and  degrading  passions  that  are  unleashed  in  the  breasts  of 
those  who  go  forth  to  do  a  nation's  fighting.  Here,  silence 
on  the  part  of  the  church  is  treason  against  her  Lord.  .  .  . 

Third,  the  churches  can  do  more  than  any  other  forms  of 
organized  activity  toward  advancing  the  cause  of  peace  and 
arbitration  by  the  fuller  declaration  of  those  principles  of 
the  Christian  faith  that  should  determine  the  relation  every 
man  should  sustain  toward  his  neighbor,  whether  that  neigh- 
bor live  across  the  street  or  across  the  sea,  and  whether  he  be 


431 

white  or  black,  or  red  or  yellow.  Let  us  not  mistake.  Educa- 
tion may  do  much  for  peace ;  the  representatives  of  commerce 
may  do  much  to  abolish  war;  appeals  to  selfish  interests  may 
be  made,  and  not  in  vain ;  but  the  Spirit  incarnate  in  Him  we 
call  the  Prince  of  Peace,  this,  and  this  alone,  is  the  power 
unwearying  and  undying  that  can  lift  us  as  a  nation  to  that 
high  level  where  war  will  be  tolerated  no  more.  If  half  the 
time  that  has  been  spent  defending  theological  and  sectarian 
positions  had  been  devoted  to  the  teaching  of  those  truths  in 
the  light  of  which,  by  the  very  charter  of  the  church,  men 
must  learn  to  know  themselves  as  members  of  one  great 
family,  bound  by  the  sacredest  of  obligations  to  feel  toward 
their  fellows  of  every  land  and  clime  as  brothers,  a  thousand 
wars  "that  have  stained  the  world  incarnadine,"  could  never 
have  been. 

— FRANCIS  H.  ROWLEY,  The  Ability  and  Duty  of  the 
Churches  to  Aid  the  Arbitration  and  Peace  Move- 
ment; in  Reports  of  Lake  Mohonk  Conference, 
1908,  pp.  160-162. 

Such  times  are  opportune  for  asking  whether  Christendom 
has  discharged  its  obligation  to  its  Lord  of  denominating 
Him,  through  its  pulpits  on  the  occasion  of  their  annual 
Christmas  sermons,  the  Prince  of  Peace,  or  whether  it  be  at 
last  possible  to  do  the  things  that  He  says,  gathering  new 
interpretations  out  of  the  Hill  Sermon,  and  giving  them  new 
applications. 

Christian  morality  is  the  touchstone  to  which  war  must 
now  be  brought;  for  if  it  cannot  justify  itself  to  the  modern 
Christ,  it  surely  cannot  any  longer  command  the  approbation 
of  modern  Christendom.  Reference  to  ancient  texts  and  tra- 
ditions may  help  certain  minds,  and  may  have  brought  us 
part  of  the  way ;  but  it  is  surely  now  possible  to  take  our  stand 
upon  the  historical  development  of  the  Christian  conscious- 


432   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

ness,  and  claim  that  it  demands  the  substitution  of  reason  for 
violence,  and  the  triumph  of  moral  over  physical  forces. 

— WALTER  WALSH,  Moral  Damage  of  War,  p.  4. 

It  cannot  be  gainsaid  that  up  to  the  present  day  the  church 
has  failed,  grievously  failed,  to  stand  with  Jesus  for  peace. 
What  is  to  be  its  record  in  the  years  before  us?  It  holds  in 
Christendom  the  balance  of  power  between  war  and  peace. 
One  may  safely  go  further,  and  say  that  the  clergy  hold  this 
balance  of  power.  For,  consider  their  influence  a  moment. 
The  clergy  of  the  United  States  number  approximately  175,- 
000,  and  there  are,  perhaps,  about  three  times  as  many  in 
Europe,  exclusive  of  Eussia — 700,000  in  all.  These  men  as 
a  class  have  that  authority  which  flows  from  a  thorough  educa- 
tion; they  have  the  prestige  of  representing  a  religion  that 
has  surpassed  all  others  in  its  power  to  uplift  humanity,  and 
they  have  the  unique  personal  influence  that  springs  from  a 
ministry  to  men  in  the  vital  matters  of  the  soul,  and  in  the 
most  sacred  events  of  the  outward  life.  These  700,000 
Christian  ministers  have  an  opportunity  to  determine  the 
ideals  of  perhaps  twenty  millions  of  boys  and  girls  whom 
they  have  consecrated  to  the  God  of  peace  in  baptism. 

Moreover,  this  great  host  of  ministers  who  are  pledged  to 
preach  the  Gospel  would  have,  in  the  advocacy  of  peace, 
almost  the  unanimous  support  of  the  women  of  the  church, 
probably  not  less  than  fifty  millions,  as  well  as  the  support 
of  a  majority  of  those  women  of  Christian  lands  who  are  not 
in  the  church,  and  they  would  also  be  upheld  by  a  number 
of  men  within  the  church  which,  if  not  as  large  as  the  number 
of  women,  would,  nevertheless,  be  many  times  as  large  as  the 
army  of  Xerxes,  while  a  multitude  of  men  outside  the  church 
are  ready  for  a  leadership  of  peace. 

The  church  must  educate  its  members.  I  do  not  know 
what  your  experience  is,  but  mine  has  been  that  the  organized 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  433 

Christian  communities,  with  the  honorable  exception  of  the 
Society  of  Friends,  have  not  even  among  their  own  members 
emphasized  as  they  should  the  ethical  character  of  Christian 
teaching  generally  and  certainly  not  in  relation  to  war  and 
the  use  of  force.  Therefore,  the  first  duty  of  the  church  is 
to  impress  the  Christian  ideal  on  the  minds  and  hearts  of 
Christians  so  that  they  believe  in  it,  not  as  something  remote, 
in  the  clouds,  or  for  a  different  world  than  this,  but  as  the 
one  and  only  ideal  workable  in  this  world  if  men  will  but 
accept  it  and  act  on  it.  ... 

The  church  must  educate  the  nation.  The  Christian  church 
is  not  coextensive  with  any  nation.  We  must  recognize  that 
fact.  Nevertheless,  the  influence  of  the  Christian  church 
extends  beyond  its  membership  and  plays  an  important  part 
in  forming  the  conscience  of  the  community,  influencing 
public  opinion  and  approximating  it  to  the  Christian  ideal. 
It  should  therefore  be  part  of  the  definite  policy  of  the  church 
to  educate  public  opinion  by  earnestly  contending  for  the 
faith  and  by  making  it  clear  that  she  stands  for  the  supremacy 
of  moral  considerations.  .  .  . 

The  Christian  churches  in  the  different  nations  must  or- 
ganize for  the  promotion  of  more  fraternal  relations  and  for 
combating  those  misunderstandings  which  are  the  result  of 
ignorance,  or  due  to  the  misrepresentations  of  those  who  in 
the  press  stir  up  ill  will,  inflame  passion,  and  endanger  the 
peace  of  the  world. 

— W.  MOORE  EDE,  The  Part  of  the  Christian  Church 
in  Relation  to  Peace,  in  Reports  of  the  Lake 
Mohonk  Conference,  1911,  pp.  141,  142. 

Topics  about  which  the  masses  are  to  be  instructed.  Sug- 
gested by  Samuel  T.  Button  at  the  Third  American  Peace 
Congress,  1911. 

The  relation  of  Christianity  to  peace. 


434       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

:     The  duty  of  all  churches  and  the  clergy. 

:     The  philanthropic  aspects  of  progress  toward  peace. 

A  comparison  of  the  twentieth  century  with  the  seventeenth, 
eighteenth,  and  nineteenth  as  to  war  and  its  decadence. 

Ancient  and  modern  forms  of  heroism  and  the  fallacies 
regarding  the  necessity  of  war  as  a  moral  tonic. 

The  financial,  economic,  and  educational  restraints  upon 
the  war  spirit. 

The  relation  of  war  scares  to  original  sin  and  pure  cussed- 
ness. 

The  justification  of  wage-earners  and  socialists  in  demand- 
ing that  governments  agree  to  the  judicial  settlement  of  all 
disputes. 

The  need  of  peace  commissions  in  every  country  working 
separately  and  collectively  to  arrange  the  new  order. 

The  need  of  a  thorough  reorganization  of  the  peace  forces 
of  the  United  States  under  the  advice  of  a  representative 
national  council. 

The  propriety  of  asking  the  United  States  government, 
which  spent  in  the  year  1910  $443,000,000  for  war  and  pen- 
sions, to  appropriate  annually  $1,000,000  for  peace,  to  be 
expended  by  a  commission  appointed  by  the  President. 

This  is  only  adding  the  touch  of  practicality  and  of  sin- 
cerity to  those  memorable  words  spoken  by  Mr.  Roosevelt  at 
Christiania : 

"Granted  sincerity  of  purpose,  the  great  Powers  of  the 
world  should  find  no  insurmountable  difficulty  in  reaching  an 
agreement  which  would  put  an  end  to  the  present  costly  and 
growing  extravagance  of  expenditure  on  naval  armaments 
and  it  would  be  a  master  stroke  if  those  great  Powers 
honestly  bent  on  peace  would  form  a  League  of  Peace." 

— IN  REPORT  OF  CONGRESS  PROCEEDINGS,  p.  341. 

The  Church  has  a  responsibility  to  see  to  it  that  there 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  435 

be  a  Christian  State.  While  she  must  avoid  politics  as  such, 
yet  her  voice  should  be  heard  upon  the  moral  aspect  of  public 
questions.  And  her  testimony  should  ring  out  sharp  and 
clear  against  policies  which  injure  the  public  welfare  and 
trample  upon  the  essential  principles  and  maxims  of  morality 
and  religion. 

It  is  on  these  grounds  that  the  church  has  a  special  mission 
with  respect  to  war.  War  is  a  resort  to  physical  force  to 
adjust  the  differences  between  nations.  This  method,  as 
between  individuals,  the  church,  by  its  infusion  of  Christian 
ethics,  has  banished,  as  belonging  to  the  sphere  of  barbarism, 
and  none  the  less  does  the  church  place  war  (as  between 
nations)  in  the  same  category. 

Now,  at  the  present  juncture,  we  find  ourselves  confronted 
by  two  ideals,  in  direct  opposition.  One  is  that  of  what  we 
may  call  the  world-empire  spirit.  The  several  races  of  men, 
separated  partially  by  blood,  by  language,  historical  tradi- 
tions and  national  boundaries,  look  upon  each  other  as  rivals, 
and  seek  the  leadership,  to  one  another's  hurt,  with  a  great 
ambition  to  wield  the  scepter  over  the  world.  .  .  . 

Opposed  to  this  ideal,  so  largely  ruling  the  State  in  all 
history,  and  unexpectedly  coming  to  the  front  at  present,  as 
dominant  in  Europe,  is  the  Christian  ideal — that  of  the 
church.  .  .  . 

It  is  clear  as  the  light  of  the  sun  that  there  can  be  no  agree- 
ment between  these  two  ideals.    They  are  as  far  apart,  and 
as  direct  opposites,  as  the  poles.    One  means  Selfishness,  the 
other  Charity.    One  means  Love,  the  other  Hate.    One  means 
Peace,  the  other  War.    War  is  antagonistic  to  Christianity  for 
many  reasons,  but  chiefly  on  account  of  the  ugly  passions  it 
excites,  and  the  untold  misery  it  inflicts,  and  that  upon  those 
almost  wholly  if  not  altogether  innocent  of  bringing  it  about. 
— JUNIUS  B.  REMENSNYDER,  The  Church's  Mission 
as  to  War  and  Peace. 


436   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

It  is  quite  possible  that  we  have  committed  the  time-honored 
folly  of  looking  for  a  sudden  change  in  men's  attitude  toward 
war,  even  as  the  poor  alchemists  wasted  their  lives  in  search- 
ing for  a  magic  fluid  and  did  nothing  to  discover  the  great 
laws  governing  chemical  changes  and  reactions,  the  knowledge 
of  which  would  have  developed  untold  wealth  beyond  their 
crude  dreams  of  transmuted  gold. 

The  final  moral  reaction  may  at  last  come  accompanied  by 
deep  remorse,  too  tardy  to  reclaim  all  the  human  life  which 
has  been  spent  and  the  treasure  which  has  been  wasted,  or  it 
may  come  with  a  great  sense  of  joy  that  all  voluntary  destruc- 
tion of  human  life,  all  the  deliberate  wasting  of  the  fruits 
of  labor,  have  become  a  thing  of  the  past,  and  that  whatever 
the  future  contains  for  us,  it  will  at  least  be  free  from  war. 
.  .  .  That  this  world  peace  movement  should  be  arising  from 
the  humblest  without  the  sanction  and  in  some  cases  with  the 
explicit  indifference  of  the  church  founded  by  the  Prince  of 
Peace,  is  simply  another  example  of  the  strange  paths  of 
moral  evolution. 

— JANE  ADDAMS,  Newer  Ideals  of  Peace,  pp.  234,  235. 
(The  Macmillan  Company,  Publishers.) 

Eeason  is  for  us,  for  war  is  an  outrage  upon  reason.  Jus- 
tice is  for  us,  for  war  tramples  justice  underfoot.  Civilization 
is  for  us,  for  war  is  the  incarnation  of  barbarism.  Above 
all  religion  is  for  us,  for  we  have  the  benediction  of  Him 
who  has  said,  "Blessed  are  the  peacemakers,  for  they  shall  be 
called  the  sons  of  God." 

— HENRY  RICHARDS,  as  quoted  in  The 
Passing  of  War,  p.  283. 

The  churches  must  see  to  it  that  the  peoples  of  Europe 
are  reorganized  on  the  sure  basis  of  an  abiding  peace.  Our 
business  is  to  get  the  ideals  of  Christ  realized  in  the  new  map 
of  Europe.  The  States  of  Europe,  great  and  small,  first,  and 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  437 

finally  on  the  foundation  of  international  agreement,  with 
just  international  laws,  with  an  International  Court  to 
administer  the  laws,  and  an  International  Police  to  execute 
the  laws.  That  is  our  goal.  The  vision  of  Kant,  in  his 
Everlasting  Peace,  must  guide  us.  A  common  understand- 
ing among  the  peoples  of  Europe,  an  acceptance  of  methods 
of  unified  compulsion,  carried  out  by  an  international  police, 
against  a  criminal  State,  compelling  it,  by  blockade  or  by 
boycott,  to  accept  the  verdict  of  the  International  Tribunal, 
just  as  individuals  within  a  State  or  a  municipality  are 
compelled  to  abide  by  the  law  of  the  Nation  or  the  State. 

Further,  ought  not  the  churches  of  the  Son  of  Man  to 
make  it  their  business  to  see  that  the  European  populations 
shall  be  set  free  from  the  concerted  dictation  and  tyranny 
of  the  "Powers" — that  is,  of  twenty  or  thirty  individuals, 
most  of  whom  are  bound  up  with  or  swayed  by  military  ideas  ? 
Must  we  not  do  our  best  to  give  the  different  peoples  of 
Europe  time,  opportunity,  and  means  to  decide  for  them- 
selves how  they  wish  to  be  governed?  Why  should  not  the 
Albanians  be  encouraged  to  shape  their  own  political  future  ? 
Why  may  not  the  three  divisions  of  ancient  Poland  say  for 
themselves  whether  they  wish  to  be  united  together  under 
the  rule  of  Russia,  or  to  become  a  Eepublic,  to  enthrone  a 
Constitutional  King  or  create  a  Swiss  Confederation  ?  Should 
not  the  churches  do  all  that  is  possible  to  realize  the  highest 
ideals  of  individual  and  social  well-being  in  the  reconstruction 
that  must  follow  when  the  blare  of  the  war-trumpets  and  the 
din  of  the  war-drums  are  heard  no  longer  ? 

—JOHN  CLIFFORD,  The  War  and  the  Churches. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  CHURCH  IN  RELATION  TO  PEACE 

As  in  the  New  Testament,  so  in  the  earliest  subapostolic 
writings  that  have  come  down  to  us,  the  question  of  Christians 
taking  part  in  war  or  becoming  soldiers  is  never  discussed. 


Roughly  speaking,  we  may  divide  the  history  of  the  early 
church  into  three  periods  in  respect  of  the  attitude  of  Chris- 
tians to  the  military  profession. 

Period  I.  The  primitive  church  till  about  the  time  of 
Irenaeus  (circa  200  A.  D.). 

During  this  period  the  church  disapproved  of  war  and 
Christians  were  conspicuous  by  refusing  to  become  soldiers. 

Period  II.    From  200  to  about  313. 

During  this  period  church  writers  protested  strongly  against 
Christians  being  in  the  army,  but  some  were  in  it. 

Period  III.    After  Constantine  (313  onward). 

The  church  was  allied  with  the  empire,  and  could  no  longer 
maintain  her  protest  against  war.  Christians  were  increas- 
ingly to  be  found  in  the  army,  and  in  general  they  do  not 
seem  to  have  been  severely  blamed  for  it;  yet,  for  a  time,  an 
undercurrent  of  protest  is  still  apparent.  .  .  . 

Up  to  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century  the  most  im- 
portant fathers  of  the  church  had  maintained  a  protest  against 
Christians  taking  part  in  war.  Prom  this  time  onward, 
though  here  and  there  a  prominent  ecclesiastic  voiced  a  similar 
protest,  Christians  generally  became  increasingly  entangled 
in  worldly  affairs  and  began  to  lose  the  sense  of  antagonism 
between  Christ  and  militarism,  which  had  hitherto  restrained 
them  from  participation  in  war.  Of  course  the  church  stood 
for  peaceful  in  preference  to  warlike  methods,  as  she  stood  for 
a  milder  and  more  humane  standard  in  every  department  of 
life.  .  .  . 

In  the  Middle  Ages  the  Catharists  and  the  Waldenses 
opposed  war  and  capital  punishment,  taking  literally  the  com- 
mand, "Thou  shalt  not  kill."  They  endeavored  to  make  the 
Gospels  the  rule  of  their  lives,  and  therefore  naturally  saw  the 
chief  fruit  of  religion  in  practical  goodness.  .  .  . 

The  Fransciscan  movement  of  the  thirteenth  century  was 
in  many  respects  similar  to  the  foregoing.  It  was  an  attempt 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  439 

to  return  to  gospel  standards  of  life  and  conduct.  In  one 
thing,  however,  it  differed  from  these  earlier  movements  in 
that  it  was  retained  within  the  church. 

The  Fransciscan  friars  rapidly  became  a  great  power  in 
Christendom,  first  of  all  following  the  ideal  of  their  founder 
as  preachers,  in  later  times  as  theologians.  But  Francis  had 
desires  for  spiritual  religion  which  could  not  be  fulfilled  by 
those  alone  who  deserted  house  and  property  for  the  sake  of 
the  Gospel;  he  formed  also  an  association  of  laymen  and 
women  who  were  in  the  ordinary  workaday  life  of  the  world 
to  practice  the  Gospel  teaching  of  love  and  goodness.  These 
were  known  as  Tertiaries.  Numbers  of  earnest  men  and 
women  thronged  into  the  new  order,  and  its  effect  on  inter- 
national life  was  widely  felt,  for  its  members  were  forbidden 
to  bear  arms  at  all,  and  in  consequence  princes  experienced 
difficulty  in  waging  war. 

Thus  the  protest  against  Christians  taking  part  in  war 
comes  up  again  within  the  church. 

Yet  how  little  influence  such  peace  ideals  had  on  the  church 
as  a  whole  may  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that  Wycliffe  more 
than  a  century  later  could  write :  "Friars  now  say  that  bishops 
can  fight  best  of  all  men,  and  that  it  falleth  most  properly  to 
them,  since  they  are  lords  of  all  this  world.  They  say,  Christ 
bade  his  disciples  sell  their  coats,  and  buy  them  swords;  but 
whereto,  if  not  to  fight  ?  Thus  friars  make  a  great  array,  and 
stir  up  men  to  fight.  But  Christ  taught  not  his  apostles  to 
fight  with  the  sword  of  iron,  but  with  the  sword  of  God's  word, 
which  standeth  in  meekness  of  heart  and  in  the  prudence  of 
man's  tongue.  ...  If  manslaying  in  others  be  odious  to  God, 
much  more  in  priests  who  should  be  vicars  of  Christ."  From 
this  extract  from  Wycliffe's  writings  we  may  gather  two  facts 
of  importance  to  our  investigation : 

(1)  That  in  the  Middle  Ages  clergymen  actually  them- 
selves took  part  in  warfare.  This,  startling  though  it  is  to  us, 


440   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

is  an  undoubted  fact.  We  hear  of  bishops  who,  like  secular 
princes,  led  their  retainers  to  battle  in  person,  and  even 
boasted  of  the  numbers  they  had  slain  with  their  own  hands. 
That  they  were  not  wholly  without  sense  of  the  incompati- 
bility of  such  conduct  with  their  profession  is  seen  by  the  fact 
that  their  weapon  was  generally  a  mace  or  club,  with  which 
they  could  kill  an  adversary  without  shedding  his  blood: 

(2)  Secondly,  it  is  clear  from  the  way  in  which  Wy cliff e 
here  speaks  of  war  that  he  believed  it  to  be  unlawful  for  a 
Christian. 

In  this  he  was  followed  by  some  of  the  Lollards,  whose 
teaching  was  very  definite:  "Men  of  warre  are  not  allowed 
by  the  Gospel,  the  Gospel  knoweth  peace  and  not  warre.'*  .  .  . 

From  the  labors  of  Peter  of  Chelcic  sprang  the  movement 
which  later  developed  into  the  Moravian  Church,  a  church 
which,  like  the  Society  of  Friends,  has  all  through  its  exis- 
tence maintained  a  protest  against  all  war.  In  the  most 
desperate  straits  the  early  Moravian  brethren  never  defended 
themselves.  "No  weapon  did  they  use  except  the  pen.  They 
never  retaliated,  never  rebelled,  never  took  up  arms  in  their 
own  defense,  never  even  appealed  to  the  arm  of  justice.  When 
smitten  on  one  cheek,  they  turned  the  other."  .  .  .  The  men- 
tion of  the  Moravian  Church  brings  us  to  the  very  threshold 
of  the  Eeformation. 

At  that  great  epoch,  when  men's  minds  were  intent  on 
restoring  the  purity  of  the  Church  of  Christ,  the  question 
of  war  came  very  prominently  to  the  front.  Luther  himself 
in  the  earlier  part  of  his  career  was  so  opposed  to  war  that 
Sir  Thomas  More  could  charge  him  with  carrying  the 
doctrines  of  peace  to  the  extreme  limits  of  non-resistance. 
Unfortunately  he  in  later  life  countenanced  the  bloody  sup- 
pression of  the  Peasants'  Revolt,  so  that  he  cannot  be  quoted 
as  a  consistent  opponent  of  all  war. 

Erasmus  also  wrote  very  strongly  on  the  subject :  "If  there 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  441 

be  anything  in  the  affairs  of  mortals,  which  it  is  in  the 
interests  of  men  not  only  to  attack,  but  which  ought  by  every 
possible  means  be  avoided,  condemned,  and  abolished,  it  is 
of  all  things  war,  than  which  nothing  is  more  impious,'  more 
calamitous,  more  widely  pernicious,  more  inveterate,  more 
base,  or  in  sum  more  unworthy  of  a  man,  not  to  say  of  a 
Christian." 

—WILLIAM  E.  WILSON,  Christ  and  War,  pp.  75-81. 

RESOLUTIONS    OF   CHURCHES 

The  National  Unitarian  Conference,  at  its  session  in 
Buffalo,  in  October,  1913,  adopted  unanimously  the  following 
resolutions,  emphasizing  anew  the  duty  of  all  the  churches  to 
support  earnestly  the  movement  for  international  justice  and 
friendship : 

"Whereas,  The  existence  of  war  as  a  means  of  settling  dis- 
putes between  nations  is  a  relic  of  barbarism,  and  it  should  be 
the  work  of  all  churches  professing  a  belief  in  the  teachings 
of  Christ  to  abolish  war, 

"Resolved,  That  this  Conference  of  Unitarian  and  other 
Christian  Churches  does  hereby  strongly  recommend  that  each 
church  belonging  to  it  should,  through  its  social  service  com- 
mittee or  a  specially  appointed  peace  committee  of  men  and 
women,  keep  the  congregation  informed  regarding  the  peace 
movement.  It  should  cooperate  with  any  local  peace  society 
and  similar  peace  committees  appointed  by  other  local 
churches,  to  the  end  that  public  opinion  in  their  respective 
communities  may  be  aroused." 

The  National  Congregational  Council,  meeting  in  Kansas 
City  in  October,  immediately  after  the  Unitarian  Conference 
at  Buffalo,  adopted  similarly  the  following  strong  declaration, 
urging  all  the  churches  of  that  great  body  to  resolute  and 
systematic  service  in  the  war  against  war  and  the  present 
monstrous  armaments  of  the  nations: 


442   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

"The  Congregational  Churches  of  the  United  States,  con- 
fessing anew  their  allegiance  to  the  Prince  of  Peace,  and  desir- 
ous of  making  the  Christian  Church  the  foremost  peacemaker 
of  the  world,  desire  to  place  on  record  their  disapproval  of  the 
present  rivalry  of  Christian  nations  in  creating  colossal  armies 
and  navies,  and  to  declare  themselves  the  unflinching  an- 
tagonists of  all  who  by  word  or  deed  fan  the  flames  of 
racial  prejudice  or  disseminate  the  seeds  of  international  ill 
will. 

"Believing  that  our  Republic  both  by  situation  and  tradi- 
tion is  peculiarly  fitted  to  lead  the  nations  into  the  paths  of 
peace,  we  appeal  to  our  President  and  Congress  to  call  a  halt 
in  the  swelling  expenditures  for  the  paraphernalia  of  war,  and 
exhort  our  pastors  and  teachers  to  keep  before  the  public  mind 
the  evils  and  perils  of  militarism,  to  explain  and  defend  the 
cause  of  arbitration,  and  to  work  in  season  and  out  of  season 
for  the  advancement  of  world-wide  brotherhood." 

In  connection  with  this  significant  action  by  these  two 
national  conferences,  it  is  important  to  remember  that  the 
Federal  Council  of  Churches,  representing  more  than  twenty 
of  the  religious  denominations  of  the  United  States,  has  its 
special  peace  department,  which  has  already  instituted  im- 
portant activities  and  is  constantly  broadening  its  work.  It 
arranged  for  addresses  in  thirty  thousand  churches  in  support 
of  President  Taft's  arbitration  treaties.  An  illustration  of 
what  may  be  done  by  the  churches  of  a  single  city  is  afforded 
by  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  where  more  than  twenty  of  the  leading 
churches  of  the  city  have  affiliated  with  the  local  peace  society, 
each  church  appointing  its  special  peace  committee  of  five 
members,  which  committees  are  cooperating  heartily  to  pro- 
mote the  peace  movement.  A  similar  organization  should  be 
effected  by  the  churches  in  all  the  cities  of  the  country,  to 
arrange  union  meetings,  to  spread  peace  literature,  and  to 
bring  public  opinion  to  bear  upon  Congress.  The  World 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  443 

Peace  Foundation  desires  to  cooperate  with  every  such  organi- 
zation in  every  possible  way. 

— The  Churches  and  the  Peace  Movement, 
World  Peace  Foundation  Publication. 

THE  SONG  OF  PEACE 

Forward,  all  ye  faithful, 
Seeking  love  and  peace, 
Hast'ning  on  the  era 
When  all  strife  shall  cease. 
All  the  saintly  sages, 
Lead  us  in  the  way; 
Forward  in  their  footsteps, 
Toward  that  perfect  day. 

Raise  the  voice  of  triumph, 
"Peace  on  earth,  good-will." 
Angels   sang  this  anthem, 
Let  us  sing  it  still. 
War's  foundations  quiver. 
At  this  song  of  peace. 
Brothers,  let  us  sing  it, 
Till  all  strife  shall  cease! 

Children  of  one  Father, 

Are  the  nations  all; 

"Children  mine  beloved" 

Each  one  doth  he  call. 

Be  ye  not  divided, 

All  one  family; 

One  in  mind  and  spirit 

And  in  charity. 

Wealth  and  power  shall  perish, 

Nations  rise  and  wane; 

Love  of  others  only 

Steadfast  will  remain. 

Hate  and  greed  can  never 

'Gainst  this  Love  prevail; 

It  shall  stand  triumphant 

When  all  else  shall  fail. 

— MABTIN  K.  SCHEBMEBHOBW. 


INTERNATIONAL    PEACE 

A    STUDY    IN    CHRISTIAN    FRATERNITY 

A  Course  of  Thirteen  Lessons  Prepared  for  the 
Commission  on  Christian  Education  of  the  Fed- 
eral Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America, 
Cooperating  with  the  Church  Peace  Union 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  TO  THE  STUDIES 

The  form  of  the  material  presented  in  the  following  studies  has 
been  adopted  with  the  view  of  helping  those  adults  who  are  inter- 
ested in  the  subject  and  who  desire  to  think  their  way  through 
it  to  arrive  at  some  satisfactory  conclusions.  A  great  spiritual 
emergency  has  arisen  in  the  history  of  the  human  race.  Events 
that  are  both  humiliating  and  alarming  have  forced  seriously 
minded  people  to  consider  the  conditions  of  permanent  inter- 
national goodwill.  A  new  world-problem  has  been  created  and 
the  future  welfare  of  the  race  depends  upon  its  being  solved. 
In  the  Providence  of  God  it  seems  to  be  the  duty  of  those  people 
who  are  not  now  engaged  in  war,  and  who  can  approach  the 
question  with  a  calm  mind,  to  try  to  find  out  upon  what  per- 
manent basis  inter-racial  tranquillity  can  be  established. 

In  taking  up  what  seem  to  be  the  most  vital  aspects  of  the 
problem,  it  is  seen  that  people  living  in  Bible  times  were  brought 
face  to  face  with  conditions  which,  in  many  respects,  are  similar 
to  those  of  the  present  day.  Under  the  guidance  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  they  arrived  at  certain  conclusions.  Inspired  writers  put 
into  permanent  form  ideas  that  resulted  from  these  ancient  ex- 
periences. It  would  be  folly  to  try  to  think  one's  way  through 
the  present  problems  without  going  to  the  Bible  for  its  message. 
The  substantial  finality  of  the  principles  of  human  brotherhood 
as  presented  in  the  sacred  Scriptures  makes  them  the  most 
valuable  source  of  study  material.  Hence,  Bible  study,  in  this 
sense,  has  been  kept  in  the  foreground  throughout  the  series. 

But  the  study  has  not  been  confined  to  the  Bible.  There  are 
factors  involved  in  the  present  situation  that  need  to  be  under- 
stood. Some  of  the  forces  now  at  work  are  new  and  they  must 
be  reckoned  with.  The  truths  of  the  Word  of  God  need  to  be 
studied  in  the  light  of  the  twentieth  century  state  of  affairs.  To 
ignore  the  facts  and  events  included  in  the  present  commercial, 
social,  and  political  situation  would  be  to  leave  the  problem  un- 
solved. In  the  endeavor  to  arrive  at  conclusions  that  are  even 
partially  satisfactory,  it  is  necessary  to  study  present-day  world 
conditions  in  the  light  of  the  Bible,  and  also  to  study  the  Bible 
in  the  light  of  these  conditions. 

The  problem  of  interracial  good  will  is  ultimately  a  religious 
problem.  The  bonds  of  world-wide  fraternity  must  have  some 
content  and  sanction  that  go  beyond  the  range  of  economic 
interdependence  and  the  practical  advantages  of  commercial 
cooperation.  In  the  hour  of  intense  passion,  prudential  con- 
siderations are  laid  aside.  Interracial  morality  is  as  dependent 
upon  religion  for  its  stability  as  is  the  morality  of  individuals. 

447 


448  AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  TO  THE  STUDIES 

The  universal  bonds  of  brotherhood  receive  their  real  meaning 
in  the  light  of  the  origin  and  the  destiny  of  the  race.  And  these 
are  not  simply  biological  questions.  They  are  religious. 

It  has  not  been  the  author's  purpose  to  follow  out  all  of  the 
implications  of  the  truths  presented.  No  attempt  has  been  made 
to  make  an  exhaustive  study  of  the  problem  at  hand.  Questions 
have  been  raised  and  purposely  left  unanswered.  It  is  hoped 
that  each  one  who  studies  the  lessons  will  give  independent  con- 
sideration to  the  various  subjects  presented.  The  class  discus- 
sions will  bring  out  many  points  of  view  not  contained  in  the 
printed  lesson.  Each  one  should  strive  seriously  to  arrive  at  his 
own  reason  for  belief  in  the  ultimate  and  permanent  tranquillity 
of  the  nations. 

In  order  to  stimulate  worth-while  discussion  among  the  mem- 
bers of  the  class,  questions  have  been  introduced  at  appropriate 
places  in  the  lesson  material.  It  is  believed  that  this  will  be 
one  of  the  most  valuable  features  of  the  course.  It  is  expected 
that  points  of  view  that  are  not  contained  in  the  printed  material 
will  be  brought  out.  But  the  leader  of  the  class  should  have  a 
care  lest  the  discussion  drift  away  from  the  main  point.  He 
should  guide  it.  It  is  especially  urged  that  no  ardent  and  partisan 
advocate  of  either  side  in  the  present  war  be  permitted  to  inter- 
fere with  the  natural  development  of  the  theme  in  hand.  Toward 
the  close  of  the  discussion  the  leader  should  gather  up  the  points 
that  have  been  made  and  indicate  their  relations  to  the  lesson  as 
a  whole. 

The  Weymouth  translation  of  the  New  Testament  passages  of 
Scripture  has  been  used  because  of  its  suggestiveness.  It  is  not 
intended  that  it  will  supersede  any  other  accepted  version,  or  in 
any  way  throw  discredit  upon  them.  Its  freshness  and  vigor 
make  it  serve  the  purpose  of  a  commentary. 

In  the  preparation  of  the  material  the  valuable  assistance  of 
Miss  Frederica  Beard  is  gratefully  acknowledged,  Miss  Beard  hav- 
ing prepared  the  material  contained  in  several  of  the  lessons. 
Without  the  assistance  of  the  members  of  the  staff  of  the  World 
Peace  Foundation,  and  their  generous  permission  to  use  a  most 
valuable  library,  the  task  could  not  have  been  undertaken.  The 
members  of  the  Special  Committee  on  Peace  Instruction  of  the 
Commission  on  Christian  Education  of  the  Federal  Council  of  the 
Churches  of  Christ  in  America,  namely,  Dr.  B.  S.  Winchester,  Dr. 
Francis  E.  Clark,  Dr.  Charles  H.  Levermore,  Dr.  W.  K.  Thomas, 
and  Dr.  P.  H.  Lerrigo,  have  considered  the  material  in  detail,  and 
their  opinions  are  reflected  in  its  final  form.  Dr.  Henry  H.  Meyer, 
secretary  of  the  Commission  on  Christian  Education,  and  Dr. 
B.  S.  Winchester,  of  the  Special  Committee  on  Peace  Instruction, 
have  had  final  editorial  supervision  of  the  manuscript  in  the 
process  of  its  preparation.  They  have  been  in  full  sympathy  with 
the  point  of  view  maintained  in  these  lessons  and,  at  the  same 
time,  solicitous  that  the  method  of  their  presentation  should 
always  be  in  accordance  with  sound  educational  principles. 

On  the  basis  of  these  lessons,  there  has  been  prepared  a  volume 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE  TO  THE  STUDIES  449 

of  carefully  chosen  selections  from  the  writings  of  the  standard 
authorities  on  the  subject  of  interracial  fraternity.  Only  that 
material  which  has  greatest  value  has  been  included.  Many  of 
the  books  consulted  are  not  available  to  the  leaders  of  the  classes. 
And  even  if  they  were,  there  are  many  of  these  leaders  who  would 
not  have  the  time  to  consult  from  ten  to  thirty  books  in  getting 
ready  to  teach  each  lesson.  It  is  in  order  to  help  the  class  leader 
to  find,  with  the  greatest  ease  and  convenience,  the  very  best 
thought  bearing  upon  each  lesson  that  "Selected  Quotations 
on  Peace  and  War"  has  been  prepared.  The  results  of  a  vast 
amount  of  labor  in  reading  the  hundreds  of  books  that  have 
been  written  on  this  subject  and  the  painstaking  evaluation  of 
their  contents  is  here  placed  in  the  hand  of  the  busy  leader. 
For  illustrative  material  he  should  consult  this  book.  With 
little  time  and  effort  he  may  become  well  informed  and  intelli- 
gently enthusiastic  concerning  the  message  of  each  lesson.  This 
companion  volume  is  indispensable  to  the  leaders  of  the  classes 
studying  these  lessons. 

NOBMAN  E.  RICHARDSON. 


INTERNATIONAL    PEACE 

A  STUDY  IN  CHRISTIAN  FRATERNITY* 

A  Course  of  Thirteen  Lessons  Prepared  for  the 
Commission  on  Christian  Education  of  the  Fed- 
eral Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America, 
Cooperating  with  the  Church  Peace  Union 

LESSONS   WRITTEN   BY 

NORMAN  E.  RICHARDSON.  PH.D. 

LESSON  I 

THE    CHRISTIAN    IDEAL    OF   WORLD-WIDE    FRATERNITY 
Study  Acts  10:  1-35 

An  Angel   Brings   a  Message  to  Cornelius 

"Now  a  Captain  of  the  Italian  Regiment,  named  Cornelius,  was 
quartered  at  Caesarea.  He  was  religious  and  God-fearing — and  so 
was  every  member  of  his  household.  He  was  also  liberal  in  his 
charities  to  the  people,  and  continually  offered  prayer  to  God. 
About  three  o'clock  one  afternoon  he  had  a  vision,  and  distinctly 
saw  an  angel  of  God  enter  his  house,  who  called  him  by  name, 
saying, 

"'Cornelius!' 

"Looking  steadily  at  him,  and  being  much  alarmed,  he  said, 

"  'What  do  you  want,  Sir?' 

"  'Your  prayers  and  charities,'  he  replied,  'have  gone  up  and 
have  been  recorded  before  God.  And  now  send  to  Jaffa  and  fetch 
Simon,  surnamed  Peter.  He  is  staying  as  a  guest  with  Simon,  a 
tanner,  who  has  a  house  close  to  the  sea.' 

"So  when  the  angel  who  had  been  speaking  to  him  was  gone, 
Cornelius  called  two  of  his  servants  and  a  God-fearing  soldier  who 
was  in  constant  attendance  on  him,  and,  after  telling  them  every- 
thing, he  sent  them  to  Jaffa. 

Peter's  Vision 

"The  next  day,  while  they  were  still  on  their  journey  and  were 
getting  near  the  town,  about  noon  Peter  went  up  on  the  house-top 
to  pray.  He  had  become  unusually  hungry  and  wished  for  food; 
but,  while  they  were  preparing  it,  he  fell  into  a  trance.  The  sky 
had  opened  to  his  view,  and  what  seemed  to  be  an  enormous  sail 
was  descending,  being  let  down  to  the  earth  by  ropes  at  the  four 
corners.  In  it  were  all  kinds  of  quadrupeds,  reptiles  and  birds, 
and  a  voice  came  to  him  which  said, 


*  Copyright,  1915,  by  Norman  E.  Richardson. 

451 


452   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

'"Rise,  Peter,  kill  and  eat.' 

"'On  no  account,  Lord,'  he  replied;  'for  I  have  never  yet  eaten 

anything  unholy  and  impure.' 

"Again  the  second  time  a  voice  was  heard  which  said, 

"  'What  God  has  purified,  you  must  not  regard  as  unholy.' 

"This   was  said   three  times,  and   immediately  the  sail   was 

drawn  up  out  of  sight. 

Arrival   of  the   Servants   of  Cornelius 

"While  Peter  was  greatly  perplexed  as  to  the  meaning  of  the 
vision  which  he  had  seen,  just  then  the  men  sent  by  Cornelius, 
having  by  inquiry  found  out  Simon's  house,  had  come  to  the  door 
and  had  called  the  servant,  and  were  asking, 

"  'Is  Simon,  surnamed  Peter,  staying  here?' 

"And  Peter  was  still  earnestly  thinking  over  the  vision,  when 
the  Spirit  said  to  him,  'Three  men  are  now  inquiring  for  you. 
Rise,  go  down,  and  go  with  them  without  any  misgivings;  for  it 
is  I  who  have  sent  them  to  you.' 

"So  Peter  went  down  and  said  to  the  men, 

"  'I  am  the  Simon  you  are  inquiring  for.  What  is  the  reason  of 
your  coming?' 

"Their  reply  was, 

"  'Cornelius,  a  Captain,  an  upright  and  God-fearing  man,  of 
whom  the  whole  Jewish  nation  speaks  well,  has  been  divinely  in- 
structed by  a  holy  angel  to  send  for  you  to  come  to  his  house  and 
listen  to  what  you  have  to  say.' 

"Upon  hearing  this,  Peter  invited  them  in,  and  gave  them  a 
lodging. 

Peter   with   Cornelius   in   Caesarea 

"The  next  day  he  set  out  with  them,  some  of  the  brethren  from 
Jaffa  going  with  him,  and  the  day  after  that  they  reached  Caesarea. 
There  Cornelius  was  awaiting  their  arrival,  and  had  invited  all 
his  relatives  and  intimate  friends  to  be  present.  When  Peter  en- 
tered the  house,  Cornelius  met  him,  and  threw  himself  at  his  feet 
to  do  him  homage.  But  Peter  lifted  him  up. 

"  'Stand  up,'  he  said;  'I  myself  also  am  but  a  man.' 

"So  Peter  went  in  and  conversed  with  him,  and  found  a  large 
company  assembled.  He  said  to  them, 

"  'You  know  better  than  most  that  a  Jew  is  strictly  forbidden 
to  associate  with  a  Gentile  or  visit  him;  but  God  has  taught  me  to 
call  no  one  unholy  or  unclean.  So  for  this  reason,  when  sent  for, 
I  came  without  raising  any  objection.  I  therefore  ask  why  you 
sent  for  me.' 

"  'Just  at  this  hour,  three  days  ago,'  replied  Cornelius,  'I  was 
offering  afternoon  prayer  in  my  house,  when  suddenly  a  man  in 
shining  raiment  stood  in  front  of  me,  who  said,  "Cornelius,  your 
prayer  has  been  heard,  and  your  charities  have  been  put  on  record 
before  God.  Send  therefore  to  Jaffa,  and  invite  Simon,  surnamed 
Peter,  to  come  here.  He  is  staying  as  a  guest  in  the  house  of 
Simon,  a  tanner,  close  to  the  sea." 


CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  WORLD-WIDE  FRATERNITY  453 

"  'Immediately,  therefore,  I  sent  to  you,  and  I  thank  you 
heartily  for  having  come.  That  is  why  all  of  us  are  now  as- 
sembled here  in  God's  presence,  to  listen  to  what  the  Lord  has 
commanded  you  to  say.' 

Peter's   Speech 

"Then  Peter  began  to  speak. 

'"I  clearly  see,'  he  said,  'that  God  makes  no  distinctions  be- 
tween one  man  and  another;  but  that  in  every  nation  those  who 
fear  Him  and  live  good  lives  are  acceptable  to  Him."  Acts 
10:  1-35. 

Christianity   Breaks   Through  the  Restrictions  of  Judaism 

It  should  be  kept  in  mind  that  Peter,  who  had  been  so  close 
to  Jesus  and  who  had  preached,  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  the 
sermon  so  signally  honored  of  God,  was  the  same  man  who  now 
receives  a  pure-blooded  Italian  into  the  Apostolic  church.  The 
startling  fact  is  Peter's  disregard  for  the  rites  of  Judaism. 
Ancient  traditions  were  broken  and  a  new  precedent  established. 
Cornelius  was  received  without  his  having  to  comply  with  the 
requirements  which  the  Jews  had  always  made  of  those  who 
became  proselytes  to  their  faith.  It  was  simply  because  he  feared 
God  and  lived  a  good  life  that  this  new  convert  to  Christianity 
was  acceptable  unto  God  and  hence  was  worthy  to  be  received. 
As  a  result  of  the  vision,  Peter  had  come  to  look  upon  anyone 
whom  God  regarded  with  favor  as  fit  to  be  his  own  associate, 
even  within  the  close,  fraternal  bonds  of  the  early  church. 
Cornelius,  an  Italian,  entered  into  this  vital  fellowship  simply  as 
a  man  who  had  won  God's  approbation. 

Not  Nationality   But  Goodness  Makes  Men  Acceptable  to  God 

This  incident  suggests  one  of  the  ideals  of  Christianity.  Peter 
was  the  leading  apostle  among  the  twelve.  He  was  under  the 
immediate  direction  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  As  a  Jew,  he  would 
naturally  have  had  intense  prejudice  against  a  Gentile.  Before 
the  coming  of  Christ,  intimate  companionship  between  an 
orthodox  Jew  and  an  Italian  had  been  unthinkable.  It  was  be- 
lieved that  the  spiritual  injury  resulting  from  such  social  con- 
tact would  have  been  as  great  as  would  the  physical  injury  to 
one  eating  unclean  reptiles  and  birds.  But  as  a  Christian,  Peter 
had  a  new  standard  by  which  to  judge  men.  It  was  not  nation- 
ality or  race,  but  goodness  that  made  men  acceptable  to  God, 
and  hence,  to  the  followers  of  Jesus.  Here  before  his  eyes  was 
a  Gentile  receiving  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  becoming  an 
inspired  witness  to  the  truth  concerning  Jesus  Christ.  Thus, 
Christianity,  at  its  very  beginning,  broke  away  from  race  preju- 
dice. On  the  basis  of  nationality,  no  distinction  between  one 
man  and  another  was  made.  Do  the  Christian  people  of  to-day 
fully  appreciate  this  ideal?  Are  there  any  present-day  "Peters" 


454   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

who  need  a  clear  vision  of  this  truth?  What  obstacles  prevent 
foreigners  from  receiving  just  consideration?  Can  this  principle 
be  universally  applied? 

A  New  Reverence 

"A  Jew  is  strictly  forbidden  to  associate  with  a  Gentile  of  visit 
him;  but  God  has  taught  me  to  call  no  one  unholy  or  unclean." 
What  a  fundamental  change  took  place  in  Peter's  attitude  toward 
those  whom  Judaism  had  taught  him  to  despise!  A  new  rever- 
ence for  man  was  necessary  before  the  leader  of  the  apostles 
could  associate  with  a  Gentile.  Peter  was  coming  to  understand 
the  value  of  things  human.  He  had  made  the  discovery  that  the 
gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit  was  not  confined  to  those  of  one  favored 
race.  God  came  and,  in  this  peculiar  and  mysterious  sense,  took 
up  his  abode  in  the  heart  of  a  "foreigner."  Those  whom  God 
had  thus  honored  were  not  to  be  despised  by  any  man,  least  of 
all  by  an  apostle.  How  could  one  who  looked  up  to  God  as 
Father  despise  or  injure  another  whose  spiritual  possibilities 
were  equal  to  his  own?  It  is  love  of  God  that  helps  man  to  place 
a  true  evaluation  upon  all  things  human.  The  nearer  Peter  came 
to  God,  the  more  the  artificial  barriers  between  himself  and  men 
of  other  nations  melted  away. 

The  Jewish  Antipathy   for  the  Gentiles 

One  of  the  marked  characteristics  of  Judaism  had  been  its 
deep-seated  prejudice  and  antipathies  against  the  Gentile.  The 
Jew  was  exclusive  by  training  and  tradition.  He  was  apt  to  look 
with  contempt  upon  everything  outside  the  pale  of  Judaism. 
He  was  taught  that  to  enter  the  house  of  a  Gentile,  much  more 
to  eat  at  a  Gentile's  table,  involved  ceremonial  uncleanness.  The 
richest  blessing  that  could  come  to  a  Gentile  was  thought  to  be 
his  becoming  a  proselyte  to  Judaism.  The  prophets  pictured  the 
Gentile  world  as  being  in  darkness,  waiting  for  the  light  that 
could  come  only  from  those  who  had  inherited  the  promise  to 
Abraham.  Even  the  disciples  of  Jesus  found  it  difficult  to  think 
of  the  blessings  of  the  gospel  as  coming  to  the  Gentiles  except 
"through  the  portal  of  Judaism."  How  far  does  this  ancient 
Jewish  exclusiveness  account  for  the  wide-spread  hatred  of  the 
Jews?  What  are  some  of  the  most  common  causes  of  interracial 
antipathy? 

Breadth   of   Sympathy 

The  difficulty  of  laying  aside  the  rites  and  customs  which  were 
the  outward  signs  of  ancient  Jewish  exclusiveness  is  vividly  re- 
flected in  the  dispute  between  Paul  and  Peter  at  Antioch.  (See 
Gal.  2.  11-21).  If  Christianity  had  retained  the  forms  and 
customs  of  Judaism,  what  would  have  been  the  probable  result? 
Jesus  undertook  to  destroy  these  ancient  suspicions,  this  preju- 
dice and  interracial  hatred.  He  astonished  His  disciples  by 
conversing  with  a  woman  of  Samaria.  His  ministry  was  marked 
by  a  breadth  of  sympathy  that  was  at  first  inexplicable  to  His 


CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  WORLD-WIDE  FRATERNITY  455 

most  intimate  associates.  "One  is  your  Father  all  ye  are 
brethren,"  he  said.  In  the  parable  of  the  Good  Samaritan  he 
taught  that  the  true  spirit  of  neighborliness  disregards  the  arti- 
ficial barriers  of  race  or  creed.  It  embraces  all  men  Human 
values  were  placed  above  all  accidents  of  birth  or  environment 
He  prayed  that  all  of  His  disciples  might  be  made  one.  And  this 
oneness  He  explained  in  terms  of  His  own  relation  to  the  Father 
He  died  for  the  sins  of  the  whole  world.  Being  lifted  up  He  said 
that  He  would  draw  all  men  unto  Himself.  He  did  not  think  of 
His  sheep  as  being  all  of  one  fold.  The  disciples  were  com- 
missioned to  carry  the  good  news  to  all  nations.  In  the  picture 
of  the  final  judgment  of  the  world  (Matt.  25:  31-46)  all  nations 
are  gathered  before  Him,  and  He  then  separates  the  righteous 
from  the  unrighteous.  This  final  accounting  recognizes  only 
goodness.  It  ignores  nationality,  race,  and  language. 

Paul   the   Apostle   to   the   Gentiles 

While  it  was  Peter  who,  among  the  apostles,  was  first  to  realize 
fully  the  true  value  of  those  outside  of  Judaism,  it  was  Paul 
whose  ministry  seemed,  in  a  peculiar  sense,  to  be  dominated  by 
this  idea.  Though  a  Pharisee  and  passionately  identifying  him- 
self with  all  the  traditions,  laws,  and  prejudices  of  his  narrow 
sect;  though  intensely  provincial  and  consumed  by  hatred  of 
those  who  dared  to  differ  from  the  strict  interpretation  of 
Judaism,  Paul  achieved,  under  the  guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
breadth  of  sympathy  and  outlook.  His  cosmopolitan  interests 
widened  until  they  included,  not  only  Europe,  but  also  the  world- 
wide Roman  Empire.  He  never  gave  up  his  fervent  belief  in  the 
doctrine  of  the  election  of  Israel  or  his  passionate  love  for 
Judaism.  But  these  became  spiritualized  and  humanized  under 
the  influence  of  Jesus.  In  the  death  of  Jesus,  Paul  saw  the  only 
hope  of  the  world.  In  the  Son  of  God,  the  promise  to  Abraham 
had  been  fulfilled.  With  Paul,  the  fatherhood  of  God  and  the 
saviourhood  of  Jesus  made  all  men  one.  The  spiritual  supremacy 
of  Israel  laid  upon  her  a  correspondingly  great  responsibility  to 
serve  the  other  nations.  Is  this  life  of  Jesus  Christ,  formed  anew 
in  the  members  of  different  races,  an  adequate  basis  of  inter- 
racial friendship?  Is  it  possible  for  the  members  of  every  race 
to  become  true  Christians? 

Jews  and  Gentiles  Made  One 

To  the  Ephesians  Paul  wrote:  "To  you  Gentiles  also — to  you 
God  has  given  life."  He  classified  himself  with  the  Gentiles 
with  respect  to  having  lived  a  sinful  life,  but,  with  them  had  been 
brought  near  to  God  by  the  death  of  Jesus,  "For  He  is  our  peace 
— He  who  has  made  Jews  and  Gentiles  one,  and  in  His  own 
human  nature  has  broken  down  the  hostile  dividing  wall,  by 
setting  aside  the  law  with  its  commandments,  expressed  as  they 
were,  in  definite  decrees.  His  design  was  to  unite  the  two 
sections  of  humanity  in  Himself  so  as  to  form  one  new  man,  thus 
effecting  peace,  and  to  reconcile  Jews  and  Gentiles  in  one  body  to 


456      SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

God,  by  means  of  His  cross — slaying  by  it  their  mutual  enmity. 
So  He  came  and  proclaimed  good  news  of  peace  to  you  who 
were  so  far  away,  and  peace  to  those  who  were  near;  because 
it  is  through  Him  that  Jews  and  Gentiles  alike  have  access 
through  one  Spirit  to  the  Father"  (Eph.  2.  14-16).  How  does 
the  strength  of  this  religious  bond  compare  with  that  of  natural 
racial  antagonisms?  What  are  some  of  these  antagonisms? 

Christianity  and  the  Common  Origin  of  Mankind 

The  Christian  doctrine  of  God  the  Creator  was  referred  to  by 
Paul  when,  addressing  the  Athenians,  he  said:  "God  who  made 
the  universe  and  everything  in  it" — "caused  to  spring  from  one 
forefather  people  of  every  race,  for  them  to  live  on  the  whole 
surface  of  the  earth" — "For  we  are  also  His  offspring."  (Acts 
17:  24,  26,  28).  Every  member  of  the  human  race  bears  the 
image  of  God.  Fundamentally,  men  are  alike;  God,  their 
Creator,  is  one.  A  common  origin  is  revealed  in  the  human  body 
which  is  similar  in  structure,  constitution,  and  needs  the  world 
over.  The  human  mind  answers  to  human  mind  in  every  climate, 
latitude,  age,  or  race.  The  differences  that  are  most  apparent 
are  only  skin  deep.  All  human  hearts  recoil  at  pain  and  grief; 
all  human  life  expands  and  develops  in  the  presence  of  pleasure 
or  joy.  Members  of  the  human  race  are  universally  religious; 
conscience  is  everywhere  found;  instincts  have  similar  charac- 
teristics wherever  they  appear  in  human  life.  The  oneness  of 
the  Creator  is  reflected  in  the  oneness  of  the  race.  Is  it  sin  for 
a  Christian  to  harbor  racial  hatred?  To  what  extent  are  race 
prejudices  instinctive?  Are  the  sentiments  occasioned  in  some 
people  by  the  manners  of  some  Jews  or  the  color  of  the  Negro 
unavoidable?  How  is  it  possible  to  overcome  sentiments  that 
are  instinctive? 

Is   World-Wide  Brotherhood  Practicable? 

When  working  at  a  common  task,  men  of  different  nations 
come  to  be  warm  friends.  Their  comradeship  is  like  that  of  two 
soldiers  who  have  lived  and  fought  together.  The  feeling  of 
brotherhood  is  often  most  intense  in  the  various  international 
conferences  and  conventions.  Members  of  European  races,  com- 
ing to  America,  absorb  the  American  spirit,  adopt  the  Western 
ideals,  become  naturalized  in  more  than  a  merely  political  sense. 
In  two  or  three  generations  they  are  indistinguishable  from  other 
Americans.  Common  environment  brings  out  common  traits  of 
character.  It  would  seem  that  all  of  the  members  of  the  human 
family  are  by  nature  fitted  for  world  citizenship.  Is  the  Chris- 
tian ideal  of  world-wide  brotherhood  practicable? 

The  Public  School 

The  possibilities  of  world-wide  fraternity  are  illustrated  in 
many  of  the  public  schools  of  America.  Here  children  find  play- 
mates and  form  friendships  in  races  widely  different  from  their 
own.  Frequently  in  one  room  are  gathered  those  who  belong 


CHRISTIAN  IDEAL  OF  WORLD-WIDE  FRATERNITY  457 

to  six  or  eight  different  nationalities.  Jews,  Irish,  Armenian,  Ger- 
man, French,  and  Italian  all  study  the  same  lessons  and  fre- 
quently play  together.  Even  the  teacher  may  be  of  foreign  birth 
But  here  they  all  meet  and  mingle.  "The  little  foreigners, 
assisted  by  their  more  well-informed  comrades,  learn  the  lan- 
guage of  the  land."  "It  will  be  difficult  to  stir  Otto  Schmidt,  at 
any  stage  of  his  career,  into  antagonism  against  the  Jewish  race 
when  he  remembers  the  patience  and  loving  kindness  with  which 
Maxie  Fishandler  labored  with  him  and  guided  his  first  steps 
through  the  wilderness  of  the  English  tongue"  (The  American 
Public  School  as  a  Factor  in  International  Conciliation,  by  Myra 
Kelly).  Does  it  always  come  about  that  those  who  thus  meet 
under  such  democratic  and  cosmopolitan  conditions  become  fast 
friends?  If  not,  why  not?  The  Austrian  Minister  of  Education 
was  visiting  an  American  high  school  in  New  York.  When  asked 
to  pick  out  four  typical  Americans,  to  the  amusement  of  all,  he 
selected  three  Hungarians  and  one  Bohemian. 

Common    Fatherhood    Implies    Common    Brotherhood 

Oneness  of  origin  suggests  oneness  of  destiny.  The  common 
task  of  establishing  the  kingdom  of  God  on  earth  must  be  shared 
by  all.  Fundamental  unity  suggests  cooperation,  mutual  con- 
sideration, brotherhood.  Love  of  a  common  Father  leads 
naturally  to  neighborliness.  These  two  ideas  lay  together  in 
the  mind  of  Jesus.  He  considered  them  to  be  of  such  importance 
that  He  presented  them  as  divine  commandments  to  take  prece- 
dence of  all  others.  "Other  commandments  greater  than  these 
there  is  none."  "Hear,  O  Israel!  The  Lord  our  God  is  one  Lord! 
and  thou  shalt  love  the  Lord  thy  God  with  thy  whole  heart,  thy 
whole  mind,  and  thy  whole  strength."  The  second  is  this:  "Thou 
shalt  love  thy  fellowman  as  thou  lovest  thyself." 

The  Stability  of  the  Bonds  of  Brotherhood 

Like  the  cement  of  a  great  building  which  holds  together 
bricks  and  stones,  the  common  Fatherhood  of  God  makes  for 
solidarity  and  coherence  in  the  human  race.  The  question  which 
history  must  decide  is  this,  Are  the  centralizing  and  unifying 
forces  stronger  than  any  divisive  tendencies  and  will  they  finally 
prevail?  The  bonds  of  universal  brotherhood  have  a  divine 
origin.  They  have  the  stability  of  the  foundation  of  the  universe. 
Is  there  not  some  divinely  ordained  form  of  society  that  corre- 
sponds to  this  ultimate  unity  of  the  human  family?  Disruptive 
forces  such  as  race  prejudice  and  suspicion  shall  not  ultimately 
prevail.  Like  a  great  beacon  light  shining  over  the  stormy  sea 
of  human  superstition  and  selfish  passion  is  the  truth— "The 
Lord  thy  God  is  one."  Why  is  it  that  this  Christian  ideal  has 
been  so  long  in  receiving  practical  recognition?  What  changes 
are  needed  in  the  institutions  of  to-day  in  order  that  this  ideal 
may  be  realized?  How  can  Christian  people  hasten  the  time 
when  it  will  be  realized? 


LESSON  II 

DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM 
Study  Luke  10:  25-37 

How  to   Secure   Eternal   Life 

"Then  an  expounder  of  the  Law  stood  up  to  test  Him  with  a 
question.  'Rabbi,'  he  said,  'what  shall  I  do  to  inherit  the  Life 
of  the  Ages?' 

"  'Go  to  the  Law,'  said  Jesus,  'what  is  written  there?  how  does 
it  read?' 

"  THOU  SHALT  LOVE  THE  LORD  THY  GOD,'  he  replied,  WITH  THY 
WHOLE  HEART,  THY  WHOLE  STRENGTH,  AND  THY  WHOLE  MIND; 
AND  THY  FELLOW  MEN  AS  MUCH  AS  THYSELF'  (Deut.  6:  5;  Lev. 
19:  18). 

"'A  right  answer,'  said  Jesus;  'do  that,  and  you  shall  live.' 

"But  he,  desiring  to  justify  himself,  said, 

"  'But  what  is  meant  by  my  fellow  man"?' 

"Jesus  replied, 

The   Kind    Hearted    Samaritan 

"  'A  man  was  once  on  his  way  down  from  Jerusalem  to  Jericho 
when  he  fell  among  robbers,  who,  after  both  stripping  and  beat- 
ing him,  went  away  leaving  him  half  dead.  Now  a  priest  hap- 
pened to  be  going  down  that  way,  and,  on  seeing  him,  passed  by 
on  the  other  side.  In  like  manner  a  Levite  also  came  to  the 
place,  and,  seeing  him,  passed  by  on  the  other  side.  But  a 
certain  Samaritan,  being  on  a  journey,  came  where  he  lay,  and, 
seeing  him,  was  moved  with  pity.  He  went  to  him,  and  dressed 
his  wounds  with  oil  and  wine  and  bound  them  up.  Then  placing 
him  on  his  mule  he  brought  him  to  an  inn  where  he  bestowed 
every  care  on  him.  The  next  day  he  took  out  two  shillings  and 
gave  them  to  the  innkeeper.' 

"  'Take  care  of  him,'  he  said,  'and  whatever  further  expense 
you  are  put  to,  I  will  repay  it  to  you  at  my  next  visit.' 

"  'Which  of  those  three  seems  to  you  to  have  acted  like  a 
fellow  man  to  him  who  fell  among  the  robbers?' 

"  'The  one  who  showed  him  pity,'  he  replied. 

"  'Go,'  said  Jesus,  'and  act  in  the  same  way' "  (Luke  10:  25-37). 

A   Picture   of   Spiritual   Neighborliness 

The  parable  of  the  good  Samaritan  has  been  referred  to  as  a 
picture  of  spiritual  neighborliness.  A  neighbor  is  one  who  is 
nigh  or  near  to  another.  In  the  parable  certain  men  are  set 
forth  as  being  unable  or  unwilling  to  come  sufficiently  near  to 

458 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM  459 

one  in  need  to  make  it  possible  for  them  to  help  him.  The  only 
claim  that  the  man  in  distress  had  upon  the  priest  and  the 
Levite  or  the  good  Samaritan  was  the  fact  that  he  was  their 
"fellow  man."  The  priest  and  the  Levite  probably  knew  how 
to  draw  near  to  another  priest  or  Levite,  but  their  spiritual 
neighborliness  did  not  extend  to  one  who  was  only  "fellow  man." 
Even  when  circumstances  forcea  them  to  come  into  the  im- 
mediate presence  of  acute  human  need  they  were  unable  to  over- 
come the  spiritual  barriers  that  had  been  erected  in  their  own 
minds.  How  are  the  sympathies  of  people  to-day  artificially 
restricted?  Where  or  among  whom  is  this  spirit  of  exclusiveness 
most  clearly  seen? 

Including  One's  Fellow  Man 

We  do  not  know  who  this  unfortunate  man  was.  His  nation- 
ality is  not  revealed.  It  is  enough  that  he  was  a  man.  The 
Master  proceeds  upon  the  supposition  that  a  lack  of  spiritual 
readiness  and  ability  to  give  aid  to  one's  fellow  man  when  in 
need  makes  one  unworthy  of  eternal  life.  The  plain  teaching  of 
the  parable  is  that  any  system  of  beliefs  or  customs  or  habits 
or  associations  that  tends  to  separate  a  man  from  his  fellow 
human  beings  should  be  avoided.  It  is  breadth,  not  narrowness 
of  sympathy  that  marks  the  one  who  keeps  the  second  great 
commandment.  The  priest  and  the  Levite  had  evidently  circum- 
scribed their  sentiments,  excluding  all  those  persons  who  did 
not  measure  up  to  certain  national,  racial,  or  religious  standards. 
If  the  man  in  need  had  been  a  fellow  priest  or  fellow  Levite, 
how  easy  it  would  have  been  for  them  to  help  him!  But 
because  he  was  only  their  fellow  man  he  must  wait  for  someone 
whose  sympathies  were  as  broad  and  inclusive  as  mankind. 
What  was  wanted  was  not  the  fellow-feeling  of  one  priest  for 
another,  but  just  plain,  ordinary  human  sympathy.  The  tender 
feelings  of  the  priest  and  of  the  Levite  were  marred  by  narrow- 
ness and  formality.  Thus  they  were  led  to  violate  one  of  the 
greatest  commandments.  Is  it  a  sin  for  one  individual  to  be 
indifferent  toward  another  simply  because  of  racial  distinctions? 
How  is  it  possible  for  the  ordinary  Christian  to  develop  a  neigh- 
borliness as  broad  and  whole  hearted  as  was  that  of  the  Samari- 
tan? Can  one  whose  early  experiences  and  observations  are 
necessarily  limited  be  expected  to  cultivate  sympathies  that 
transcend  them  so  far  as  to  take  in  the  whole  world?  How  is 
it  possible  to  break  through  the  systems  of  convictions,  preju- 
dices, customs  or  habits  that  are  formed  so  easily  during  one's 
early  years?  Should  priests  lend  a  helping  hand  only  to  priests? 
Levites  only  to  Levites?  Canadians  only  to  Canadians?  Anglo- 
Saxons  only  to  Anglo-Saxons? 

The   Principle   of   Expanding  Loyalty 

Psychologists  have  pointed  out  the  fact  that  one's  loyalty  is 
at  first  restricted  to  a  comparatively  small  group.    The  boy  mus 
first  learn  to  be  loyal  to  his  gang  before  his  sympathy  can 


460   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

embrace  all  society.  Young  people  must  learn  to  love  their 
particular  church  and  denomination  before  they  can  identify 
themselves  in  a  spirit  of  intelligent  devotion  with  all  of  Christen- 
dom. Loyalty  is  as  subject  to  development  as  is  intellect.  The 
evident  difficulty  with  the  priest  and  the  Levite  is  that  their 
development  in  sentiment  had  been  arrested.  They  had  broad- 
ened out  to  a  certain  limit  and  then  all  further  development  had 
been  intensive.  They  had  come  to  have  a  higher  and  higher 
regard  for  priests  and  Levites,  but  with  that  growing  intensity 
there  had  come  a  spirit  of  exclusiveness  which  at  last  made  it 
impossible  for  them  to  lend  a  hand  to  anyone  outside  of  their 
own  set  Not  all  men  could  be  priests  or  Levites  and  hence  all 
men  could  not  be  admitted  within  the  embrace  of  their  charity. 
Here  was  sympathy,  but  not  yet  fully  developed.  How  far  are 
people  responsible  for  their  attitudes  toward  people  of  other 
races?  How  can  an  individual  overcome  prejudices  built  up 
in  childhood  as  the  result  of  home  atmosphere? 

The  Peril   of  Disregarding   Common   Bond* 

In  this  parable  of  the  good  Samaritan,  Jesus  points  to  the 
moral  injury  that  results  when  a  man's  sympathies  become 
narrowed.  Both  priest  and  Levite  seem  powerless  to  help  one 
who  is  outside  of  their  own  small  circles,  even  though  that  one 
is  immediately  before  them  and  is  suffering  both  physical  pain 
and  mental  distress.  They  have  disregarded  the  common  bonds 
uniting  them  to  their  fellow  men.  The  result  is  an  attitude  of 
indifference  that,  in  this  instance,  amounts  to  heartlessness  and 
cruelty.  Narrowness  reveals  the  presence  of  selfishness.  The 
true  follower  of  Jesus  Christ  discovers  ever  widening  bonds  unit- 
ing him  to  the  other  members  of  the  great  human  family.  The 
moral  life  is  defective  in  that  individual  who  does  not  recognize 
some  bond  of  brotherhood  uniting  himself  to  every  other  human 
being.  What  is  the  real  difference  between  the  priest  or  the 
Levite  and  the  one  who,  to-day,  neither  knows  nor  cares  "how 
the  other  half  lives"?  Just  what  is  the  injury  that  comes  to  the 
one  who  is  indifferent  to  all  outside  his  own  class  or  nation? 

Tribal  Loyalty  vs.   Faith  in  Humanity 

The  question  naturally  arises,  is  there  ever  any  justification 
for  a  narrowing  of  this  feeling  of  brotherhood?  Love  of  God 
tends  to  intensify  and  broaden  it.  Are  there  any  Christian  duties 
or  responsibilities  which  have  a  tendency  to  make  it  narrow? 
Why  is  it  that  Jesus  did  not  add  to  his  two  great  commandments 
a  third,  namely:  Thou  shalt  love  thine  own  country  more  dearly 
than  any  other?  Does  true  patriotism  involve  an  antagonistic 
attitude  toward  nations  other  than  one's  own?  If  the  principle 
emphasized  in  the  parable  of  the  good  Samaritan  as  applicable 
to  individuals  can  be  applied  to  nations  as  well,  then  why  should 
not  this  new  commandment  read:  Thou  shalt  love  every  other 
nation  as  thou  lovest  thine  own?  Christian  patriotism  involves 
something  more  than  willingness  to  die  for  one's  country  in  case 


DANGERS  IN  MODERN  NATIONALISM  461 

war  is  declared  It  is  not  mere  tribal  loyalty  but  faith  in 
humanity  In  what  sense  may  patriotism  be  unchristian'  What 
s  the  point  beyond  which  the  determination  to  advance  the 
interests  of  one's  own  country  is  sin?  What  is  the  true  basis 
of  love  of  one's  country? 

Patriotism  Both   Provincial   and  Cosmopolitan 

Love  of  one's  own  country  does  not  involve  hatred  of  all  coun- 
tries other  than  one's  own.  To  appreciate  the  land  of  one's 
birth  it  is  not  necessary  to  despise  all  other  lands.  An  American 
is  no  more  truly  loyal  to  America  because  he  speaks  contemptu- 
ously of  France  or  Austria.  To  despise  the  Rhine  does  not  help 
one  to  appreciate  the  Hudson.  "The  patriotic  Englishman  is  no 
traitor  to  Wordsworthshire  because  he  loves  the  lakes  and  moun- 
tains of  Italy  and  Switzerland."  Egotism  is  no  more  a  sign 
of  greatness  in  a  nation  than  in  an  individual.  German  citizen- 
ship does  not  detract  from  world  citizenship  any  more  than  does 
citizenship  in  Massachusetts  detract  from  that  in  the  United 
States.  Love  of  one's  country  is  not  incompatible  with  love  of 
every  other  country.  Hostility  to  another  nation  is  not  involved 
in  loyalty  to  one's  own.  Patriotism  can  be  both  provincial  and 
cosmopolitan.  Can  a  man  be  patriotic  under  three  flags?  What 
are  the  essential  characteristics  of  world  citizenship?  What  is 
there  in  the  form  of  government  of  the  United  States  that  ought 
to  help  its  citizens  to  appreciate  international  cooperation  and 
peace? 

A  False  Theory  of  National  Greatness 

There  are  those  who  assert  that  a  nation  in  order  to  preserve 
itself,  must  rely  upon  a  great  navy  and  army.  But  what  is 
involved  in  such  a  policy?  Within  the  past  thirty  years  the 
United  States  has  spent  one  thousand  million  dollars  on  her  navy 
alone.  It  has  been  pointed  out  by  Dr.  Charles  E.  Jefferson  that 
during  that  time  millions  of  acres  of  desert  land  have  been 
waiting  for  an  adequate  plan  of  irrigation,  millions  of  acres  of 
swamp  land  should  have  been  drained,  harbors  should  have  been 
deepened  and  forests  safe-guarded.  There  are  "pests,  implacable 
and  terrible,  like  the  gypsy  moth,  and  plagues  like  tuberculosis, 
for  whose  extermination  millions  of  money  are  needed  at  once. 
But  the  necessary  money  has  not  been  available  because  of  a 
false  theory  of  national  greatness.  The  nation  that  turns  aside 
from  its  thousands  of  tubercular  citizens,  from  its  poor  who  live 
in  malarial  districts  that  it  may  prepare  itself  needlessly  for 
aggressive  hostilities  against  other  nations,  is  open  to  the  charge 
of  negligence  and  cruelty."  How  does  the  commandment  "Thou 
shalt  not  kill"  apply  to  nations? 

One  Nation   Injuring  Another 

The  selfishness  of  this  kind  of  nationalism  that  rests  upon  a 
military  foundation  is  seen  in  its  damaging  effect  upon  other 
nations.  "Every  increase  in  the  American  navy  strengthens  the 


462       SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

militarists  in  London,  Berlin,  and  Tokio."  Thus  the  most  press- 
ing human  needs  are  neglected  not  merely  in  one  but  in  all 
countries.  If  one  great  nation  measures  its  strength  by  the  size 
of  its  navy  and  army — by  its  ability  to  inflict  injury  upon  its 
neighbor  nation — the  inevitable  tendency  is  that  all  other  nations 
will  be  forced,  because  of  economic  reasons,  to  be  less  and  less 
able  to  minister  to  the  real  human  needs  of  the  people.  Under 
such  a  system  the  danger  is  that  the  moral  development  of  the 
whole  civilized  world  will  be  retarded  and  its  educational, 
economic,  and  benevolent  enterprises  seriously  interfered  with. 
What  promise  is  there  in  the  fact  that  our  best  citizens  no  longer 
appeal  to  the  duel  in  order  to  settle  matters  of  personal  honor? 
Is  there  in  this  fact  a  basis  of  hope  that  war  between  nations 
may  some  time  come  to  an  end? 

The   Moral   Value   of   True    Patriotism 

Because  there  are  some  forms  of  nationalism  that  are  morally 
dangerous,  it  does  not  follow  that  all  love  of  one's  country  should 
be  renounced.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  doubtful  if  an  adequately 
intelligent  appreciation  of  other  nations  is  possible  unless  there 
is  first  of  all  an  intelligent  loyalty  to  one's  own.  The  ordinary 
individual  is  unable  at  first  to  gather  up  within  the  range  of  his 
patriotism  all  of  the  nations  of  earth.  But  familiarity  with  the 
history  of  his  own,  admiration  for  its  natural  beauties,  faith  in 
its  stability,  enthusiasm  for  its  high  mission  among  the  nations 
of  earth,  readiness  to  make  personal  sacrifices  for  the  welfare 
of  fellow  citizens — all  this  helps  the  individual  whose  sympathies 
are  broad  to  respect  other  nations  and  to  reverence  their  sacred 
institutions.  To  understand  the  forces  that  bind  the  people 
of  one  nation  together  helps  one  to  appreciate  the  bonds  of  inter- 
national fraternity.  How  do  the  modern  facilities  of  inter- 
course increase  the  moral  demands  upon  nations? 

True   and   False   Patriotism 

A  careful  distinction  should  be  made  between  false  and  true 
patriotism.  One  consists  largely  in  the  singing  of  national 
hymns,  saluting  the  flag,  faithful  observance  of  all  national 
festivals,  and  the  willingness  to  take  up  arms  in  defense  of  the 
national  honor.  The  other  is  no  less  ready  to  salute  the  flag 
and  celebrate  the  anniversaries  of  important  events  in  the  history 
of  the  nation,  but  all  of  these  forms  of  expression  do  not  take 
the  place  of  the  bonds  uniting  it  to  those  of  other  nations.  True 
patriotism  does  not  take  pleasure  in  the  advancement  of  one 
nation  at  the  expense  of  another.  It  is  rather  permeated  with 
the  Christian  ideal  of  greatness  as  consisting  in  service.  True 
patriotism  is  not  without  reverence  for  other  nations.  It  is 
broadly  human.  It  reflects  the  spirit  of  the  good  Samaritan 
rather  than  that  of  the  priest  or  Levite.  It  is  ready  to  lend  a 
helping  hand  to  members  of  other  nations  as  well  as  to  those  of 
its  own.  A  man's  love  for  his  home  should  add  to,  rather  than 
detract  from,  his  love  for  the  community  in  which  that  home 


463 

is  located.     Why  is  pride  in  national  character  safer  than  pride 
in  national  possessions? 

The    Dangers    of   Seeing   Only    One   Side 

No  one  nation  can  reach  its  highest  moral  destiny  while  the 
other  nations  remain  crushed  by  needless  economic  burdens  or; 
socially  undeveloped.  If  the  selfish  advancement  of  one  is  brought 
about  at  the  expense  of  another,  indirectly  that  advantage  is 
sure  to  prove  to  be  a  moral  detriment.  There  can  be  no  such 
thing  as  merely  one  side  in  an  international  contest.  It  is  easy 
to  purchase  a  national  victory  at  too  great  a  price.  No  nation 
can  hold  another  down  without  itself  staying  down  on  the  same 
moral  level.  Emerson  wrote:  "We  hesitate  to  employ  a  word 
so  much  abused  as  'patriotism,'  whose  true  sense  is  almost  the 
reverse  of  the  popular  sense.  We  have  no  sympathy  with  that 
boyish  egotism,  hoarse  with  cheering  for  one  side,  for  one  state, 
for  one  town;  the  right  patriotism  consists  in  the  delight  which 
springs  from  contributing  our  peculiar  and  legitimate  advantages 
to  the  benefit  of  humanity."  How  can  true  patriotism  be  de- 
veloped in  our  nation?  Is  the  church  responsible  for  this  task? 
How  may  the  Christian  virtue  of  interracial  brotherliness  be 
more  adequately  taught  by  the  church  to-day? 

Dangers   Involved   in   a   Superficial   Love   of  Country 

Love  of  country  or  devotion  to  its  interests  involves  so  many 
things  that  very  often  its  moral  aspects  are  lost  sight  of.  The 
patriotic  sentiment  easily  interferes  with  a  calm  study  of  the 
issues  involved.  Citizens  do  not  always  stop  "to  think  whether 
or  not  a  course  of  action  proposed  by  their  government  is  right. 
The  duty  of  citizenship  does  not  demand  the  enthusiastic  and 
thoughtless  approval  of  every  act  committed  by  one's  nation. 
The  true  patriot  should  be  ready  to  point  out  errors  in  national 
policies  as  well  as  to  support  them.  This  higher  love  of  country 
requires  more  courage  and  self-sacrifice.  It  may  involve  tem- 
porary unpopularity  or  possible  misunderstanding.  Popular 
sentiment  may,  for  a  time,  turn  against  it.  But  a  nation  is  no 
better,  morally,  than  the  moral  quality  of  its  citizens.  The 
policies  of  any  government  involve  many  facts  and  principles. 
The  danger  is  that  moral  implications  may  be  lost  sight  of 
when  love  of  country  is  thought  to  require  an  easy  acquiescence 
in  every  national  act. 

Battleship   or  Statesmanship 

Christian  nationalism  is  based  upon  reason  rather  than  force. 
The  question  to  be  decided  is,  as  Mr.  Edwin  D.  Mead  has  sug- 
gested, which  kind  of  ship,  battleship  or  statesmanship,  is  to 
make  up  the  ship  of  state.  Those  who  would  establish  a  nation 
upon  a  foundation  of  force  are  constantly  reminding  the  people 
of  racial  antagonism,  of  possible  injury  that  other  nations  may 
inflict,  of  the  size  and  strength  and  preparedness  of  other  armies 
and  navies  Those  who  would  build  the  nation  upon  reason 


464   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

point  out  the  common  human  Interests,  the  social  and  economic 
interdependence  of  the  nations  and  the  divinely  sanctioned  bonds 
of  international  good-will.  Mutual  understanding  and  confidence 
among  nations  will  lay  a  more  enduring  foundation  for  the 
future  greatness  of  any  one  nation  than  will  mutual  distrust 
and  its  resulting  misunderstandings.  The  attitude  of  one  nation 
toward  another  determines  in  large  measure  what  will  be  the 
attitude  of  that  other  nation.  Suspicion  fosters  suspicion;  preju- 
dice breeds  prejudice;  force  necessitates  force.  The  great  present 
need  is  for  reason  rather  than  force  to  characterize  the  relations 
between  nations.  For  confidence  stimulates  confidence,  and  trust 
inspires  trust.  A  nation  as  well  as  an  individual  can  pursue  a 
policy  of  erecting  artificial  and  unnecessary  barriers  between 
itself  and  others.  How  are  the  mistakes  of  the  priest  and  the 
Levite  reflected  in  the  type  of  nationalism  now  found  among  the 
nations? 

How  to   Avoid   the   Dangers   of  Modern   Nationalism 

"What  we  want  is  an  active  class  who  will  insist  in  season 
and  out  of  season  that  we  shall  have  a  country  whose  greatness 
is  measured,  not  only  by  its  square  miles,  its  number  of  yards 
woven,  of  hogs  packed,  of  bushels  of  wheat  raised;  not  only  by 
its  skill  to  feed  and  clothe  the  body,  but  also  by  its  power  to 
feed  and  clothe  the  soul;  a  country  which  shall  be  as  great 
morally  as  it  is  materially;  a  country  whose  very  name  shall  not 
only,  as  now  it  does,  stir  us  as  with  the  sound  of  a  trumpet,  but 
shall  call  out  all  that  is  best  within  us  by  offering  us  the  radiant 
image  of  something  better  and  nobler  and  more  enduring  than 
we,  of  something  that  shall  fulfill  our  own  thwarted  aspiration, 
when  we  are  but  a  handful  of  forgotten  dust  in  the  soil  trodden 
by  a  race  whom  we  shall  have  helped  to  make  more  worthy  of 
their  inheritance"  (James  Russell  Lowell). 


LESSON  III 

THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OP  WAR 
Study  Matt.  5:  21-26,  38-42 

What   Is   War? 

War  has  been  defined  as  "a  properly  conducted  contest  of  armed 
public  forces"  (International  Law,  Wilson  and  Tucker).  It  "is 
not  the  mere  employment  of  forces  but  the  existence  of  the  legal 
condition  of  things  in  which  rights  are  or  may  be  prosecuted  by 
force.  Thus,  if  two  nations  declare  war  one  against  the  other, 
war  exists  though  no  force  whatever  may  as  yet  have  been 
employed.  On  the  other  hand,  force  may  be  employed  by  one 
nation  against  another,  as  in  the  case  of  reprisals,  and  yet  no 
state  of  war  may  arise.  In  such  a  case  there  may  be  said  to  be 
an  act  of  war,  but  no  state  of  war.  .  .  .  When  a  state  of  war 
supervenes,  third  parties  become  subject  to  the  performance  of 
the  duties  of  neutrality  as  well  as  to  all  the  inconveniences  that 
result"  (International  Law  Digest,  Moore).  The  appeal  to  force 
is  the  essential  element  in  war.  The  avowed  intention  to  use 
force  creates  a  state  of  war. 

What  Is  Peace? 

Peace  is  a  state  of  tranquillity  between  public  bodies.  It  may 
exist  as  the  result  of  political  agreements  or  military  exhaustion. 
Usually,  however,  peace  rests  upon  mutual  respect  and  mutual 
understanding.  As  such  it  may  be  considered  the  normal  or 
natural  state  of  relations  between  bodies  of  men  who  have 
advanced  beyond  the  primitive  conditions  of  savagery  or  bar- 
barism. Generally,  it  represents  a  public  state  of  mind  that  is 
characterized  by  deliberation  rather  than  impulsiveness.  There 
may  be  present  an  occasion  for  a  declaration  of  war;  the  in- 
stinctive impulses  to  begin  a  contest  of  armed  forces  may 
struggle  for  expression,  but  they  are  held  in  check.  Peace  is 
sometimes  defined  as  "the  duration  of  law;  the  absence  of 
violence  in  social  and  political  relations." 

War  as  an  Economic  Disturbance 

When  a  nation  undertakes  to  settle  its  differences  with  another 
nation  by  the  use  of  armed  public  forces,  where  do  these  "forces" 
come  from  and  what  are  they?  The  call  to  arms  is  not  sent  out 
to  non-human  beings  who  have  nothing  to  do  with  factories, 
farms,  and  fisheries.  It  is  sounded  in  the  ears  of  men,  wage- 
earners,  fathers  who  by  daily  toil  support  their  families.  The 
workshop  closes  when  war  opens.  Labor  is  diverted  from  its 
ordinary  tasks  and  is  used  for  non-productive  ends.  The  works 
of  public  utility  must  wait  while  the  "public  forces"  are  carrying 

465 


466   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

arms.  A  piece  of  steel  cannot  be  a  sword  and  a  plowshare  at  the 
same  time.  The  hand  that  holds  the  sword  cannot  grasp  the  plow 
handle.  And  so  want  makes  its  appearance  and  with  it,  exorbitant 
prices  for  food  and  clothing.  Money  is  raised  by  the  creation  of 
public  debts,  for  only  thus  can  the  army  be  clothed  and  fed. 
War  materials  are  costly.  The  economic  disturbance  lasts  years 
after  the  war  has  come  to  a  close. 

War   as   a   Moral   Disturbance 

In  order  to  make  these  armed  human  forces  highly  efficient 
according  to  the  standards  of  warfare,  it  is  necessary  to  supply 
suitable  motives.  For  this  purpose,  the  motives  that  are  found 
during  times  of  peace  are  for  the  most  part  inconsistent.  They 
have  to  be  supplanted  by  others;  more  in  accordance  with  the 
spirit  of  war.  To  bring  this  about,  public  officials  and  others 
devise  various  means,  frequently  making  use  of  deliberate  mis- 
representations of  facts.  The  desired  motives  are  supplied  with 
greatest  ease  in  an  atmosphere  of  ignorance  and  suspicion.  Refer- 
ence is  made  to  "hostile  forces"  or  "enemy."  The  dangers  that 
threaten  the  nation  are  magnified.  Love  of  fellow  man,  the  feel- 
ing of  human  solidarity,  mutual  confidence  and  respect  are  ban- 
ished and  in  their  places  are  engendered  international  hatred, 
brutality,  vengeance,  greed,  deceit,  treachery,  cruelty.  The  moral 
disturbance  of  war  is  so  great  that  it  has  been  described  as  the 
negation  of  civilization,  as  a  reversal  to  savagery,  or  as  a  break- 
ing down  of  the  social  sentiments,  which  have  been  built  up 
during  years  of  peace.  When  the  destruction  of  human  life  is 
deliberately  planned,  no  matter  whether  the  method  used  is 
starvation  or  wholesale  murder,  moral  degradation  is  involved. 
What  are  some  of  the  common  methods  used  to  stir  up  the  war 
spirit? 

In  Time  of  Peace   Prepare   for  War? 

War,  to  be  carried  on  with  greatest  success,  involves  a  long 
period  of  preparation.  The  material  aspects  of  this  preparation, 
such  as  the  building  of  gunboats,  fortresses,  and  arsenals,  the 
training  of  young  men  in  the  art  of  war,  and  the  maintenance  of 
military  academies,  all  serve  to  keep  before  the  public  the 
possibility  of  there  being  an  economic  and  a  moral  disturbance 
at  some  future  time.  Thus  preparation  for  war  increases  the 
probability  of  war.  Give  other  reasons  why  this  is  true.  Ideas 
are  forces  leading  to  action.  Peaceful  ideas  lead  to  peaceful 
actions.  The  time  of  peace  presents  opportunities  for  travel, 
commerce,  and  other  methods  of  cultivating  mutual  understand- 
ing and  appreciation.  Then  it  is  that  schools,  industries, 
churches,  homes,  and  public  museums  are  built  up,  profiting  not 
a  little  from  the  influences  that  come  from  other  nations.  If, 
during  such  a  period  of  peace,  militarists  successfully  advocate 
extensive  preparations  for  war,  they  not  only  increase  economic 
burdens,  but  also  deliberately  throw  dust  into  the  eyes  of  those 
whose  moral  vision  is  none  too  clear  at  best.  What  are  some  of 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OP  WAR  467 

the  most  common  arguments  in  favor  of  a  big  navy  and  army? 
How  can  they  be  successfully  answered? 

The   Passion    for   Power 

One  of  the  fruitful  causes  of  war  is  the  passion  for  power 
There  are  many  forms  in  which  this  passion  finds  expression. 
It  may  appear  as  an  attempt  to  gain  more  territory,  to  get 
control  of  a  river  or  a  harbor,  or  to  exercise  authority  over  a 
weaker  nation.  Channing  said  that  the  type  of  ambition  which 
chiefly  covets  power  over  fellow-creatures  has  instigated  more 
crimes  and  spread  more  misery  than  any  other  cause.  Is  this 
true?  When  the  motive  of  conquest  is  that  of  awakening, 
enlightening,  or  elevating  those  of  another  and  more  backward 
nation,  giving  them  liberty  and  self-government  as  soon  as  they 
are  prepared  to  undertake  such  responsibilities,  moral  elements 
may  easily  be  found.  But  such  international  magnanimity  does 
not  usually  cause  a  nation  to  appeal  to  armed  forces.  The 
passion  for  domination  is  more  apt  to  lead  to  pillage  and 
butchery  than  to  the  restoration  of  family  and  other  social  ties 
and  the  building  up  of  public  institutions  having  as  their  end 
the  welfare  of  the  conquered  people.  Does  the  conquest  and 
possession  of  a  colony  always  strengthen  the  conqueror?  Illus- 
trate from  history  this  passion  for  power  and  its  results. 

War,   the  Result  of  the  Ambition  of  Royalty 

This  passion  for  power  is  more  apt  to  be  found  in  a  monarchy 
than  in  a  democracy.  Where  one  ruler  exercises  inherited  rights 
to  hold  sway  over  his  subjects,  there  is  likely  to  appear  a  tempta- 
tion for  him  to  enlarge  his  sway  by  using  the  vast  resources  at 
his  command  in  order  to  subjugate  other  people.  His  own  sub- 
jects are  therefore  called  upon  to  pay  the  price  of  his  ambition. 
Honest  and  industrious  citizens  are  transformed  into  armed 
fighters.  In  order  to  satisfy  an  individual's  selfish  passion  for 
dominion,  "by  fire  and  sword,  by  butchery  and  pillage  they  are 
compelled  to  undertake  to  reduce  others  to  their  own  lot." 
Thus  the  lust  for  power  of  one  who  does  not  have  the  moral 
right  to  extend  his  control  causes  homes  to  be  destroyed  and 
the  souls  of  men  to  be  forced  into  slavery.  Noah  Webster  says: 
"As  the  rulers  of  a  nation  are  as  liable  as  other  people  to  be 
governed  by  passion  and  prejudice,  there  is  as  little  prospect  of 
justice  in  permitting  war  for  the  decision  of  national  disputes  as 
there  would  be  in  permitting  an  incensed  individual  to  be  in  his 
own  case  complainant,  witness,  judge,  jury,  and  executioner."  If 
lust  for  power  is  a  ruler's  motive  in  going  to  war,  what  should 
be  the  attitude  of  his  subjects  concerning  enlistment? 

Various   Causes   of   War 

A  passion  for  power  on  the  part  of  an  individual  or  a  small 
group  of  individuals  is  only  one  of  many  unworthy  motives  that 
have  led  to  war.  Revenge  has  been  passed  on  from  generation  to 
generation  in  a  royal  family.  Pear  or  hatred  between  indi- 


468   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

viduals  has  plunged  empires  into  gigantic  schemes  of  destruction 
and  death.  Petty  personal  jealousies  sometimes  assume  political 
and  even  international  significance.  The  actual  occasions  of  war 
are  often  absurdly  inadequate.  A  diplomat  makes  a  mistake  and 
rather  than  face  public  humiliation  resorts  to  methods  that 
involve  the  economic  and  moral  injury  of  his  country.  The  rash 
precipitation  of  actual  hostilities  has  sometimes  been  the  cause 
of  an  otherwise  unnecessary  war.  Sensational  newspapers  and 
magazines  tend  to  create  public  sentiment  in  favor  of  armed 
hostility  by  exaggeration,  distortion,  and  other  misrepresentation 
of  facts.  Army  officials  who  are  ignorant  of  the  total  human  and 
economic  cost  of  war  urge  the  settlement  of  international  ques- 
tions by  an  appeal  to  force  with  as  much  complacency  as  though 
might  could  make  right.  Can  there  be  such  a  thing  as  a  holy 
or  righteous  war?  What  would  be  the  nature  of  the  causes  lead- 
ing to  such  a  war?  How,  in  the  future,  can  unworthy  causes  be 
prevented  from  leading  to  war? 

Creating  a  Market   for  the  Armaments   of  War 

It  is  a  well  known  fact  that  the  European  manufacturers  of 
armaments  of  war  have  been  active  in  creating  public  sentiment 
and  influencing  legislation  in  favor  both  of  war  and  of  the 
preparations  for  war.  The  ultimate  aim  is  to  create  a  market 
for  rifles,  cannon,  gunboats,  and  cartridges.  Persistent  and 
highly  intelligent  activity  of  this  character  must  be  looked  upon 
as  one  of  the  causes  of  war.  The  effect  of  this  policy  of  promo- 
tion is  far-reaching.  Preparation  for  war  involves  being  equipped 
with  armaments  that  contain  the  very  latest  inventions.  A 
"slight  improvement  in  the  rifle  may  render  a  dozen  million 
firearms  obsolete."  Immediately  there  is  created  a  practical 
necessity  of  getting  rid  of  old-fashioned  stock.  The  newer  models 
are  costly.  So  in  an  effort  to  realize  as  much  money  as  possible 
for  the  old,  a  nation  sells  it  to  the  "other  primitive  but  warlike 
folks."  Thus,  as  a  result  of  the  selfish,  financial  interests  of 
manufacturers  and  inventors,  the  spirit  of  war  is  intensified 
among  the  tribes  of  Central  Africa,  Northwest  India,  and  the 
Gold  Coast.  Frequently,  it  is  not  national  necessity,  but  shrewd 
promotive  activity  on  the  part  of  the  agents  of  armament  manu- 
facturers that  leads  to  the  purchase  of  the  implements  of  war 
and  to  the  actual  precipitation  of  active  warfare. 

War  in  the  Light  of  Christianity 

The  true  moral  character  of  war  is  more  clearly  seen  when  it  is 
studied  in  the  light  of  the  teachings  of  Christianity.  One  of  the 
fundamental  principles  laid  down  by  Jesus  Christ  is  that  human 
life  is  sacred.  The  Christian  spirit  of  love  includes  enemies  as 
well  as  friends.  All  human  life  is  too  sacred  to  be  destroyed. 
Peace  makers  are  looked  upon  with  high  favor.  Love  and  service 
are  set  forth  as  the  true  methods  of  conquest.  True  greatness  is 
measured  by  service. 


THE  CHARACTER  AND  CAUSES  OP  WAR  469 

Anger  and  Murder 

Some  of  the   most  significant  utterances  of  Jesus  indicating 
His  attitude  toward  those  conditions  without  which  war  woul 
be    impossible,    are   found    in    the    Sermon   on    the   Mount      In 
Matthew  5:  21-26,  38-42  we  read:   "'You  have  heard  Kit  was 
said  to  the  ancients,  "THOU  SHAM  NOT  COMMIT  MUKDEB''     E^od 

:  13)  and  whoever  commits  murder  will  be  answerable  to  the 
magistrates.  But  I  say  to  you  that  every  one  who  becomes 
angry  with  his  brother  shall  be  answerable  to  the  magistrate- 
that  whoever  says  to  his  brother  "Raca,"  shall  be  answerable  to 
the  Sanhedrin;  and  that  whoever  says,  "You  fool!"  shall  be  liable 
to  the  Gehenna  of  Fire.  If  therefore  when  you  are  offering  your 
gift  upon  the  altar,  you  remember  that  your  brother  has  a 
grievance  against  you,  leave  your  gift  there  before  the  altar  and 
go  and  make  friends  with  your  brother,  first,  and  then  return  and 
proceed  to  offer  your  gift  Come  to  terms  without  delay  with 
your  opponent  while  you  are  yet  with  him  on  the  way  to  the 
court;  for  fear  he  should  obtain  judgment  from  the  magistrate 
against  you,  and  the  magistrate  should  give  you  in  custody  to  the 
officer  and  you  be  thrown  into  prison.  I  solemnly  tell  you  that 
you  will  certainly  not  be  released  till  you  have  paid  the  very  last 
farthing.' " 

All   Revenge   Is  Forbidden 

"  'You  have  heard  that  it  was  said,  "EYE  FOB  EYE,  TOOTH  FOB 
TOOTH"  (Exod.  21:  24).  But  I  tell  you  not  to  resist  a  wicked 
man,  but  if  any  one  strikes  you  on  the  right  cheek,  turn  the  other 
to  him  as  well.  If  any  one  wishes  to  go  to  law  with  you  and  to 
deprive  you  of  your  under  garment,  let  him  take  your  outer  one 
also.  And  whoever  shall  compel  you  to  convey  his  goods  one 
mile,  go  with  him  two.  To  him  who  asks,  give;  from  him  who 
would  borrow,  turn  not  away.' "  Is  the  New  Testament  teaching 
concerning  peace  and  war  morally  higher  than  that  of  the  Old 
Testament?  Is  it  possible  for  a  Christian  nation  to  adopt  a 
standard  that  is  higher  than  that  of  its  surrounding  nations? 
In  these  passages  of  Scripture  Christ  intended  to  denounce 
murder  and  the  motives  that  lie  back  of  it.  "Come  to  terms 
without  delay  with  your  opponent,"  is  consistent  with  his  entire 
message  of  peace.  "Make  friends  with  your  brother  first"  and 
then  offer  your  sacrifice  to  God,  is  but  the  natural  application  of 
His  great  law  of  love.  Those  who  instigate  wars  of  aggression 
plainly  contradict  the  teachings  of  Christ.  War  involves  motives 
that  are  selfish,  brutal,  murderous.  War,  as  sometimes  carried 
on,  is  plain  murder  but  on  a  grand  scale.  It  legalizes  killing, 
but,  even  though  legalized,  wars  of  aggression  cannot  become 
either  moral  or  Christian.  God  is  not  always  on  the  side  of  the 
strongest  battalions.  The  appeal  to  arms  is  not  an  appeal  to 
justice.  The  Christian  commandment  is  that  man  should  love 
his  fellow  man — to  hate  him  is  sin.  Christ  teaches  that  not 
only  the  outward  act  of  committing  murder  but  also  the  inner 
heart  attitude  of  hatred  is  forbidden.  If  this  law  applies  to 


470   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

individuals  should  it  apply  as  well  to  groups  of  individuals, 
whether  a  community  or  a  nation?  The  old  law  of  revenge, 
"Eye  for  eye,  tooth  for  tooth,"  appealed  to  by  either  an  individual 
or  a  nation,  is  inconsistent  with  the  Christian  religion.  Yet 
does  not  history  show  that  this  motive  has  prompted  many  a 
ruler  to  plunge  into  war,  and  many  a  people  to  carry  it  on? 
The  Christian  suffers  long  and  is  kind  even  to  an  enemy.  In 
view  of  this  attitude  of  Christianity  toward  murder,  can  there 
be  such  a  thing  as  war  carried  on  in  a  Christian  spirit?  Can 
we  say  that  all  taking  of  human  life  in  battle  is  murder?  Why 
is  it  that  soldiers  are  not  looked  upon  as  murderers? 

The  True  Moral  Nature  of  War 

War  is  coming  to  be  looked  upon  as  distinctly  anti-social. 
The  welfare  of  the  race  involves  the  solidarity  of  the  race.  When 
one  nation  inflicts  an  injury  upon  another,  both  victor  and  van- 
quished are  injured.  Righteous  ends  may  be  sought  by  the  use 
of  unrighteous  methods.  Can  the  end  ever  justify  the  means? 
War  destroys  the  best  human  stock  in  the  warring  nation.  "Vio- 
lence, lying,  and  bribery  that  occur  only  among  individuals  with- 
out the  pale,  are  found  among  the  established  means  of  inter- 
course with  honored  nations."  Why  should  men  who  would 
never  think  of  using  their  fists  or  revolvers  to  settle  a  dispute 
with  a  neighbor  consent  to  their  nation's  going  to  war  in  order 
to  decide  the  location  of  a  boundary  line?  The  socially  destruc- 
tive results  of  such  methods  between  nations  are  at  last  appar- 
ent Any  deep  injury  to  one  nation  indirectly  is  an  injury  to 
every  nation.  The  moral  standards  that  govern  the  conduct  of 
individuals  should  govern  also  that  of  nations.  Are  God's  stand- 
ards of  righteousness  and  justice  always  violated  by  war?  There 
are  not  double  standards  of  truth,  justice,  love,  and  mercy — one 
for  individuals  and  another  for  nations.  Both  the  character  and 
the  causes  of  wars  of  aggression  are  contrary  to  the  teachings 
of  Christianity.  They  inflict  permanent  injury  upon  the  race. 
They  defy  justice  and  enthrone  force.  Christ  points  out  even 
selfish  reasons  for  maintaining  peace  with  one's  neighbor.  Be- 
sides the  selfish  reasons,  what  are  the  social  reasons  for  a  nation's 
following  a  policy  of  peace? 

Militarism  the  Negation  of  Christianity 

"Militarism  is  the  absolute  negation  of  Christianity.  The  one 
exhibits  a  mailed  fist;  the  other  shows  you  a  hand  that  is  pierced. 
The  one  carries  a  big  stick;  the  other  carries  the  cross  on  which 
the  Prince  of  Glory  died.  The  one  declares  that  might  makes 
right;  the  other  affirms  that  right  makes  might  The  one  says 
that  the  foundation  of  all  things  is  force;  the  other  says  that 
the  foundation  of  all  things  is  love.  Militarism  is  materialism 
in  its  deadliest  manifestation.  It  is  atheism  in  its  most  brutal 
and  blatant  incarnation.  It  is  the  enemy  of  God  and  man" 
(Charles  E.  Jefferson). 


LESSON  IV 


Study  Lev.  19:  18;  Gal.  5:  13-16 

Counting  the  Whole  Cost 

Various  attempts  have  been  made  to  estimate  the  total  cost 
of  war.  Frequently  the  results  of  such  efforts  have  led  to  admis- 
sions that  it  is  impossible  to  reckon  "the  butcher's  bill"  in  its 
entirety.  For  war  destroys  life  as  well  as  property,  homes  as 
well  as  houses,  social  as  well  as  industrial  wealth.  War  inflicts 
injury  upon  the  soul  as  well  as  upon  the  body  of  a  nation.  It 
increases  burdens  and  decreases  the  power  to  carry  them.  The 
tasks  of  reconstruction  that  follow  a  period  of  active  hostile 
engagements  are  taken  up  with  a  sense  of  moral  as  well  as 
economic  poverty — for  the  losses  are  heart  losses.  To  count  the 
whole  cost,  it  is  necessary  to  know  all  about  the  lives  of  those 
who  were  killed  or  injured  and  of  those  who  were  left  to  carry 
on  the  nation's  work — all  about  their  interests  and  ideals  as  well 
as  their  material  possessions.  In  view  of  the  whole  cost  of  war, 
what  are  the  causes  which  alone  can  justify  one  nation  in  taking 
up  arms  against  another?  What  is  there  that  is  of  greater 
value  than  human  life? 

Money  and  Property  Loss 

In  modern  warfare,  there  has  been  an  attempt  to  decrease  the 
destruction  of  property.  Private  property  on  land  and  sea  is 
coming  in  many  quarters  to  be  looked  upon  as  "immune  from 
seizure  and  destruction."  The  unnecessary  destruction  of  build- 
ings is  avoided  in  warfare  that  is  carried  on  under  the  latest 
international  agreements.  This  effort  to  protect  property,  how- 
ever, emphasizes  the  thoroughly  destructive  character  of  war. 
"General  Sherman  estimated  that  property  to  the  amount  of  at 
least  three  hundred  millions  of  dollars  was  destroyed  outright 
by  his  army  during  the  march  to  the  sea."  Forty  thousand 
millions  of  dollars  is  a  sum  so  vast  that  the  mention  of  it  leaves 
only  a  confused  impression  upon  the  mind;  but  that  is  about 
what  the  nations  have  paid  in  solid  cash  in  a  single  century  for 
the  folly  and  wickedness  of  their  quarrels  and  fighting,  their 
mutual  injustices  and  slaughters.  (The  Cost  of  War,  by  Ben- 
jamin F.  Trueblood.)  How  much  human  suffering  is  represented 
in  this  gigantic  destruction!  What  compensations  could  justify 
it?  In  what  sense  does  property  represent  life?  Is  property 
more  sacred  than  the  life  that  produced  it?  Why  is  it  that 
civilized  nations  are  becoming  increasingly  careful  not  to  destroy 
property  unnecessarily? 

471 


472   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

War's  Destruction  of  Art 

The  destruction  of  property  is  not  confined  to  buildings  that 
are  commonplace  in  structure  or  use.  Works  of  art  are  fre- 
quently the  objects  of  direct  vandalism.  Priceless  treasures,  that 
represent  the  soul  of  a  former  age,  perish  and  the  pity  is,  there 
is  no  one  left  to  incarnate  the  spiritual  ideals  which  they  repre- 
sent and  once  more  give  them  permanent  forms  of  expression. 
When  the  Cathedral  of  Rheims  was  being  bombarded  a  thought- 
ful student  of  history  pleaded  with  the  destroyers  to  take  the 
lives  of  the  soldiers  if  necessary  but  to  spare  the  matchless  ex- 
pression of  the  religious  interest  and  architectural  genius  of  a 
former  century.  The  soldiers  might  be  replaced,  he  said,  but  if 
the  cathedral  were  ruined  an  invaluable  historic  monument 
would  vanish  forever.  Educators  are  making  much  of  the  social 
and  aesthetic  inheritance  of  children.  The  traditions  of  the 
family  to  which  a  child  belongs  should  be  built  into  his  home 
environment.  Thus  he  learns  to  reverence  the  spiritual  achieve- 
ments of  the  past.  A  house  with  bare  walls  can  no  more  be  a 
home  than  can  a  city  with  its  art  treasures  all  in  ruins  be  more 
than  poverty  stricken  in  terms  of  these  social  values.  What 
influence  does  a  cathedral  have  upon  the  people  living  near  it? 
Why  is  it  that  multitudes  of  people  visit  Saint  Paul's  in  London 
and  Saint  Peter's  in  Rome?  Why  are  cities  justified  in  maintain- 
ing art  galleries  and  museums? 

Trade  Routes  and   Their   Importance 

With  the  rapid  and  extensive  development  of  world  commerce 
and  the  resulting  complexity  in  the  arteries  of  trade,  the  im- 
portance of  trade  routes  has  been  greatly  increased.  Every  great 
nation,  such  as  Great  Britain,  United  States,  Germany,  Russia, 
or  France,  is  coming  to  be  more  and  more  "dependent  upon  either 
the  control  or  the  neutrality  of  international  trade  routes.  They 
are  needed,  first,  for  security;  second,  for  growth;  and  third, 
for  the  necessities  and  comforts  of  its  own  people."  For  in- 
stance: "In  both  England  and  Germany,  as  in  the  United  States, 
the  steel  industry  is  one  of  the  most  vital:  but  the  manufacture 
of  steel  depends  upon  the  use  of  ferro-manganese,  all  of  which  is 
imported  from  India,  Brazil,  and  Asiatic  Russia"  (E.  R.  Babson, 
The  Future  of  World  Peace,  p.  40).  The  ocean  highways  have 
become  as  important  to  the  nation  as  are  the  arteries  to  the  body. 
These  important  trade  routes,  over  which  come  many  of  the 
necessities  of  a  nation's  life,  are  usually  among  the  first  to  be 
injured  by  war.  In  some  instances  breaking  out  of  international 
hostilities  has  absolutely  closed  these  vital  trade  routes — throw- 
ing thousands  of  men  out  of  employment  and  ruining,  tempo- 
rarily at  least,  important  industries.  As  a  result  of  war,  these 
injuries  frequently  become  permanent  because  another  nation 
has  gained  control  of  the  trade  routes  without  which  industrial 
success  is  impossible.  Why  is  it  that  the  importance  of  these 
trade  routes  is  sure  to  increase?  Will  war  ever  be  abolished 
simply  because  of  commercial  reasons? 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  473 

The   Indirect  Money  Cost  of  War 

To  the  direct  and  immediate  cost  of  war  both  in  money  and 
the  destruction  of  property,  must  be  added  the  indirect  cost  such 
as  pensions  and  interest  upon  war  loans.  It  is  estimated  that 
the  United  States  will  have  paid  out  not  less  than  $5,000,000,000 
in  pensions  before  this  item  of  indirect  cost  of  the  Civil  War 
shall  have  been  paid.  This  is  more  than  one  half  of  the  total 
direct  cost  of  the  war,  both  North  and  South.  The  interest  on 
the  public  debt — nearly  all  of  which  was  incurred  as  a  result 
of  the  war — has  already  amounted  to  12,500,000,000.  The  present 
annual  interest  burden  is  $25,000,000.  It  is  estimated  that,  in 
various  ways,  the  States  have  paid  out  to  indigent  soldiers  and 
sailors  more  than  $800,000,000.  This  does  not  include  the  pri- 
vately endowed  homes  and  other  institutions.  The  annual  in- 
terest upon  the  national  debt  of  France,  before  the  last  great 
war,  was  $200,000,000.  The  indirect  cost  to  France  of  the  Franco- 
Prussian  War  will  amount  to  between  two  and  three  times  the 
original  direct  cost.  Why  should  a  nation  pay  such  enormous 
sums  in  pensions  to  soldiers?  What  is  the  difference  between  a 
national  debt  and  a  personal  obligation?  How  much  money  does 
the  average  American  citizen  pay  every  year  on  account  of  the 
direct  and  indirect  cost  of  American  militarism?  Is  it  less 
than  $200? 

Who  Carries  This   Enormous  Burden? 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  ultimate  burden  of  raising 
these  vast  sums  of  money  rests  upon  the  people  who  must  buy 
clothes  and  food  and  who  either  build  homes  or  pay  rent  to 
landlords.  This  increased  cost  of  bare  living  necessities,  due,  of 
course,  not  wholly  but  certainly  in  large  measure  to  the  direct 
and  indirect  cost  of  war,  has  an  ethical  meaning  that  should  not 
be  overlooked.  Because  of  it  boys  and  girls  leave  school  as  soon 
as  they  are  fourteen  years  of  age  and  become  wage  earners 
handicapped  for  life  for  want  of  an  education.  Because  of  it 
children  are  made  to  carry  excessive  burdens.  Parents  become 
discouraged  and  their  abnormal  emotions  work  a  moral  injury 
upon  their  offspring.  Educational  and  philanthropic  institutions 
suffer.  The  government  is  unable  to  guard  the  social,  commer- 
cial, and  moral  welfare  of  the  people  as  it  should.  Money  is  life. 
It  is  power.  And  when  by  any  method  of  taxation  it  is  taken 
away  from  people,  in  the  majority  of  instances  it  means  decreased 
power  and  restricted  life.  Under  what  circumstances  has  one 
generation  the  right  to  pass  on  to  another  burdens  of  taxation 
that  result  from  its  own  wars?  Would  the  cost  of  giving  a  college 
education  to  every  American  boy  and  girl  be  greater  or  less  than 
the  total  American  war  budget? 

Decreased   Reproductive  Power 

The  consequences  of  war  include  the  decreased  reproductive 
powers  of  the  generation  involved.  When  a  nation  faces  a  danger 
that  threatens  its  life,  it  is  the  men  who  are  physically  perfect, 


474   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

and  especially  the  young  men  who  have  not  yet  become  fathers, 
whose  lives  are  exposed.  In  the  North  Carolina  room  of  the 
Confederate  Museum  in  Richmond,  Virginia,  the  following  state- 
ment appears  in  large  type:  "With  a  voting  population  of  115,000, 
North  Carolina  contributed  125,000  soldiers  to  the  Confederate 
service."  It  is  not  until  the  young  and  physically  perfect  soldier 
has  been  sacrificed  that  the  older  men  and  those  short  of  stature 
or  physically  imperfect  are  accepted.  The  first  recruits  to  fall 
are  the  ones  that  the  nation  can  least  afford  to  lose.  The  morally 
and  physically  inferior  men  are  left  behind  to  pass  on  the  torch 
of  life  to  a  coming  generation.  Thus  their  own  inferiority  be- 
comes fastened  upon  the  national  stock.  No  matter  what  acquisi- 
tions of  territory  result  from  war,  the  price  of  victory  is  too 
high.  It  is  not  enough  to  look  upon  the  young  soldier  as  an  indi- 
vidual. He  is  potentially  the  head  of  a  family.  The  reproductive 
power  of  a  nation  is  decreased  numerically,  devitalized  physically 
and  degenerated  morally  by  war.  How  many  jails,  poorhouses, 
and  insane  asylums,  being  maintained  by  the  present  genera- 
tion, have  been  occasioned  by  the  wars  of  the  past?  In  view  of 
this  fearful  moral  cost  of  war,  can  any  armed  conflict  be  justified? 
What  is  the  relation  between  the  social  evil  in  Europe  and  the 
past  European  wars? 

Some    Economic   Consequences 

This  injury  strikes  at  the  very  life-blood  of  the  nation.  If 
children  are  not  well  born  they  are  permanently  handicapped. 
No  subsequent  training  can  make  up  for  a  defective  inheritance. 
It  is  well  said  that  when  God  wants  to  make  a  man  He  begins 
with  the  great  grand  parents.  The  economic  losses  resulting 
from  war  consist  not  only  in  the  buildings  wrecked,  the  com- 
merce destroyed  and  the  business  deranged,  but  also  in  the  build- 
ings not  yet  erected,  the  commerce  not  yet  developed,  and  the 
business  not  yet  built  up.  If  the  million  men  lost  in  the  Civil 
War — most  of  them  young,  vigorous,  and  enterprising — had  been 
spared  to  throw  their  energy  into  the  development  of  the  great 
untamed  West  and  North  and  South — what  might  have  been !  The 
whole  nation  suffers  economically  and  will  suffer  for  decades 
to  come  because  so  many  of  those  whom  God  intended  for 
leaders  in  business,  industrial,  and  professional  life  faced  death 
prematurely.  Their  splendid  devotion  to  a  noble  cause  but  in- 
tensifies the  meaning  of  their  loss.  Who  can  picture  what  this 
world  might  have  been,  economically,  had  it  not  been  for  war? 
Is  the  Holy  City  too  extravagant  a  symbol  of  this  world  if  all 
industrial  and  moral  capacities  were  conserved?  It  has  been 
estimated  that  if  the  war  system  could  have  been  done  away 
with  a  century  ago,  the  earning  power  of  the  world  would  be 
$5,200,000,000  annually  greater  than  it  now  is. 

Judging   Consequences 

Paul  judged  things  by  their  consequences.  He  had  a  vision 
of  the  abundant,  the  rich  and  full  human  life  that  was  worthy 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OP  WAR  475 

of  his  intimacy  with  Jesus.  To  conserve  man's  largest  possi- 
bilities was  the  superb  aim  of  all  his  toil.  His  direct  and  vigor- 
ous attack  upon  sin  was  in  the  interest  of  this  larger  life.  After 
wide  experience  and  observation  and  familiarity  with  a  splendid 
moral  and  religious  inheritance,  he  was  of  the  conviction  that 
life's  most  precious  possessions  are  not  material.  They  are 
spiritual.  Like  a  great  watch-dog  of  Jehovah — "hound  of  the 
Lord" — he  guarded  the  hearts  of  man.  With  the  ringing  clear- 
ness of  the  sharp  bark  of  a  watch-dog  at  midnight  he  calls  out 
to  men  to  beware  of  their  lower  natures.  The  things  that  destroy 
life  he  calls  sin.  And  he  traces  sin  to  its  origin.  It  is  because 
war  is  a  vivid  and  tangible  expression  of  spiritual  forces  that 
lie  beneath  the  surface  that  Paul's  message  to  the  Galatians  is 
now  pertinent. 

Love  Restrains   from  War  Those  Who  Are  Free 

"You,  however,  brethren,  were  called  to  freedom.  Only  do 
not  turn  your  freedom  into  an  excuse  for  giving  way  to  your 
lower  natures;  but  become  bondservants  to  one  another  in  a 
spirit  of  love.  For  the  entire  Law  has  been  obeyed  when  you 
have  kept  the  single  precept,  which  says,  'You  ABE  TO  LOVE  YOUR 
FELLOW  MAN  EQUALLY  WITH  YOURSELF'  (Lev.  19:  18).  But  if  you 
are  perpetually  snarling  and  snapping  at  one  another,  beware 
lest  you  are  destroyed  by  one  another. 

The  Spirit  and  Man's   Earthly  Nature 

"This  then  is  what  I  mean.  Let  your  lives  be  guided  by  the 
Spirit,  and  then  you  will  certainly  not  indulge  the  cravings  of 
your  lower  natures.  For  the  cravings  of  the  lower  nature  are 
opposed  to  those  of  the  Spirit,  and  the  cravings  of  the  Spirit 
are  opposed  to  those  of  the  lower  nature;  because  these  are 
antagonistic  to  each  other,  so  that  you  cannot  do  everything  to 
which  you  are  inclined.  But  if  the  Spirit  is  leading  you,  you 
are  not  subject  to  Law. 

The   Outcome  of  Man's   Sinful  Nature 

"Now  you  know  full  well  the  doings  of  our  lower  natures. 
Fornication,  impurity,  indecency,  idol-worship,  sorcery;  enmity, 
strife,  jealousy,  outbursts  of  passion,  intrigues,  dissensions,  fac- 
tions, envyings;  hard  drinking,  riotous  feasting,  and  the  like. 
And  as  to  these  I  forewarn  you,  as  I  have  already  forewarned 
you,  that  those  who  are  guilty  of  such  things  will  have  no  share 
in  the  Kingdom  of  God. 

The  Fruit  Borne  by  the  Spirit 

"The  Spirit,  on  the  other  hand,  brings  a  harvest  of  love,  joy, 
peace;  patience  toward  others,  kindness,  benevolence;  good  faitn, 
meekness,  self-restraint.  Against  such  things  as  theser JhfleJ 
is  no  law.  Now  those  who  belong  to  Christ  Jesus  have  crucified 
their  lower  nature  with  its  passions  and  appet  tea •  «  ^ JJ™ 
living  by  the  Spirit's  power,  let  our  conduct  also  be  governs 


476   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

by  the  Spirit's  power.     Let  us  not  become  vain-glorious,  chal- 
lenging one  another,  envying  one  another"  (Gal.  5:  13-26). 

Destroyed  by  One  Another 

The  result  of  snarling  and  snapping  is  destruction.  By  war 
property  is  destroyed,  the  body  is  mangled,  future  generations 
are  blighted,  character  is  injured.  It  is  with  the  last  of  these 
especially  that  Paul  is  concerned.  When  the  cravings  of  the 
lower  nature  are  indulged,  the  guidance  of  the  Spirit,  which 
otherwise  would  bring  a  harvest  of  love,  joy,  peace,  is  lost.  The 
one  whose  conduct  is  not  governed  by  the  Spirit's  power  is  in 
need  of  being  forewarned.  For  the  resulting  enmity,  strife, 
jealousy,  outburst  of  passion,  intrigues,  dissensions,  factions, 
envyings,  shut  one  out  from  having  a  share  in  the  Kingdom  of 
God.  The  moral  breakdown  leads  to  the  most  serious  conse- 
quences. How  does  war  reveal  the  presence  of  those  attitudes 
and  sentiments  the  results  of  which  Paul  declares  to  be  danger- 
ous, even  preventing  one  from  having  a  part  in  the  Kingdom  of 
God?  Can  there  be  such  a  thing  as  an  appeal  to  organized, 
destructive  force,  carried  on  in  a  spirit  of  love  or  joy  or  peace? 

The   Moral    Damage    of    War 

Moral  damage  results  no  matter  whether  the  snarling  and  snap- 
ping is  done  by  an  individual  or  by  a  nation.  The  ordinary  man, 
whether  singly  or  by  battalions,  in  order  to  use  force  success- 
fully, must  rely  upon  the  impulses  that  rise  out  of  his  lower 
nature.  Organized  "snarling"  involves  the  use  of  newspapers, 
magazines,  diplomats,  and  other  official  representatives.  The 
demoralization  of  the  public  press  and  of  those  whose  profes- 
sional duty  it  is  to  further  the  selfish  interests  of  the  nation 
which  they  represent  at  the  expense  of  another,  inevitably  results. 
What  is  the  moral  effect  upon  newspaper  men  who  report  con- 
tinued victories  when  the  armies  are  meeting  with  defeat  after 
defeat?  Organized  "snapping"  has  reached  a  gloriously  grand 
stage.  Modern  engines  of  war  can  batter  to  pieces  a  city  ten  or 
fifteen  miles  away.  "Machine  guns  can  mow  men  down  by  the 
acre."  Airships  can  fly  to  a  distant  city  in  the  night  and  drop 
deadly  explosives  upon  innocent,  slumbering  children  and  women. 
Does  the  fact  that  the  destruction  of  life  and  property  is  enor- 
mous, purify  the  motives  of  the  destroyer?  What  can  be  the 
moral  tone  of  a  group  of  gunners  who  catch  a  battalion  of  brave 
soldiers  unaware  and  annihilate  them  with  a  hail  storm  of 
death-dealing  bullets? 

The  Larger  Moral   Damage 

It  is  a  law  of  human  life  that  after  a  sudden  and  intense  out- 
burst of  hatred,  envy  or  any  other  destructive  emotion,  the  indi- 
vidual may  with  relative  ease  return  to  his  normal  condition. 
The  moral  or  social  injury  is  apt  to  be  less  if  such  an  expression 
can  take  place  immediately  and  the  occasions  of  its  return  be 


THE  CONSEQUENCES  OF  WAR  477 

avoided.  But  war  involves  extensive  organization  for  destructive 
purposes.  When  soldiers  enlist,  they  set  aside  months  or  even 
years  of  their  lives  to  follow  up  the  systematized  work  of  destruc- 
tion. Hence  they  are  called  upon  to  live  for  months  in  a  low 
moral  atmosphere  with  deception,  lying,  trickery,  vulgarity,  and 
brutality  on  every  hand.  Naturally  the  camp  and  navy  yard 
become  places  of  vice.  The  demoralizing  process  is  cumulative. 
When  moral  self-control  gives  way  at  one  point  the  whole  charac- 
ter is  weakened,  power  to  resist  temptation  in  other  forms  is 
decreased,  the  whole  moral  tone  is  lowered.  Recovery  from  such 
spiritual  debasement  is  most  difficult.  Why  is  it  that  vice  is 
so  prevalent  about  a  navy  yard  or  army  camp? 

Damage    to   Public    Sentiment   and   National    Ideals 

Under  thoroughly  democratic  conditions  in  order  to  carry  on 
war  successfully,  it  is  necessary  that  the  enterprise  be  supported 
by  public  opinion.  Sentiments  and  convictions  in  large  numbers 
and  in  favor  of  the  undertaking  must  somehow  be  created.  With- 
out the  "moral  support"  of  the  nation  back  of  it,  the  army's 
efficiency  is  decreased.  Individual  heroism  is  often  supported  by 
the  thought  of  national  appreciation.  When  a  nation  undertakes 
to  carry  on  a  war  of  aggression  with  a  view  to  the  acquisition 
of  territory  or  the  subjugation  of  another  race,  the  channels  of 
publicity  such  as  newspapers  and  magazines  become  responsible 
for  the  creation  of  suitable  public  opinion.  This  involves  whole- 
sale deception  and  misrepresentation.  A  censorship  is  estab- 
lished. But  why?  Why  not  "turn  on  the  light"  and  let  the 
whole  truth  be  known?  What  must  be  the  moral  effect  upon 
editors,  reporters,  and  publishers  charged  with  the  task  of  reduc- 
ing national  ideals  to  the  moral  plane  of  an  unjust  war,  of 
arousing  nation-wide  passions  that  belong  to  the  lower  and 
bestial  natures  of  men? 

The  Opinion  of  a  Historian 

The  following  paragraph,  quoted  in  Lecky's  "The  Map  of  Life" 
(p.  92),  gives  the  historian's  opinion  concerning  the  moral  conse- 
quences of  war:  "War  is  not,  and  never  can  be,  a  mere  passion- 
less discharge  of  a  painful  duty.  Its  essence,  and  a  main  condi- 
tion of  its  success,  is  to  kindle  into  fierce  exercise  among  great 
masses  of  men  the  destructive  and  combative  passions — passions 
as  fierce  and  as  malevolent  as  that  with  which  the  hound  hunts 
the  fox  to  its  death  or  the  tiger  springs  upon  its  prey.  Destruc- 
tion is  one  of  its  chief  ends.  Deception  is  one  of  its  chief  means; 
and  one  of  the  great  arts  of  skillful  generalship  is  to  deceive  in 
order  to  destroy.  Whatever  other  elements  may  mingle  with 
and  dignify  war,  this  at  least  is  never  absent;  and  however 
reluctantly  men  may  enter  into  war,  however  conscientiously 
they  may  endeavor  to  avoid  it,  they  must  know  that  when  the 
scene  of  carnage  has  once  opened,  these  things  must  be  not 
only  accepted  and  condoned,  but  stimulated,  encouraged,  and 
applauded." 


478   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

The  Final   Test 

If  one  man  kills  another,  society  demands  a  thorough  investi- 
gation to  ascertain  the  facts.  The  motives  that  led  up  to  the 
killing  must  pass  a  rigid  moral  examination.  Homicide  becomes 
murder  if  the  motive  is  on  the  moral  plane  of  envy,  greed, 
revenge,  or  hatred.  When  ten  men  kill  a  hundred,  or  when  a 
thousand  men  kill  three  thousand,  why  is  it  not  still  murder, 
only,  more  of  it,  provided  the  motives  are  immoral?  Was  there 
ever  a  war  in  which  such  motives  were  not  involved?  "The 
Spirit  .  .  .  brings  a  harvest  of  love,  joy,  peace;  patience  toward 
others,  kindness,  benevolence;  good  faith,  meekness,  self- 
restraint."  Does  war  ever  bring  such  a  harvest?  Judged  by  its 
consequences,  does  war  originate  in  the  lower  or  in  the  higher 
nature  of  man? 


LESSON  V 

THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OP  WAR 
Study  2  Cor.  11:  21-31 

The   Instinct  of  Mastery 

Struggle  is  essential  to  growth.  The  instinct  of  mastery  is 
God-given;  overcoming  is  the  business  of  life.  If  it  had  not  been 
for  this  instinct  the  best  in  life  to-day  would  not  have  been 
possible.  But  the  question  at  once  arises,  Who,  and  what,  is  to 
be  overcome?  If  mastery  is  to  be  attained  only  through  over- 
coming a  fellow-man  then  the  law  of  growth  through  struggle 
does  not  apply  to  all;  one  goes  up  and  in  the  meantime  another 
goes  down.  Can  there  be  a  law  of  human  life  that  is  moral 
and  yet  not  universal  in  its  application?  The  value  of  struggle 
is  not,  of  course,  altogether  dependent  on  success  or  victory,  but 
if  through  one  man's  increasing  strength,  another  man  is  made 
increasingly  weak,  opportunity  for  development  is  denied  to  the 
latter.  Injustice  is  at  once  evident,  and  justice  is  fundamental 
in  moral  law.  Therefore,  the  instinct  of  mastery  expressed  in 
this  way  violates  the  universal  law  of  human  development  or 
progress. 

Shall   the  Fighting   Instinct  Die  Out? 

If  war  were  to  be  abolished  would  any  true  interest  of  humanity 
necessarily  suffer?  Can  anything  that  is  morally  wrong  be  really 
necessary?  Would  it  be  a  good  thing  for  the  race  if  the  fighting 
instinct  were  to  die  out?  (Think  of  fighting  as  one  expression 
of  the  instinct  of  mastery).  Is  it  possible  to  answer  "No"  to  all 
of  these  questions  and  still  to  be  consistent?  War  might  die 
out  and  no  harm  be  done,  but  if  the  fighting  instinct  were  to 
die  out  the  race  might  become  within  a  generation  or  two  a 
puny,  weak,  cowardly  people  incapable  of  self-sacrificing  devotion. 
This  instinct,  like  some  others,  may  have  a  value  for  a  time  in 
every  developing  human  being,  but  it  may  be  gradually  trans- 
muted into  something  higher  and  nobler,  a  something  that  would 
be  impossible  without  this  root.  The  boyish  fight  in  which  there 
is  a  spirit  of  justice,  of  fair  play,  of  satisfaction  in  achievement 
without  the  selfish  glorying  over  a  comrade,  is  very  different 
from  one  of  revenge  and  cruelty  with  intent  to  injure,  and  is 
much  better  than  a  milder  play  in  which  there  is  meanness  and 
trickiness.  "If,"  says  Prof.  Balliet,  "you  crush  the  fighting 
instinct  you  get  the  coward;  if  you  let  it  grow  wild  you  have 
the  bully;  if  you  train  it,  you  have  the  strong,  self-controlled 
man  of  will?"  Jane  Addams  reminds  us  that  "The  little  1 
who  stoutly  defends  himself  on  the  school  ground  may  be  worthy 
of  much  admiration,  but  if  we  find  him,  a  dozen  years  later,  the 

479 


480   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

bullying  leader  of  a  street  gang  who  bases  his  prestige  on  the 
fact  that  'no  one  can  whip  him'  our  admiration  cools  amazingly, 
and  we  say  that  the  carrying  over  of  those  puerile  instincts  into 
manhood  shows  arrested  development  which  is  mainly  responsible 
for  filling  our  prisons."  What  are  some  of  the  "childish  things" 
that  a  man,  full-grown,  must  learn  to  "put  away"? 

Conservation  of  Force 

By  exercise,  strength  is  developed.  This  is,  of  course,  equally 
true  of  physical,  intellectual,  and  moral  force.  But  an  expendi- 
ture of  force  toward  some  definite  end  and  for  some  worthy 
purpose  beyond  that  of  mere  exercise  brings  a  double  good,  for 
back  of  the  exercise  is  the  motive  power  and  following  it  is  the 
result  achieved.  Without  such  a  result  energy  is  lost.  Effort 
that  brings  no  profit  involves  at  least  a  partial  waste  of  energy. 
Is  such  a  waste  justifiable?  One  of  the  most  important  questions 
to  be  solved  is,  What  kinds  of  profitable  struggle  can  be  sub- 
stituted for  that  of  war?  It  is  essential  to  think  not  only  of 
self  profit  but  of  social  profit.  Is  there  any  way,  other  than  war, 
by  which  the  splendid  forcefulness  of  humanity  can  be  con- 
served? 

The  Use  of  Force  Controlled  by  Motive   and  Result 

In  discussing  the  Christian  idea  of  force  in  the  American 
Friends'  Peace  Conference,  Dr.  Richard  Thomas  has  shown  that 
force  is  not  to  be  eliminated  but  to  be  put  to  right  use.  "Force 
may  be  briefly  defined  as  power  made  effective  for  use.  Thus 
we  speak  of  spiritual,  mental,  and  physical  force,  and  of  the 
various  forces  of  nature.  Without  force  no  results  are  accom- 
plished. Therefore,  when  a  man  of  peace  says,  'I  do  not  believe 
in  using  force,'  however  praiseworthy  his  meaning  may  be,  his 
words  are  incorrect,  and  he  lays  himself  open  to  the  charge  of 
being  a  mere  visionary.  When  he  explains:  'I  believe  not  in  the 
use  of  physical,  but  of  spiritual  and  moral  force,'  his  opponent 
answers:  'Your  child  is  about  to  cut  himself  with  a  sharp  knife; 
will  you  not  snatch  it  from  him?'  'Certainly.'  'He  is  running 
toward  a  precipice.  You  shout  to  him  to  stop.  Either  he  does 
not  hear,  or  will  not  obey.  Will  you  not  run  and  catch  him, 
and  save  him?'  He  replies,  'That  is  different.  It  is  right  to  do 
these  things.'  Yes,  it  is  right,  but  you  cannot  do  them  without 
physical  force.  Your  real  contention,  then,  is  not  against  physi- 
cal force,  as  such,  but  against  the  wrong  use  of  it.  We  cannot 
even  say  that  under  all  circumstances  the  use  of  brute  force  is 
wrong.  A  Samson  might  hold  a  lunatic  or  a  criminal,  to  restrain 
him  from  violence,  in  his  strong  embrace,  not  brutally,  but  by 
brute  force,  and  receive  from  the  most  ardent  peace  advocate 
nothing  but  praise.  Then  even  brute  force  is  not  always  wrong, 
so  it  be  not  brutally  used.  Further,  if  physical  force  may  some- 
times be  well  used,  spiritual  and  moral  force  may  be  wrongly 
used.  The  assassin  of  our  late  President,  for  instance,  claimed 
his  deed  to  be  morally  right,  and  if,  as  the  Bible  says,  there  be 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  481 

such  a  thing  as  spiritual  wickedness,  there  must  also  be  a  wrong 
use  of  spiritual  power.  From  the  simple  human  standpoint, 
which  is,  after  all,  hardly  removed  from  the  divine,  we  may 
therefore  conclude  that  of  all  the  great  divisions  of  force,  spiritual 
and  moral,  physical  and  mechanical,  none  are  in  themselves 
either  right  or  wrong,  but  that  the  moral  element  lies  in  the 
manner  in  which  they  are  used  and  the  object  to  be  gained." 
This  suggests  the  question:  Is  there  any  moral  value  in  sacrifice 
that  does  not  result,  in  good  to  humanity?  If  a  man  loses  his 
life  for  an  unworthy  cause,  how  is  he  benefited?  In  what  ways 
can  a  man  lose  his  life  for  the  sake  of  the  cause  of  Christ? 

Lawful   Conquest 

Illustrating  from  the  game  contests  of  the  olden  time  Paul 
says,  "He  is  not  crowned  except  he  have  contended  lawfully" 
(2  Tim.  2:7).  In  this  there  is  a  recognition  of  the  other  player, 
of  what  is  fair  to  all.  A  lawful  conquest  is  one  that  occasions  no 
injury  to  another.  Force  expended  to  increase  cooperation  be- 
tween parts  of  the  body  politic  is  desirable.  A  conquest  of  nature 
in  the  development,  for  example,  of  roads  and  waterways  by  an 
individual  nation,  or  by  the  cooperation  of  several,  illustrates  a 
wise  expenditure  of  force.  A  "World's  Fair"  that  stimulates  both 
individual  energy  and  collective  work,  that  calls  for  legitimate 
competition  and  at  the  same  time  cooperative  effort,  is  another 
opportunity  for  "lawful  contention."  Is  it  possible  to  remain 
unselfish  in  all  one's  striving  and  yet  be  thoroughly  practical? 

Changing   Ideals 

Progressive  ideals  are  as  certain  as  progressive  truth.  The 
ideal  of  yesterday  has  served  its  day.  What  is  to  follow?  What 
shall,  by  and  by,  become  actual?  Jane  Addams  points  the  way: 
"At  the  present  moment  the  war  spirit  attempts  to  justify  its 
noisy  demonstrations  by  quoting  its  great  achievements  in  the 
past  and  by  drawing  attention  to  the  courageous  life  which  it 
has  evoked  and  fostered.  We  may  admire  much  that  is  admirable 
in  this  past  life  of  courageous  warfare,  while  at  the  same  time 
we  accord  it  no  right  to  dominate  the  present,  which  has  traveled 
out  of  its  reach  into  a  land  of  new  desires.  We  may  admit  that 
the  experiences  of  war  have  equipped  the  men  of  the  present  with 
pluck  and  energy,  but  to  insist  upon  the  selfsame  expression 
for  that  pluck  and  energy  would  be  as  stupid  a  mistake  as  if 
we  would  relegate  the  full-grown  citizen,  responding  to  many 
claims  and  demands  upon  his  powers,  to  the  school-yard  fights 
of  his  boyhood,  or  to  the  college  contests  of  his  cruder  youth. 

A  Change  of  Form 

Progress  depends  upon  struggle,  upon  an  expression  of  human 
will  in  a  continuous  effort,  but  social  evolution  requires  a  change 
of  form.  What  are  some  of  the  institutions  that  have  served 
their  day  and  must  now  be  laid  aside?  What  good  achievements 
of  the  past  have  been  accomplished  by  warfare?  Are  those 


482   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

required?  What  worthy  sentiments  have  they  engendered?  Can 
these  sentiments  be  conserved  through  other  means?  The  moral 
ideal  of  to-day  demands  that  higher  moral  results  be  accomplished 
through  achievements  of  a  different  type.  Primitive  methods 
were  necessary  for  primitive  conditions.  The  development  of  life 
gives  a  wider  social  outlook  and  changing  ideals  are  sure  to 
result.  With  these  changing  ideals  primitive  methods  can  no 
longer  be  of  service.  Why  is  it  that  a  man  living  a  solitary 
life  needs  moral  sentiments  that  are  less  sensitive  than  those 
demanded  of  the  one  living  in  a  crowded  community?  Primitive 
methods  of  settling  disputes  should  not  be  employed  after  courts 
of  justice  have  been  established.  Why  is  this  so? 

Moral    Equivalents 

What  shall  take  the  place  of  the  old  military  standards  or 
methods?  That  is  the  practical  question.  Constructive  work  in 
which  are  the  same  attractive  elements  as  those  offered  by  war. 
Professor  William  James  has  forcefully  shown  the  compelling 
power  of  war,  its  fascinations,  and  the  need  to  provide  for  not 
merely  a  substitute  but  an  equivalent.  August  Comte  holds  that 
man  seeks  to  improve  his  position  in  two  ways  "by  the  destruc- 
tion of  obstacles,  or  military  action,  and  by  the  construction  of 
means,  or  industrial  action."  What  opportunities  are  found  to-day 
for  the  cultivation  of  the  heroic  spirit?  In  constructive  indus- 
trialism? In  control  of  nature?  In  overcoming  abnormal  or 
evil  social  conditions? 

The  Game  of  Welfare  vs.   the  Game  of   Warfare 

Courage  and  endurance  are  evident  in  the  industrial  world. 
"Labor  is  the  great  conqueror.  Not  war  but  work  is  the  great 
educator.  It  is  not  the  men  that  give  up  fighting  who  lose 
stamina  and  virility  but  the  men  who  give  up  work"  (William 
Leighton  Grane).  "Let  men  work  together  at  building  the 
Panama  Canal  and  conserving  needed  forests;  at  putting  an  end 
to  malaria,  yellow  fever,  tuberculosis,  the  white-slave  traffic  and 
child  labor;  at  providing  employment  for  all  capable  and  willing 
workers  and  education  in  a  trade  for  every  boy  and  girl  able  to 
learn  one.  They  will  soon  come  to  feel  an  honorable  pride  in 
their  own  race  or  nation,  pride  in  what  it  achieves  for  its  own 
and  the  world's  good.  They  will  find  the  game  of  welfare  as 
interesting  as  the  game  of  war.  This  is  not  a  Utopian  solution. 
The  zest  for  vicarious  war,  for  contemplating  the  conflicts  of 
military  'teams,'  has  lived  not  so  much  by  its  intrinsic  attrac- 
tiveness as  by  heavy  subsidies.  Put  a  million  dollars  a  day  into 
any  national  enterprise,  say  a  crusade  against  tuberculosis,  and 
it  acquires  interest.  Devote  a  large  fraction  of  literary  talent 
for  two  thousand  years  to  advertising  the  adventures  of  a  public- 
health  army,  and  the  career  of  a  hunter  of  microbes  will  become 
attractive.  The  intrinsic  difficulty  of  arousing  interest  in  exter- 
minating the  tubercle  bacillus,  of  freeing  children  from  slavery, 
of  putting  Justice  on  the  throne  of  industry,  may  not  be  greater 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  483 

than  that  of  arousing  an  equal  interest  in  exterminating  the 
aborigines,  or  freeing  Cuba,  or  putting  a  Bourbon  on  the  throne 
of  France." 

The  Value  of  Army  Discipline 

William  James  says:  "I  do  not  believe  that  peace  either  ought 
to  be  or  will  be  permanent  on  this  globe,  unless  the  states 
pacifically  organized  preserve  some  of  the  old  elements  of  army 
discipline.  A  permanently  successful  peace-economy  cannot  be 
a  simple  pleasure-economy.  In  the  more  or  less  socialistic  future 
toward  which  mankind  seems  drifting  we  must  still  subject  our- 
selves collectively  to  those  severities  which  answer  to  our  real 
position  upon  this  only  partly  hospitable  globe.  We  must  make 
new  energies  and  hardihoods  continue  the  manliness  to  which 
the  military  mind  so  faithfully  clings.  Martial  virtues  must  be 
the  enduring  cement;  intrepidity,  contempt  of  softness,  surrender 
of  private  interest,  obedience  to  command,  must  still  remain 
the  rock  upon  which  states  are  built. 

"Men  now  are  proud  of  belonging  to  a  conquering  nation,  and 
without  a  murmur  they  lay  down  their  persons  and  their  wealth, 
if  by  so  doing  they  may  fend  off  subjection.  But  who  can  be 
sure  that  other  aspects  of  one's  country  may  not,  with  time  and 
education  and  suggestion  enough,  come  to  be  regarded  with 
similarly  effective  feelings  of  pride  and  shame?  Why  should  men 
not  some  day  feel  that  it  is  worth  a  blood-tax  to  belong  to  a 
collectivity  superior  in  any  ideal  respect?  Why  should  they  not 
blush  with  indignant  shame  if  the  community  that  owns  them  is 
vile  in  any  way  whatsoever?  Individuals,  daily  more  numerous, 
now  feel  this  civic  passion.  It  is  only  a  question  of  blowing 
on  the  spark  until  the  whole  population  gets  incandescent,  and 
on  the  ruins  of  the  old  morals  of  military  honor,  a  stable  system 
of  morals,  of  civic  honor,  builds  itself  up.  What  the  whole  com- 
munity comes  to  believe  in  grasps  the  individual  as  in  a  vise. 
The  war-function  has  grasped  us  so  far,  but  constructive  interests 
may  some  day  seem  no  less  imperative,  and  impose  on  the  indi- 
vidual a  hardly  lighter  burden." 

The  Martial   Type  of  Character 

Distinction  needs  to  be  made  between  the  doing  away  with  war 
and  the  doing  away  with  the  admirable  qualities  of  the  martial 
type  of  character.  The  latter  is  not  dependent  upon  the  former. 
Figures  of  speech,  analogies,  and  symbolisms  were  taken  both 
by  Jesus  Christ  and  the  apostles  from  the  life  of  the  times. 
Moral  ideas  had  to  be  clothed  in  bodily  form  that  the  people 
would  appreciate.  Their  Christian  ideals  had  to  grow  out  of 
the  good  ideas  or  mental  pictures  they  already  possessed.  This 
would  seem  to  be  a  sufficient  reason  for  the  warlike  and  soldierly 
terms  found  in  the  Bible.  Should  these  be  conserved  to-day? 
Do  the  words,  "The  Son  of  God  goes  forth  to  war,"  or  '  Onward, 
Christian  soldiers,  marching  as  to  war"  express  our  highest 
ideals?  The  tunes  to  which  these  words  are  set  give  inspiration 


484   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

for  any  noble  struggle  or  any  victorious  effort,  but  the  words 
suggest  a  mental  imagery  inconsistent  with  other  moral  teach- 
ings. To  seek  a  spiritual  ideal  from  what  is  realized  to-day  to 
be  an  immoral  act  or  condition  is  a  contradiction.  Where,  out- 
side of  the  army  and  the  navy,  is  the  martial  type  of  character 
and  life  found?  Can  you  think  of  any  soldier  business  men,  or 
soldier  scientists,  or  soldier  professional  men  in  your  own  com- 
munity? 

A  Good   Soldier  of  Jesus  Christ 

Paul  says,  "Suffer  hardship  with  me  Uke  a  good  soldier  of 
Jesus  Christ,"  or  in  other  words,  "as  a  good  soldier  of  Christ 
Jesus  accept  your  share  of  suffering."  The  sterling  qualities 
of  the  soldier  are  to  be  imitated,  but  are  these  found  only  in  the 
soldier?  "War  does  not  create  bravery,  it  only  reveals  it  as 
existing.  Heroism  exists  and  would  exist  if  there  were  no  war, 
but  heroism  would  find  a  nobler  and  more  congenial  sphere  in 
which  to  exercise  itself.  Heroism  would  be  employed  in  the  arts 
of  peace.  Heroism  would  go  to  Africa  to  find  Livingstone. 
Yea,  it  would  be  Livingstone.  Was  not  Robert  Moffat  a  hero? 
Yet  he  carried  no  sword  but  the  sword  of  the  Spirit,  which  is 
the  Word  of  God.  Was  not  Father  Damien  a  hero?  Was  not 
Bishop  Pattison  a  hero?  Is  not  Duncan  of  Metlakhatla  a  hero? 
Heroism!  There  is  as  much  heroism  on  the  mission  field  as 
on  the  battlefield.  The  mission  field  is  the  true  battlefield  of 
the  world.  It  demands  more  heroism  to  plod  on  in  the  teeth 
of  all  but  insuperable  difficulties,  often  alone  and  unaided,  than 
to  fight  at  Sedan  or  Gettysburg  or  Waterloo.  There  is  as  much 
heroism  in  human  nature  to-day  as  ever  there  was.  It  is  too 
rare  and  valuable  an  article  for  heartless  politicians  to  waste 
on  battlefields.  We  may  turn  it  in  the  direction  of  destruction, 
or  in  the  direction  of  instruction  and  construction.  We  may  use 
it  to  save  men's  lives  or  to  destroy  them"  (Reuen  Thomas). 

The    Impulse   of   a   Cause 

A  striking  illustration  of  a  changing  ideal  is  the  fact  that  a 
recent  vote  taken  in  the  Paris  schools  on  the  greatest  hero  of 
France  placed  Napoleon  far  down  the  list  and  named  Pasteur 
as  the  true  patriot  of  his  country.  The  impelling  power  of  a 
great  cause  needs  to  be  realized.  Make  men  feel  the  greatness 
of  the  undertaking,  the  grandeur  of  the  outcome,  and  they  will 
rise  to  the  occasion.  It  is  the  really  hard  things  that  appeal  most 
profoundly  to  human  nature,  and  they  appeal  especially  when 
there  is  faith  in  the  final  result.  When  Dr.  Grenfell  faces  the 
frosts  of  Labrador  and  Newfoundland,  note  the  response  that 
his  work  wins  from  young  men!  He  says,  "The  hero  is  not  one 
who  is  never  afraid  but  one  who  being  afraid  goes  forward." 

The   Aggressiveness    of   Faith 

A  grand  faith  record  of  ancient  heroes  is  found  in  the  eleventh 
chapter  of  Hebrews.  There  is  an  aggressive  quality  in  faith; 


THE  MORAL  EQUIVALENTS  OF  WAR  485 

an  ttpreaching  to  something  above  and  beyond  oneself,  or  an  out- 
reaching  to  a  future  good  that  is  to  be  gained.  In  the  first  verse 
we  are  told  that  "Faith  is  a  conviction  of  the  reality  of  things 
which  we  do  not  see."  It  was  by  this  faith  that  the  old-time 
heroes  gained  the  victory  and  it  is  by  this  faith  that  heroes  of 
to-day  will  conquer.  It  is  this  faith  that  gives  us  the  ideal 
toward  which  we  work.  "The  ideal  condemns  the  actual,"  but  it 
has  faith  in  it  or  "appreciates  it,  in  so  far  as  the  actual  conditions 
lend  themselves  to  betterment.  There  could  be  no  ideal  if  the 
actual  were  not  capable  of  being  made  what  it  ought  to  be" 
(Felix  Adler). 

Paul  the   Hero 

It  was  for  such  an  aspiration  as  this  that  Paul  "suffered  hard- 
ship as  a  good  soldier"  and  gives  his  ringing  testimony  of  his 
endurance  for  a  great  cause: 

"For  whatever  reason  any  one  is  'courageous' — I  speak  in  mere 
folly— I  also  am  courageous.  Are  they  Hebrews?  So  am  I.  Are 
they  Israelites?  So  am  I.  Are  they  descendants  of  Abraham? 
So  am  I.  Are  they  servants  of  Christ?  (I  speak  as  if  I  were  out 
of  my  mind.)  Much  more  am  I  His  servant;  serving  Him  more 
thoroughly  than  they  by  my  labours,  and  more  thoroughly  also  by 
my  imprisonments,  by  excessively  cruel  floggings,  and  with  risk 
of  life  many  a  time.  From  the  Jews  I  five  times  have  received 
forty  lashes  all  but  one.  Three  times  I  have  been  beaten  with 
Roman  rods,  once  I  have  been  stoned,  three  times  I  have  been 
shipwrecked,  once  for  full  four  and  twenty  hours  I  was  floating 
on  the  open  sea.  I  have  served  Him  by  frequent  traveling,  amid 
dangers  in  crossing  rivers,  dangers  from  robbers;  dangers  from 
my  own  countrymen,  dangers  from  the  Gentiles;  dangers  in  the 
city,  dangers  in  the  desert,  dangers  by  sea,  dangers  from  spies  in 
our  midst;  with  labor  and  toil,  with  many  a  sleepless  night,  in 
hunger  and  thirst,  in  frequent  fastings,  in  cold,  and  with  in- 
sufficient clothing.  .  .  . 

"If  boast  I  must,  it  shall  be  of  things  which  display  my  weak- 
ness. The  God  and  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ— He  who 
is  blessed  throughout  the  ages — knows  that  I  am  speaking  the 
truth"  (2  Cor.  11:  21-31). 

Who  are  the  soldier  Christians  of  the  present  generation?  What 
are  some  of  the  non-military  tasks  that  require  soldierly  quali- 
ties? It  is  said  that  100,000  lives  are  lost  in  our  country  every 
year  as  a  result  of  the  liquor  business.  How  can  this  waste  be 
stopped?  Tuberculosis  is  a  preventable  disease.  How  can  the 
white  plague  be  stayed? 


LESSON  VI 

PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR 
Study  Matt.  18:  15-17;   1  Cor.  6:  1-6;  Isa.  2:  2-4 

Arbitration  a  Christian  Method   of  Settling  Disputes 

Wherever  the  Christian  doctrine  of  love  has  taken  root  in 
human  life,  the  usual  method  of  settling  differences  between 
individuals  has  been  by  an  appeal  to  reason.  With  the  removal 
of  hatred,  envy,  oppression,  and  jealousy,  the  difficulties  that 
interfere  with  such  a  settlement  are  for  the  most  part  taken 
away.  There  is  nothing  in  the  Christian  faith  that  blinds  one's 
eyes  so  that  he  cannot  see  facts  as  they  are  and  cannot  accept 
a  reasonable  interpretation  of  them.  If  two  men  both  having 
the  spirit  of  Christ  undertake  to  settle  a  question  in  dispute,  they 
are  not  possessed  of  prejudices  that  interfere  with  the  judicial 
weighing  of  facts  or  of  evidence.  The  Christian  faith,  because 
of  its  insistence  upon  good  will  among  men  and  its  intolerance 
of  destructive  sentiments,  creates  conditions  in  which  the  appeal 
to  reason  is  the  natural  method  of  settling  differences  between 
individuals.  For  here,  mutual  tolerance  is  found. 

How  to   Treat   a   Sinning   Fellow   Christian 

In  the  Gospel  of  Matthew,  Christ  is  represented  as  giving  a 
vivid  picture  of  how  Christians  should  proceed  in  settling  their 
personal  differences.  "If  your  brother  acts  wrongly  towards  you, 
go  and  point  out  his  fault  to  him  when  only  you  and  he  are  there. 
If  he  listens  to  you,  you  have  gained  your  brother.  But  if  he 
will  not  listen  to  you,  go  again,  and  ask  one  or  two  to  go  with 
you,  that  every  word  spoken  may  be  attested  by  two  or  three 
witnesses.  If  he  refuses  to  hear  them,  appeal  to  the  church; 
and  if  he  refuses  to  hear  even  the  church,  regard  him  just  as 
you  regard  a  Gentile  or  a  tax-gatherer"  (Matt.  18:  15-17). 

The   Christian   Appeal   to   Reason 

The  implications  of  these  words  are  unmistakable.  The  first 
appeal  should  be  to  reason — not  to  force,  and  not  to  sentiment, 
and  not  even  to  a  third  party  who  is  to  act  as  judge.  The  indi- 
viduals involved  are  first  urged  to  come  together  in  a  spirit  of 
deliberation.  The  facts  are  to  be  pointed  out  when  only  those 
directly  concerned  are  present.  If  both  are  in  a  mood  where 
reason  is  not  interfered  with,  amicable  adjustment  results  and 
the  sentiment  of  brotherliness  is  not  destroyed.  If  this  attempt 
fails,  a  new  factor  is  to  be  introduced  into  the  negotiations. 
That  is,  a  more  careful  substantiation  of  the  facts  is  to  be  under- 
taken. Witnesses  are  to  be  brought  in.  The  truthfulness  of  the 

486 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  48? 

statements  in  the  accusation  is  to  be  tested  in  the  light  of  their 
testimony.  This  is  a  supreme  appeal  to  reason.  The  accuser  in 
his  attempt  to  effect  a  settlement,  is  thus  showing  his  readiness 
to  rely  absolutely  upon  the  facts  involved. 

The   Christian   Appeal   to   the   Bond   of   Brotherhood 

If  the  accused  party  refuses  to  take  account  of  the  facts  thus 
adequately  verified,  the  supposition  is  that  his  attitude  does  not 
reflect  the  spirit  of  brotherliness  which  is  a  characteristic  of 
all  true  Christians.  So  the  next  step  is  to  bring  him  before  the 
church,  that  is,  before  those  in  whose  lives  this  spirit  is 
enthroned  and  who  are  the  representatives  of  Christ  in  the  world. 
The  appeal  to  reason  remains  as  it  was.  That  is,  the  facts  are 
not  altered.  But  they  are  enumerated  in  the  presence  of  those 
whose  attitude  is  that  of  conciliation  and  true  brotherliness.  It 
is  as  though  Christ  were  now  pleading  for  a  settlement.  This 
appeal  includes  the  emotions  as  well  as  the  reason.  The  one  who 
will  not  listen  to  it  has  lost  the  Christlike  spirit  of  kindness  and 
good  will.  He  has  also  lost  the  respect  he  should  have  for  the 
cause  of  Christ  as  represented  in  the  organization  composed  of 
believers  in  Him.  Therefore,  if  he  refuses  to  listen  to  this  appeal 
he  reveals  the  presence  of  an  un-Christlike  spirit.  He  is  thence- 
forth to  be  treated  as  a  nonbeliever  or  as  one  from  whose  heart 
avarice  has  crowded  out  true  brotherliness. 

Love    Your   Enemies 

And  yet  even  after  it  has  become  evident  that  a  spirit  of 
avarice  as  intense  as  that  of  the  typical  tax-gatherer  or  a  spirit 
of  unbrotherliness  characteristic  of  the  ancient  "Gentile,"  has 
taken  possession  of  the  accused,  the  negotiations  are  not  to  come 
to  an  end  by  an  appeal  to  force.  Christ  never  taught  his  disciples 
to  overcome  the  Gentiles  by  the  use  of  the  sword.  The  truly 
Christlike  attitude  toward  publican  or  nonbeliever  was  never 
that  of  enforced  subjugation.  In  suggesting  that  the  one  who 
refused  to  hear  the  church's  presentation  of  a  righteous  cause 
should  thenceforth  be  treated  as  a  Gentile,  Christ  did  not  neces- 
sarily imply  that  the  way  had  been  absolutely  closed  to  any 
future  peaceful  negotiations.  His  own  attitude  toward  such  in- 
dividuals was  one  of  loving  hospitality.  He  commanded  His 
followers  to  love  their  enemies.  The  true  Christian  bears  the 
sins  of  others.  He  suffers  losses  in  this  world  but  is  not  unmind- 
ful of  the  fact  that  heaven  has  something  to  do  with  the  trans- 
actions of  earth. 

Litigation  in  Heathen  Law  Courts 

This  Christian  principle  of  conciliation  and  appeal  to  reason 
is  clearly  reflected  in  the  writings  of  Paul.  In  the  great  apostle's 
letter  to  the  Corinthians,  he  writes: 

"If  one  of  you  has  a  grievance  against  an  opponent,  does  he 
dare  to  go  to  law  before  irreligious  men  and  not  before  God's 
people?  Do  you  not  know  that  God's  people  will  sit  in  judgment 


488   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

upon  the  world?  And  if  you  are  the  court  before  which  the 
world  is  to  be  judged,  are  you  unfit  to  deal  with  these  petty 
matters?  Do  you  not  know  that  we  are  to  sit  in  judgment  upon 
angels — to  say  nothing  of  things  belonging  to  this  life?  If  there- 
fore you  have  things  belonging  to  this  life  which  need  to  be 
decided,  is  it  men  who  are  absolutely  nothing  in  the  church — 
is  it  they  whom  you  make  your  judges?  I  say  this  to  put  you 
to  shame.  Has  it  come  to  this,  that  there  does  not  exist  among 
you  a  single  wise  man  competent  to  decide  between  a  man  and 
his  brother,  but  brother  goes  to  law  with  brother,  and  that  before 
unbelievers?"  (1  Cor.  6:  1-6.) 

The    Humiliation   of   Appealing   to   a   Heathen  Law   Court 

It  is  evident  that  Paul  was  jealously  guarding  the  bond  of  love 
which  should  unite  all  true  believers  in  Christ.  He  did  not  want 
differences  among  individual  Christians  to  be  permitted  seriously 
to  threaten  that  bond.  Neither  did  he  want  non-Christians  in 
Corinth  to  know  that  the  principles  laid  down  by  Christ  were 
seeming  to  be  impracticable  in  their  city.  "Has  it  come  to 
this,  that  there  does  not  exist  among  you  a  single  wise  man 
competent  to  decide  between  a  man  and  his  brother?"  Paul 
seems  to  think  that  in  the  problems  that  were  apt  to  arise  in  the 
intercourse  of  one  Christian  and  another,  recourse  to  a  heathen 
law  court  would  expose  the  believers  to  humiliation  and  disgrace. 
A  Christian  "wise  man"  was  his  substitute  for  a  heathen  judge. 

Isaiah's   Vision 

Slowly  but  surely  the  civilized  world  has  been  coming  into 
possession  of  a  clear  vision  of  that  time  when  the  appeal  to 
reason  within  the  bond  of  brotherhood  shall  have  been  adopted 
not  only  by  individuals  but  also  by  nations.  The  idea  is  not 
new.  With  the  passing  of  the  centuries,  prophets  have  created 
visions  out  of  ideas  that  belonged  to  their  own  times.  Isaiah 
wrote : 

"And  it  shall  come  to  pass  in  the  latter  days,  that  the  mountain 
of  Jehovah's  house  shall  be  established  on  the  top  of  the  moun- 
tains, and  shall  be  exalted  above  the  hills;  and  all  nations  shall 
flow  unto  it.  And  many  peoples  shall  go  and  say,  Come  ye,  and 
let  us  go  up  to  the  mountain  of  Jehovah,  to  the  house  of  the 
God  of  Jacob;  and  he  will  teach  us  of  his  ways,  and  we  will  walk 
in  his  paths;  for  out  of  Zion  shall  go  forth  the  law,  and  the 
word  of  Jehovah  from  Jerusalem,  and  he  will  judge  between  the 
nations,  and  will  decide  concerning  many  peoples:  and  they 
shall  beat  their  swords  into  plowshares,  and  their  spears  into 
pruning-hooks;  nation  shall  not  lift  up  sword  against  nation, 
neither  shall  they  learn  war  any  more"  (Isa.  2:  2-4). 

The   Visions   of   Dante,    Erasmus,    and   Others 

The  present  century  has  inherited  other  suggestive  and  inspir- 
ing visions.  "Dante  dreamed  of  a  model  emperor  under  whose 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  489 

wise  control  all  nations  would  dwell  in  peace.  Marsillo  of  Padua 
thought  of  a  universal  democratic  church,  whose  ecumenical 
councils  might  reflect  a  republican  union  of  states.  Erasmus 
marveled  how  Christians,  'members  of  one  body,  fed  by  the  same 
sacraments,  attached  to  the  same  Head,  called  to  the  same  im- 
mortality, hoping  for  the  same  communion  with  Christ,  could 
allow  anything  in  the  world  to  provoke  them  to  war.'  .  .  .  The 
dreadful  wars  of  the  Reformation  converted  at  least  one  calcu- 
lating statesman  into  an  idealist.  The  Grand  Design  of  Henry 
the  Fourth  sprang,  in  all  probability,  from  the  brain  of  Sully,  in 
whose  memoirs  it  stands  recorded,  an  imperishable  monument 
of  political  sagacity.  A  treaty  'done  at  The  Hague,'  between 
Henry  of  Navarre,  Elizabeth,  and  the  Dutch  Republic,  was  clearly 
intended  to  pave  the  way  for  this  great  League  of  Peace" 
(Francis  W.  Hirst,  American  Association  for  International  Con- 
ciliation, 1909,  pp.  3,  4). 

The  Development  of   International  Arbitration 

These  Christian  principles  and  prophetic  visions,  originating 
in  other  days,  are  now  cherished  as  priceless  spiritual  treasures. 
In  the  nineteenth  and  the  twentieth  centuries  they  are  receiving 
the  serious,  practical,  and  popular  consideration  of  which  they 
are  worthy.  Iri  ancient  times  and  among  Oriental  states  where 
one  state  had  to  be  supreme  and  all  others  subjugated  by  it, 
neither  the  direct  appeal  to  reason  by  the  contending  parties  nor 
the  indirect  appeal,  through  an  arbitrator,  played  any  important 
part  in  international  relationships.  The  political  history  of 
Greece  records  seventy-five  cases  of  arbitration.  The  Roman 
genius  for  conquest  did  not  prove  to  be  a  favorable  atmosphere 
for  the  development  and  application  of  this  principle.  In  the 
mediaeval  period,  with  its  private  wars  and  its  frequent  challenge 
to  arms  for  trivial  and  absurd  causes,  the  instances  of  arbitra- 
tion are  relatively  unimportant.  The  arbiters  were  the  pope,  the 
emperor,  various  potentates  and  cities.  But  the  real  influence  of 
the  Prince  of  Peace  appears  strikingly  in  modern  times.  Sects 
such  as  the  Mennonites  and  the  Quakers  have  opposed  war  be- 
cause of  religious  convictions.  Many  individual  peace  advocates, 
such  as  Henry  IV  of  France,  Emerie  Cruce,  William  Penn,  Abb6 
de  Saint-Pierre,  J.  J.  Rousseau,  Benjamin  Franklin,  and  Im- 
manuel  Kant,  have  had  a  profound  influence  upon  the  statesmen 
of  the  last  century.  The  Jay  Treaty  between  the  United  States 
and  England,  1794,  involved  the  principle  of  arbitration  and  is 
"usually  regarded  as  the  first  modern  treaty  of  arbitration.' 
Since  that  time  France,  England,  the  Netherlands,  Italy,  Sweden, 
Denmark,  and  Belgium  have  all  adopted  arbitration  measures. 
"The  establishment  of  the  Interparliamentary  Union  (18  9),  ai 
the  initial  success  of  the  Pan-American  movement,  practically 
saw  the  triumph  of  the  principles  of  arbitration  of  international 
differences.  Since  that  time  the  question  has  been  what  th< 
scope  of  arbitration  shall  be"  (Krehbiel,  Syllabus  on  the  Develop- 
ment of  International  Arbitration). 


The   Hague  Conference* 

The  influences  tending  in  the  direction  of  international  arbi- 
tration crystallized  in  "the  crowning  event  of  the  nineteenth 
century" — the  Permanent  International  Court  at  The  Hague 
(1899).  Twenty-six  Powers  were  represented.  At  the  second 
Hague  Conference,  held  in  1907,  the  representatives  of  forty- 
four  Powers,  including  practically  the  entire  civilized  world, 
voted  unanimously  in  favor  of  the  creation  of  a  "regular  inter- 
national court  of  justice  with  judges  always  in  service  and  hold- 
ing regular  sessions.  It  failed  to  find  a  method  of  appointing  the 
judges  which  would  be  satisfactory  alike  to  the  great  and  the 
small  powers,  but  this  difficulty  will  undoubtedly  be  surmounted 
in  a  comparatively  short  time"  (Benjamin  F.  Trueblood,  Inter- 
national Arbitration  at  the  Opening  of  the  Twentieth  Century). 
The  world-wide  sentiment  reflected  in  the  deliberations  of  this 
conference  had  been  developing  with  remarkable  rapidity.  If 
the  eighty  years  from  1820  to  1900  were  divided  into  four  periods 
of  twenty  years  each,  the  number  of  cases  of  international  differ- 
ences settled  by  arbitration  are:  eight  in  the  first  period;  thirty 
in  the  next;  forty-four  in  the  third,  and  ninety  in  the  last.  What 
are  these  cases  of  successful  arbitration  but  a  trumpet-tongued 
challenge  to  all  men  and  nations  to  hasten  the  day  of  reason's 
peaceful  and  universal  rule?  Who  can  predict  the  victories  of 
the  third  conference  at  The  Hague? 

Individual   Responsibility   and   Public   Opinion 

The  individual  believer  in  Jesus  Christ  and  in  His  principle, 
appeal  to  reason  within  the  bonds  of  brotherhood,  may  well  ask 
himself  the  question — What  is  my  part  in  this  great  undertaking 
of  world  organization?  What  is  needed  to  hasten  the  reign  of 
reason,  to  strengthen  the  bonds  of  national  brotherhood,  and  to 
bring  the  unnumbered  blessings  that  will  flow  from  them?  The 
direct  and  immediate  dependence  of  International  Arbitration 
and  of  national  brotherliness  upon  public  opinion  is  not  yet 
appreciated  by  the  individual  Christian  as  it  should  be.  In  1911 
there  was  signed  at  Washington  a  treaty  of  unlimited  arbitration 
between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain.  The  plan  of  the 
administration  was  to  make  this  the  first  of  a  number  of  similar 
treaties  with  other  great  powers.  Sir  Edward  Grey  and  states- 
men of  all  parties  in  England  looked  upon  it  with  cordiality.  But 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  by  a  narrow  majority,  refused  to 
ratify  it.  Public  opinion  in  the  United  States,  as  represented 
in  the  Senate,  did  not  adequately  support  the  proposed  treaty. 
Christian  men  settle  disputes  between  individuals  by  an  appeal 
to  reason  and  yet  are  content  to  let  their  own  government  settle 
international  differences  by  an  appeal  to  arms!  They  permit 
their  own  senators  to  defeat  such  a  treaty  as  this.  The  great 
practical  need  of  to-day  is  for  a  larger  number  of  citizens  whose 
convictions  on  this  subject  are  thoroughly  Christian  and  who 
will  use  their  influence  to  elevate  public  opinion  and  to  cause 
government  officials  to  reflect  that  opinion.  How  is  it  possible 


PREVENTIVES  OF  WAR  491 

to  meet  this  need?    Upon  whom  does  the  responsibility  ultimately 

rest? 

National   Honor  and  Vital  Interests 

At  present,  the  great  barrier  to  the  adoption  of  Christian 
preventives  of  war  is  the  fact  that  some  nations  are  unwilling 
to  submit  questions  which  involve  "national  honor  and  vital 
interests"  to  an  international  tribunal  of  justice.  "The  reserva- 
tion from  arbitration  of  so-called  matters  of  national  honor  and 
vital  interest  constitutes  the  weak  link  in  every  existing  arbi- 
tration treaty  between  the  great  powers  of  the  world"  (Russell 
Weisman,  National  Honor  and  Vital  Interests,  p.  7).  But  why 
should  not  such  matters  be  referred  to  courts  of  arbitration? 
Are  they  more  difficult  of  adjustment,  more  intangible  than  mat- 
ters of  proprietorship  or  ownership?  Are  courts  of  arbitration 
not  made  up  of  men  of  honor?  Do  they  not  understand  what  is 
involved  in  national  honor?  Is  it  more  honorable  to  fight  for 
national  honor  than  to  let  justice  decide  how  the  question  should 
be  decided? 

The   United   States  Supreme  Court 

Is  it  not  true  that  interests  that  are  vital  to  the  welfare  of  the 
different  states  of  the  United  States  are  submitted  to  the  Supreme 
Court  for  adjudication?  And  has  not  the  "honor"  of  many  states 
been  properly  guarded  in  the  decisions  rendered  by  that  court? 
If  all  of  the  interstate  difficulties  had  been  settled  by  appeals 
to  arms,  what  would  be  the  condition  of  military  affairs  in  our 
nation  to-day?  Would  its  burden  arising  from  the  cost  of  armies 
and  navies  not  equal  that  of  Europe?  The  Christian  ideal  of 
honor  in  no  way  contradicts  the  Christian  ideal  of  conciliation 
and  arbitration.  Jesus  never  taught  that  one's  "honor"  should 
be  exempt  from  arbitration.  His  own  honor  was  not  injured 
because  he  refused  to  meet  his  enemies  with  an  army  of  trained 
soldiers.  In  this  nation,  where  His  truth  is  nominally  the  guid- 
ing principle  of  life,  there  is  not  one  boundary  line  between  the 
various  states  that  is  protected  by  fort,  arsenal,  or  watchful 
sentinel.  The  Supreme  Court  has  been  the  preventive  of  war. 
Why  cannot  this  principle  of  a  supreme  court  be  applied  to  the 
nations? 


LESSON  VII 

THE  INTERDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  NATIONS 
Study  1  Cor.  12 

Each  Working  for  All  and  All   for  Each 

"If  a  cross-section  showing  a.  single  day  in  the  life  of  a  civilized 
man  could  be  exposed,  it  would  disclose  the  services  of  a  multi- 
tude of  helpers.  When  he  rises,  a  sponge  is  placed  in  his  hand 
by  a  Pacific  Islander,  a  cake  of  soap  by  a  Frenchman,  a  rough 
towel  by  a  Turk.  His  merino  underwear  he  takes  from  the  hand 
of  a  Spaniard,  his  linen  from  a  Belfast  manufacturer,  his  outer 
garments  from  a  Birmingham  weaver,  his  scarf  from  a  French 
silk-grower,  his  shoes  from  a  Brazilian  grazier.  At  breakfast, 
his  cup  of  coffee  is  poured  by  natives  of  Java  and  Arabia;  his 
rolls  are  passed  by  a  Kansas  farmer,  his  beefsteak  by  a  Texan 
ranchman,  his  orange  by  a  Florida  Negro.  He  is  taken  to  the 
city  by  the  descendants  of  James  Watt;  his  messages  are  carried 
hither  and  thither  by  Edison,  the  grandson  by  electrical  con- 
sanguinity of  Benjamin  Franklin;  his  day's  stint  of  work  is 
done  for  him  by  a  thousand  Irishmen  in  his  factory;  or  he 
pleads  in  a  court  which  was  founded  by  ancient  Romans,  and  for 
the  support  of  which  all  citizens  are  taxed;  or  in  his  study  at 
home  he  reads  books  composed  by  English  historians  and  French 
scientists,  and  which  were  printed  by  the  typographical  descend- 
ants of  Gutenburg.  In  the  evening  he  is  entertained  by  German 
singers  who  repeat  the  myths  of  Norsemen,  or  by  a  company  of 
actors  who  render  the  plays  of  Shakespeare;  and,  finally,  he  is 
put  to  bed  by  South  Americans  who  bring  hair,  by  Pennsylvania 
miners  and  furnace-workers  who  bring  steel,  by  Mississippi 
planters  who  bring  cotton,  or,  if  he  prefers  by  Russian  peasants 
who  bring  flax,  and  by  Labrador  fowlers  who  smooth  his  pillow. 
A  million  men,  women,  and  children  have  been  working  for  him 
that  lie  may  have  his  day  of  comfort  and  pleasure.  In  return 
he  has  contributed  his  mite  to  add  a  unit  to  the  common  stock 
of  necessaries  and  luxuries  from  which  the  world  draws.  Each 
is  working  for  all;  all  are  working  for  each"  (George  Harris, 
in  Moral  Evolution,  pp.  36,  37). 

Growth  of  Interdependence 

The  changes  due  to  the  division  of  labor,  to  the  facilities  for 
transportation  and  communication,  to  a  removal  of  what  may  be 
termed  physical  barriers  have  all  effected  political,  economic, 
and  social  interdependence  among  the  nations.  A  net-work  of 
trade-routes,  news  agencies,  business  connections,  political  sym- 
pathies and  social  relationships  has  developed  to  such  an  extent 

492 


THE  INTERDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  NATIONS        493 

that  if  a  break  occurs  at  one  point  far-reaching  and  numerous 
disturbances  are  felt  at  others.  Banking  interests  are  so  inter- 
woven that  the  nations  have  come  to  be  financially  interdepend- 
ent. In  many  important  instances,  exchanges  of  views  between 
governments  have  been  made  before  action  has  been  taken- 
whereas  in  former  days  each  would  act  without  reference  to  the 
other.  Commerce  rests  on  the  principle  of  reciprocity  Glad- 
stone is  quoted  as  saying  that  "The  ships  that  pass  between  one 
country  and  another  are  like  the  shuttle  of  the  loom,  weaving  a 
web  of  concord  among  the  nations."  If  a  country  like  Great 
Britain  should  attempt  to  live  without  cooperation  with  other 
nations,  it  is  estimated  that  half  of  the  population  would  starve. 
National  vitality  decreases  as  cooperation  is  restricted.  Com- 
mercial cooperation  leads  to  material  expansion.  How  is  it  that 
social  and  intellectual  cooperation  is  beneficial? 

Means   for  Connection 

Man's  control  of  material  forces  has  brought  men  nearer 
together  in  work  and  interests.  Before  the  time  of  steam  trans- 
portation few  persons  went  outside  of  their  own  land.  Electricity 
has  overcome  distance,  and  the  modern  press  enables  those  in 
different  lands  to  hear  simultaneously  of  the  same  events. 
Workers  in  different  lands  are  finding  out  that  they  have  com- 
mon interests  irrespective  of  nationality.  This  is  especially  true 
of  men  of  science:  their  investigations  and  discoveries  lead  to 
cooperative  work,  for  in  the  interests  and  excitement  of  discovery 
one  lends  aid  to  the  other.  Universities  in  different  nations 
exchange  their  professors.  The  International  Institute  of  Agri- 
culture is  a  striking  evidence  of  international  dependence  for 
economic  betterment.  In  1905  a  conference  was  called  by  the 
King  of  Italy  for  the  founding  of  this  institute.  A  treaty  for 
its  establishment  was  ratified  by  forty-seven  governments  and 
the  adhering  governments  represent  ninety-eight  per  cent  of  the 
population  and  ninety-five  per  cent  of  all  the  land  of  the  world. 
The  problem  of  creating  one  universal  language  for  all  the 
peoples  of  earth  has  been  seriously  undertaken  by  those  who  see 
the  practical  need  of  removing  the  barriers  to  international  and 
interracial  communication.  The  different  peoples  of  the  world 
have  now  so  much  in  common  that  eighty  official  International 
Bureaus  have  been  established  with  permanent  offices  to  take  up 
matters  affecting  the  interests  of  the  civilized  world.  Three 
hundred  private  international  associations  have  been  formed, 
and  one  hundred  and  fifty  international  congresses  annually 
meet  for  the  consideration  of  questions  affecting  the  good  of 
humanity.  The  numberless  benefits  that  have  already  come  from 
international  and  interracial  relationship  have  shown  clearly 
the  interdependence  of  those  nations  that  would  reach  their 
highest  development.  One  practical  example  of  interdependence 
has  become  so  common  a  benefit  that  it  is  often  passed  by  un- 
noticed. One  puts  a  five-cent  stamp  upon  a  letter  addressed  to  a 
person  in  a  town  in  the  interior  of  Europe.  In  accord  with  tne 


494   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

regulations  of  the  International  Postal  Union  this  letter  will, 
with  expedition,  be  forwarded  by  the  officials  of  the  various 
States  through  which  it  passes  until  delivered  to  the  person 
addressed;  or,  if  he  is  not  found,  it  will  be  returned  to  the  sender. 
Such  transportation  has  not  been  possible  until  recent  times. 
What  has  been  realized  in  the  transmission  of  letters  may  be 
realized  in  other  respects  as  the  peoples  of  the  world  come  to 
understand  the  possibilities  and  advantages  of  intelligent  coopera- 
tion. Point  out  other  illustrations  of  interdependence. 

Diversity   in   Gifts 

A  breadth  of  appreciation  that  sees  the  value  of  differences 
needs  to  be  cultivated.  As  with  individuals  so  with  nations,  one 
may  complement  another  by  diversity  of  character  and  ability. 
These  very  differences  result  in  a  wealth  of  suggestion  and  a 
variety  of  production  the  benefits  of  which  are  world-wide  in 
extent.  A  diversity  of  gifts  increases  the  possibility  of  and  profit 
from  cooperation.  For  the  greatest  good  in  this  direction,  it  is 
necessary  to  appreciate  the  differences  and  to  be  glad  all  people 
are  not,  for  instance,  Anglo-Saxons.  It  is  well  also  to  recognize 
that  a  distribution  of  various  kinds  of  valuable  possessions  is  an 
expression  of  divine  justice.  "He  bestows  his  gifts  upon  each  of 
us  in  accordance  with  his  own  will"  (1  Cor.  12:  11).  What  a 
combination  is  presented  by  the  Irish  wit,  the  Scotch  pathos, 
the  English  perseverance,  the  French  vivacity,  the  German  deter- 
mination, to  go  no  farther  afield!  A  study  of  the  Oriental  and 
the  Occidental  and  the  diversity  of  gifts  of  each  will  be  more 
fully  suggested  in  a  later  lesson.  How  is  it  that  interracial 
differences  suggest  the  almost  infinite  range  of  capacities  within 
one  individual? 

The  Contributions  of  the  Nations 

Material  contributions  in  the  way  of  imports  and  exports  from 
one  country  to  another  have  already  bsen  illustrated.  But 
imagine  for  a  moment  what  it  would  mean  to  the  world  if  every 
French  contribution  of  the  past  or  present  should  be  taken  away. 
How  much  would  go  if  everything  that  is  German  should  be  lost? 
What  would  be  the  culture  of  the  Englishman  and  the  American 
under  such  conditions?  Where  would  be  the  scientific  discoveries 
on  which  our  very  life  depends  to-day?  Where  would  be  the 
music  that  is  our  inspiration?  And  what  would  be  the  world 
condition  without  the  practical  inventions  of  the  Englishman  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  great  English  masterpieces  of  thought  and 
expression  on  the  other?  Strike  out  Italy,  Greece,  Egypt,  as 
never  having  existed  and  what  would  become  of  painting  and 
sculpture?  Perhaps  no  one  thought-development  shows  the 
united  contributions  of  many  nations  as  does  that  of  philosophy, 
made  evident  by  the  fact  that  to  master  the  subject  to  any  extent 
requires  a  knowledge  of  several  languages. 

The   New   Meaning   of   Nationality 

The  development  of  civilization  during  the  past  century  has 


THE   INTERDEPENDENCE  OP  THE  NATIONS        495 

brought  out  clearly  some  of  the  contributions  which  the  different 
nations  can  make  toward  the  betterment  of  the  race  as  a  whole. 
With  the  rapidly  widening  modern  commercial,  social,  and  reli- 
gious outlook,  each  civilized  nation  is  finding  out  its  own  value 
as  never  before.  Nationality  is  coming  to  have  new  and  higher 
meanings.  The  fuller  value  of  racial  traits  and  possessions  is 
becoming  apparent.  At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century 
no  country  had  a  great  national  industry  that  depended  upon 
the  prosperity  of  her  neighbors,  upon  their  being  able  to  send 
goods  and  raw  material  as  required.  Even  fifty  years  ago  the 
motive  back  of  the  greater  part  of  so-called  foreign  missionary 
work  was  pity  rather  than  love.  The  "heathen"  were  judged  in 
the  light  of  their  deprivations  or  deficiencies  rather  than  of  their 
present  possessions  and  future  possibilities.  In  what  ways  will 
increasing  interdependence  tend  to  stimulate  patriotism  and 
national  loyalty? 

Future  Contributions 

In  the  consideration  of  a  growing  interdependence  and  a  conse- 
quent increasing  vitality,  it  is  well  to  think  not  only  of  past  and 
present  contributions  but  also  of  those  of  the  future;  to  judge 
of  the  potential  contributions  of  many  nations  as  well  as  the 
actual.  For  how  much  will  the  peoples  of  the  world  depend  upon 
Russia  with  its  wealth  of  future  possibilities?  In  the  waking 
up  of  the  Orient  to  relations  with  the  outside  world  there  are 
already  signs  of  interdependence  unthought  of  twenty  or  even 
ten  years  ago.  So  also  with  the  continents  of  South  America 
and  Africa.  These  vast,  extensive  possibilities  suggest  infinite 
possibilities  of  intensive  development.  Because  of  poverty,  hard- 
ship, and  ignorance  Italy  has  not  made  one  fifteenth  of  the  contri- 
butions to  the  welfare  of  humanity  which  God  intends  her  to 
make.  How  many  God-given  talents  of  music,  architecture, 
painting,  and  sculpture  have  never  been  realized.  When  each 
nation  shall  have  received  the  full  help  of  every  other  nation 
in  developing  its  own  material  and  spiritual  resources,  who  can 
imagine  the  blessings  which  the  future  has  in  store  for  the 
human  race? 

The   Permanency   of   Life 

"To  save  your  life  is  to  lose  it"  (Matt.  10:  39),  is  true  of  a 
group  of  individuals  as  of  a  single  one:  to  keep  one's  best  to 
oneself,  to  live  in  isolation,  is  destructive.  History  tells  the 
story  of  the  Powers  that  sought  to  grasp  all  and  give  nothing; 
the  Empire  of  Alexander  the  Great  fell  to  pieces;  the  Empire 
of  Napoleon  the  Great  soon  perished.  "Struggle  is  only  one 
phase  of  the  law;  deeper  and  more  fundamental  than  any 
competition  is  the  law  of  cooperation  through  all  the  orders  of 
the  world.  Deeper  than  any  possible  battle  of  group  with  group 
is  the  law  that  the  group  that  will  not  stand  together,  and  stand 
with  the  other  groups,  shall  ultimately  lose  its  chance  in  the 


496   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

unfolding  cosmic  order"  (W.  H.  P.  Faunce).  The  old  word 
stands:  "Not  one  of  us  lives  to  himself."  In  this  there  is  no 
choice.  Relationship  is  life;  isolation  is  death.  The  choice  rests 
in  the  matter  of  degree.  The  abundant  life  comes  through 
interchange  and  cooperation,  interchange  of  what  is  already 
acquired  and  cooperation  toward  what  may  be  attained. 

"There  is  no  nation  or  people  or  individual  which  is  not 
affected  beneficially  or  prejudicially  by  the  welfare  or  misfortune 
of  all  the  world.  A  disaster  from  earthquake,  from  disease,  from 
drought,  from  war,  which  falls  upon  any  nation  in  these  days 
affects  the  welfare  of  the  whole  world,  in  greater  or  less  degree, 
and  on  the  other  hand  the  progress  of  thought,  the  spread  of 
education,  the  advance  of  invention,  the  growth  of  production, 
and,  indeed,  all  things  which  raise  the  moral  and  material  wel- 
fare of  any  nation,  bring  in  their  train  advantages  to  the  whole 
race."  How  is  it  possible  for  individuals  to  cultivate  a  world 
outlook  and  a  sufficiently  broad  human  sympathy? 

The  Historic  Climb  to  God's  Truth 

The  wisdom  which  comes  from  experience  and  the  knowledge 
gleaned  from  history  helps  one  to  appreciate  the  value  of  re- 
vealed and  inspired  truth  as  found  in  the  Bible.  In  this  wonder- 
ful record  of  the  revealing  Spirit  of  God  are  found  truths  that 
do  not  depend  upon  limited  experience  or  narrow  observation. 
Gradually  and  painfully  the  world  is  climbing  up  to  the  truth 
of  God's  revelation.  In  learning  through  costly,  first-hand  ex- 
periences, the  great  lessons  of  interdependence  and  cooperation, 
the  nations  are  being  prepared  to  appreciate  what  is  implied  in 
the  Christian  doctrine  of  unity. 

Nations  Members   of   One   Body 

In  the  twelfth  chapter  of  First  Corinthians  there  is  given  a  word 
picture  of  ideal  group  relationships.  Paul  shows  that  if  there 
is  any  vital  connection  in  the  parts  that  form  a  body  or  group, 
no  one  part  can  be  independent  of  any  of  the  others.  One  part 
may  have  a  larger  place  and  thereby  a  larger  responsibility,  but 
in  so  far  as  any  part  has  any  value,  it  has  a  contribution  to 
make  to  the  whole  and  must  have  a  consequent  recognition. 
The  apostle  makes  a  particular  application  of  this  truth  and 
illustrates  it  in  specific  ways.  Can  the  principle  underlying  his 
words  be  applied  universally  wherever  there  is  a  vital  group? 
Does  it  apply  to  nations?  A  faith  that  holds  to  a  fundamental 
relationship  in  humanity,  a  brotherhood  of  mankind,  will  accept 
the  proposition  that  the  nations  are  members  of  one  body  and 
no  one  can  say  to  another,  "I  do  not  need  you."  "The  law  which 
binds  man  to  man  is  in  the  last  analysis  identical  with  that 
which  binds  kingdom  to  kingdom,  state  to  state,  race  to  race. 
The  law  which  prevails  in  a  little  province  only  is  no  law  what- 
ever" (W.  H.  P.  Faunce).  Of  nations  it  may  be  said,  that  "God 
has  arranged  the  parts  in  the  body — every  one  of  them — as  He 
has  seen  fit."  What  reasons  are  there  to  believe  that  all  nations 


THE   INTERDEPENDENCE  OF  THE  NATIONS        497 

will  have  parts  in  the  final  Kingdom  of  God?     Is  any  nation 
to  be  left  out  of  the  final  consummation  of  Christ's  vision? 

Unity   Should   Make   Jealousy   Impossible 

"The  human  body  does  not  consist  of  one  part  but  of  many 
Were  the  foot  to  say,  'Because  I  am  not  a  hand  I  am  not  a  part 
of  the  body,'  that  would  not  make  it  any  the  less  a  part  of  the 
body.  Or  were  the  ear  to  say,  'Because  I  am  not  an  eye,  I  am 
not  a  part  of  the  body,'  that  would  not  make  it  any  the  less  a 
part  of  the  body.  If  the  whole  body  were  an  eye,  where  would 
the  hearing  be?  If  the  whole  body  were  an  ear,  where  would 
the  nostrils  be?  But,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  God  has  arranged  the 
parts  in  the  body — every  one  of  them — as  He  has  seen  fit.  If 
they  were  all  one  part,  where  would  the  body  be?  But,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  there  are  many  parts  and  but  one  body. 

Unity   Should   Exclude   Pride   and   Contempt 

"It  is  also  impossible  for  the  eye  to  say  to  the  hand,  'I  do  not 
need  you;'  or  again  for  the  head  to  say  to  the  feet,  'I  do  not 
need  you.'  No,  it  is  quite  otherwise.  Even  those  parts  of  the 
body  which  are  apparently  somewhat  feeble  are  yet  indis- 
pensable; and  those  which  we  deem  less  honorable  we  clothe 
with  more  abundant  honor;  and  so  our  ungraceful  parts  come 
to  have  a  more  abundant  grace,  while  our  graceful  parts  have 
everything  they  need.  But  it  was  God  who  built  up  the  body, 
and  bestowed  more  abundant  honor  on  the  part  that  felt  the 
need,  that  there  might  be  no  disunion  in  the  body,  but  that  all 
the  members  might  entertain  the  same  anxious  care  for  one 
another's  welfare.  And  if  one  part  is  suffering,  every  other 
part  suffers  with  it;  or  if  one  part  is  receiving  special  honor, 
every  other  part  shares  in  the  joy"  (1  Cor.  12:  14-26). 

Working   Together   for  Better  Crops 

"If  the  leading  nations  can  be  brought  together  in  any  kind 
of  cooperative  work  for  the  general  good  of  the  civilized  world, 
such  as  the  system  of  crop-reporting  planned  (the  International 
Institute  of  Agriculture),  the  very  fact  of  working  together  will 
tend  to  produce  friendship  and  to  make  war  hereafter  impossible. 
It  is  probable  that  international  unity  will  never  come  about 
by  merely  saying,  'Go  to  now,  let  us  be  united,'  but  it  will  come 
about  by  just  this  form  of  cooperative  work  for  a  useful  purpose, 
without  much  immediate  thought  as  to  its  future  reactions  in 
the  field  of  international  friendship"  (Thomas  N.  Carver). 
What  other  human  interests,  besides  good  crops,  are  worthy  of 
international  cooperation? 

A  New  Sense  of  Solidarity 

"When  you  have  a  sense  of  solidarity  that  binds  you  with 
the  other  people  of  the  world,  then  you  will  come  to  a  peaceful 
settlement  of  international  difficulties.  I  am  one  of  those  who 
believe  that  all  the  higher  forces  of  humanity  are  working  to- 


498   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

gether;  that  the  work  of  the  philosopher,  the  work  of  the 
scientist,  the  work  of  the  theologian,  the  work  of  the  artist,  the 
work  of  the  legislator  and  of  the  jurist,  all  help  to  reach  the 
goal"  (Jean  C.  Braco).  Why  is  it  that  these  "higher  forces 
of  humanity"  need  to  be  religious  forces?  Can  the  work  of  the 
legislator,  alone,  lead  to  final  world  organization?  If  not,  why 
not?  What  is  the  most  secure  basis  of  the  new  sense  of  the 
solidarity  of  the  human  race? 


LESSON  VIII 

THE    PRESENT    NEED    OP    INTERRACIAL   APPRECIATION 
AND  GOOD  WILL 

Study  Matt.  7:  1-5 

Christianity  a  Universal  Religion 

"The  dispersion  which  began  at  Babel  has  ended  on  the  banks 
of  the  Hudson  and  the  Mississippi."  The  Genesis  story  pictures 
what  has  been;  the  Gospel  story  shows  what  is  coming  to  be. 
The  old  world,  and  an  earlier  age,  represent  separation  and 
a  distinction  of  nationality:  each  nation  has  had  its  own  place 
and  its  own  language;  the  new  world  and  the  movements  of 
to-day  signify  a  coming  together  of  all  peoples.  History  reveals 
the  influence  of  Christianity  in  making  possible  such  a  change. 
A  study  of  the  chief  religions  of  the  world  shows  that  most  of 
them  are  bound  to  the  race  and  the  locality  where  they  originated. 
Buddhism  and  Islam  are  the  only  ones  besides  Christianity  that 
show  any  expansive  power  irrespective  of  place  and  people. 
From  its  very  beginning  Christianity  has  had  a  world-wide  mis- 
sion. What  words  of  Jesus  prove  this  to  be  true?  The  races 
have  come  together  in  many  respects.  In  what  way  will  the 
spirit  of  Christ  in  his  followers  make  it  easier  for  peoples  who 
are  coming  together  to  get  along  well  with  one  another? 

The  Father  in  All 

From  Paul's  letter  to  the  Ephesians  comes  the  message,  "One 
God  and  Father  of  all  who  rules  over  all,  acts  through  all  and 
dwells  in  all"  (Eph.  4:  6).  The  Father  dwells  in  the  Jew,  in 
the  Italian,  in  the  Negro,  and  yet  are  there  not  those  who  bear 
the  name  of  Christian  but  who  look  with  scorn  and  reproach 
upon  the  "Sheeny,"  the  "Dago,"  and  the  "Nigger"?  Is  God  the 
Father  of  those  human  aspects  that  are  repulsive?  Are  they 
natural?  Is  it  the  intrinsic  qualities  or  is  it  the  superficial 
aspects  that  are  made  more  striking  because  of  being  brought 
into  contrast  with  others  that  are  more  pleasing  and  that  make 
them  unattractive?  Is  there  a  capacity  for  God-likeness  in  every 
one?  If  not,  how  can  God  be  Father  of  all?  If  so,  should  anyone, 
because  of  his  inheritance,  be  despised? 

Respect   for  Other  Races 

Respect  for  individuals  grows  when  actual  good  qualities  are 
known,  or  when  it  is  seen  that  ideal  characteristics  are  being 
realized.  In  looking  at  a  man  one  may  have  a  picture  of  that 
to  which  he  will  some  day  rise.  The  expression  follows,  I  have 
faith  in  that  man."  In  other  words,  "I  have  an  ideal  that  is 

499 


500   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

going  to  be  realized  in  him."  Is  it  possible  to  have  such  a 
faith  without  some  respect?  The  respect  may  not  be  for  what 
is  evident  to-day,  but  for  what  is  latent  in  the  man,  that  will 
be  manifest  to-morrow.  What  is  the  secret  of  the  "friendships" 
made  by  the  Social  Settlement  worker?  How  is  such  an  apprecia- 
tion possible  of  races  as  well  as  of  individuals? 

Better  Racial   Understanding 

Race  prejudice  is  due  largely  to  a  lack  of  knowledge  of  one 
people  by  another.  Misunderstanding  and  ill  feeling  arise  from 
ignorance.  Some  unfortunate  characteristics  may  cover  for  the 
time  being  qualities  that  are  really  attractive.  It  is  necessary 
to  get  acquainted  in  order  to  judge  rightly,  and  often  to  appre- 
ciate favorably.  How  many  persons  who  dislike  the  Jewish  race, 
or  the  Slavic  races,  the  Teutonic  or  the  Celtic,  have  set  them- 
selves definitely  to  find  out  what  is  admirable  or  desirable  in 
each  of  them?  Consider  for  instance  such  questions  as  the 
following:  Is  it  to  the  credit  of  the  Jews  that  no  one  of  the  race 
is  a  beggar  on  the  street?  Despite  the  ignominy  cast  upon  this 
race  it  has  representatives  in  some  of  the  most  responsible  posts 
in  English  and  American  life.  To  what  is  this  due?  To-day 
the  lord  chief  justice  of  England  is  a  Jew,  so  also  is  the  President 
of  the  local  government  Board  and  a  number  of  Jews  are  peers 
and  members  of  Parliament.  The  Jewish  schools  for  religious 
training  show  a  thoroughness  of  instruction  and  a  humanitarian 
training  that  is  lacking  in  many  Christian  schools.  Why  is  this? 

Superiority  of  Race 

What  is  the  test  of  the  superiority  of  a  nation  or  of  a  race? 
Is  it  love  of  war  and  power  of  conquest?  Sir  John  Macdonell 
suggests  that  if  war  be  the  test,  then  some  time  ago  the  Turk 
would  have  been  superior.  Is  it  wealth  or  material  possessions? 
That  is  not  the  Christian  test  applied  to  individuals.  If  it  is 
morality,  the  application  of  the  test,  he  adds,  might  be  somewhat 
startling.  Modern  "superior  races"  have  not  progressed  much 
farther  in  their  moral  achievements  in  some  respects  than  had 
the  best  of  the  early  Spanish  conquerors  of  Mexico  and  Peru.  And 
the  conscience  of  present  day  rulers  is  not  much  keener  than  that 
shown  by  a  remarkable  confession  of  one  of  these  conquerors: 
"The  said  Yncas,  governed  in  such  a  way,  that  in  all  the  land 
neither  a  thief,  nor  a  vicious  man,  nor  a  bad,  dishonest  woman 
was  known.  The  men  all  had  honest  and  profitable  employment. 
The  woods  and  mines  and  all  kinds  of  property  were  so  divided 
that  each  man  knew  what  belonged  to  him,  and  there  were  no 
lawsuits.  The  Yncas  were  feared,  obeyed,  and  respected  by  their 
subjects  as  a  race  very  capable  of  governing.  But  we  took  away 
their  land,  and  placed  it  under  the  government  of  Spain,  and 
made  them  subjects.  Your  Majesty  must  understand  that  my 
reason  for  making  this  statement  is  to  relieve  my  conscience, 
for  we  have  destroyed  this  people  by  our  bad  examples.  Crimes 
were  once  so  little  known  among  them  that  an  Indian  with  one 


hundred  thousand  pieces  of  gold  and  silver  in  his  house  left 
it  and  nobody  went  in.  But  when  they  saw  that  we  placed  locks 
and  keys  on  our  doors,  they  understood  that  it  was  from  fear 
of  thieves,  and  when  they  saw  we  had  thieves  amongst  us,  they 
despised  us.  All  this  I  tell  your  Majesty  to  discharge  my  con- 
science of  a  weight  that  I  may  no  longer  be  a  party  to  these 
things.  And  I  pray  God  to  pardon  me."  What  actions  of  Eng- 
land and  of  the  United  States  may  be  put  on  the  same  plane 
with  those  of  this  ruler?  What  harm  has  come  to  the  Indian 
as  a  result  of  his  contact  with  the  white  man?  Who  is  responsible 
for  the  moral  degradation  that  resulted  from  the  enslaving  of 
the  Negro? 

Appreciation  of  the   Orient  and  the  Occident 

It  is  not  always  easy  to  draw  the  line  between  progressive  and 
non-progressive  people  because  the  "so-called  stationary  races 
are  often  merely  those  whose  changes  are  unrecorded."  There 
may  be  a  slow  and  unperceived  awakening  that  suddenly  shows 
itself  by  leaps  and  bounds  as  in  the  case  of  China.  There  may 
be  an  exclusiveness  but  a  quiet  development  of  strength  that 
circumstances  suddenly  reveal  as  in  the  case  of  Japan.  In  so 
far  as  the  United  States  has  shown  interracial  good-will  to  the 
Oriental  there  has  resulted  a  growing  appreciation  on  both  sides, 
because  both  have  had  opportunity  to  know  each  other  better. 
Such  knowledge  is  more  essential  to-day  than  ever  before  and 
it  can  come  only  through  the  open  door  of  good-will.  "Asia  is 
a  sleeping  giant,"  said  Napoleon;  "let  her  sleep,  for  when  she 
wakens  she  will  shake  the  world."  That  prophecy  is  now  com- 
ing true.  Events  mighty  and  significant  are  crowding  upon  us. 
The  situation  is  dramatic  and  threatens  to  become  tragic. 
Man's  modern  mastery  of  nature  with  the  practical  collapse 
of  space  has  created  a  new  world  situation.  Races  and  civiliza- 
tions, for  ages  self-sufficient,  proud,  ambitious,  determined,  are 
now  face  to  face.  Shall  mutual  misunderstandings,  suspicions, 
aggressions,  resentments,  indignation,  with  mutual  exclusion 
between  East  and  West,  grow  ever  more  acute,  culminating  in 
fierce  military  conflict?  (Sidney  L.  Gulick.)  What  can  and 
should  Christians  do  under  such  conditions?  What  can  the 
United  States  as  a  people  do?* 

Answers   of   the   Japanese 

Supposing  that  the  Japan  of  to-day  is  not  on  an  equal  basis 
with  her  white  competitors?  The  Japan  of  to-morrow  will  be,  in 
all  probability.  If,  therefore,  there  is  anything  she  has  to  teach 
them,  it  is  the  fact  that  mankind  is  a  one  and  undivisible  whole, 
that  the  yellow  race  is  not  inferior  to  the  white,  that  all  the 
races  should  cooperate  in  perfect  harmony  for  the  development 
of  the  world's  civilization.  Professor  Nagai,  in  his  article  last 
May  on  the  "White  Peril,"  says:  "If  one  race  assumes  the  right 

*For  practical  detailed  answers  see  Sidney  L.  Gulick  on  "The  Japanese  Problem." 


502   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

to  appropriate  all  the  wealth,  why  should  not  the  other  races 
feel  ill  used  and  protest?  If  the  yellow  races  are  oppressed  by 
the  white  races  and  have  to  revolt  to  avoid  congestion  and  main- 
tain existence,  whose  fault  is  it  but  the  aggressors?  If  the  white 
races  truly  love  peace  and  wish  to  deserve  the  name  of  Christian 
nations,  they  will  practice  what  they  preach  and  will  soon 
restore  to  us  the  rights  so  long  withheld.  They  will  rise  to  the 
generosity  of  welcoming  our  citizens  among  them  as  heartily  as 
we  do  theirs  among  us.  We  appeal  to  the  white  races  to  put 
aside  their  race  prejudice  and  meet  us  on  equal  terms  in 
brotherly  cooperation." 

Signs  of  Progress 

The  exchange  of  university  professors  between  the  Occident 
and  the  Orient  indicates  a  mutual  respect  from  the  standpoint 
of  scholars.  Says  one,  "We  wish  America  to  send  many  more 
Mabies  to  interpret  their  nation  to  us  and  study  things  Japanese 
for  their  fellow  citizens."  To  prevent  ill  will  and  danger  of 
strife  it  is  essential  that  Americans  should  understand  better 
than  they  do  the  character  of  the  Japanese. 

Illustrations  of  Appreciation 

Professor  Ladd  testifies  "out  of  a  full  and  long  experience  that 
Japan  is  not  Oriental  as  are  India  and  China  and  that  permanent 
friendships  may  exist  between  individual  Japanese  and  indi- 
vidual Americans  to  the  advantage  of  both  as  between  any  two 
classes  of  individuals  within  either  of  the  two  nations.  The 
singular  beauty  of  character  of  certain  Indian  prophets  and 
mystics  is  coming  to  be  appreciated.  The  spiritual  insight  of 
Mr.  Dharmapala  has  not  been  forgotten  through  the  years  by 
some  who  listened  to  him  at  the  World's  Parliament  of  Religions. 
Ian  Maclaren  says  that  "Chunder  Sen,  another  Indian  prophet, 
described  Jesus'  kingdom  perfectly  as  'a  spiritual  congregation 
of  souls  born  anew  to  God.' "  And  Tagore,  the  Indian  poet  made 
familiar  to  many  Americans  by  the  award  to  him  of  the  Nobel 
prize,  has  been  revealed  as  an  educational  leader  equal  in  thought 
and  action  to  some  of  the  strongest  of  our  own  leaders.  What 
other  instances  are  there  of  Western  appreciation  of  Eastern 
leaders  in  educational  or  political  life? 

Universal  Race  Congress 

A  remarkable  assembly  met  in  London  in  1911  known  as  the 
Universal  Race  Congress.  Representatives  of  forty  nationalities 
belonging  to  many  races  were  there.  English,  Germans,  Ameri- 
cans, and  others  of  the  white  races  sat  down  to  luncheon  with 
men  and  women  of  all  shades  of  color.  Learned  Brahmans  and 
Cambridge  professors,  French  economists  and  Chinese  diplomats, 
Turks,  Egyptians,  Persians  and  Russians,  cultivated  Negroes 
from  America  and  South  Africa,  and  an  American  Indian  came 
together  to  study  the  future  of  interracial  intercourse  and  the 
problems  resulting  from  prejudice  and  ignorance. 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND   GOOD  WILL 


503 


Appreciation   Opens   the   Way    for  Christianity 

Because  personal  prejudice  has  been  set  aside  and  mutual 
respect  established,  John  R.  Mott  has  been  able  to  reach  large 
audiences  of  the  Literati  of  China,  when  ten  years  ago  he  was 
told  such  a  thing  was  impossible.  With  an  appreciation  of  the 
best  that  is  in  the  Oriental  religions,  missionaries  are  better  able 
to  carry  to  the  adherents  of  these  religions  the  greater  light  of 
the  Christian  faith.  When  the  attitude  of  carrying  the  truth 
down  to  a  heathen  is  changed  for  that  of  lifting  a  brother  up 
until  he  makes  a  new  discovery  of  truth,  greater  progress  is 
made.  Why  will  sympathy  with  what  is  good  in  anyone's  faith  be 
more  likely  to  win  a  response  to  something  better?  Why  is  the 
attitude  of  absolute  and  entire  opposition  to  or  denouncement  of 
another's  religious  belief  apt  to  have  bad  results? 

Facts   About   the   Chinese 

Students  of  Chinese  life  and  character  report  that  they  are 
an  able  people,  morally  dependable,  and  intellectually  keen, 
though  held  back  by  a  narrow  system  of  education  centuries  old 
and  filled  with  superstition.  They  have  certain  mental  and 
moral  characteristics  that  the  Western  peoples  might  well 
acquire.  Professor  Ernest  D.  Burton  says:  "Chinese  civilization 
is  in  some  respects  in  advance  of  that  of  Europe  and  America. 
If  we  have  something  to  impart  we  have  also  much  to  learn,  and 
their  assimilation  of  our  civilization  entire  would  be  by  no 
means  an  unmixed  good.  China  needs  the  best  we  have  to  give 
in  morals  and  religion.  But  the  standard  of  commercial  life  is 
remarkably  high.  The  reputation  of  Chinese  merchants  in  the 
East  is  that  they  will  keep  a  contract  if  it  ruins  them."  Is  a 
contract  always  as  binding  to  business  men  of  the  United  States? 

Sinners   Must   Not   Judge   Sinners 

How  might  the  following  advice  of  Jesus,  given  under  condi- 
tions different  from  those  under  consideration,  be  looked  upon 
as  wholesome  for  to-day,  especially  for  those  who  are  afflicted 
with  racial  conceit?  "Judge  not,  that  you  may  not  be  judged; 
for  your  own  judgment  will  be  dealt — and  your  own  measure 
meted — to  yourselves.  And  why  do  you  look  at  the  splinter  in 
your  brother's  eye,  and  not  notice  the  beam  which  is  in  your 
own  eye?  Or  how  say  to  your  brother,  'Allow  me  to  take  the 
splinter  out  of  your  eye,'  while  the  beam  is  in  your  own  eye? 
Hypocrite,  first  take  the  beam  out  of  your  own  eye,  and  then 
you  will  see  clearly  how  to  remove  the  splinter  from  your 
brother's  eye"  (Matt.  7:  1-5). 

The   Higher  and   the  Lower  Races 

It  will  be  generally  conceded  that  through  the  centuries  of  oppor- 
tunity and  the  resulting  hereditary  influences,  the  white  races  are, 
in  an  all-round  way,  higher  than  the  black  or  yellow  races.   Does 
that  fact  prevent  their  being  complementary  to  each  other?   J 
easy  for  those  living  in  the  Western  world  to  see  how  much 


504   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

natives  of  the  East  might  gain  from  this  more  progressive  life. 
But  what  has  the  Oriental  to  give  to  the  American?  Has  he 
anything  in  art,  in  wisdom,  in  manners  or  in  morals  that  the 
American  lacks?  What  shall  be  said  of  the  Ethiopian?  Has 
the  black  man  any  desirable  characteristic  that  the  white  man 
does  not  usually  possess?  In  judging  the  American  Negro  there 
is  a  tendency  to  make  comparison  between  him  and  the  white 
man  on  the  same  basis.  Is  this  just?  What  is  the  background 
of  the  one  as  compared  with  the  other?  Generations  of  intel- 
lectual and  moral  strength  are  behind  the  white  man  and  are 
woven  into  the  very  fiber  of  the  best  of  his  kind.  Look  at  the 
most  advanced  of  the  Negro  race — Douglas,  Washington,  DuBois, 
Dunbar — and  what  is  behind  them?  Considering  the  oppor- 
tunities of  the  two  races  and  the  results  achieved,  what  is  likely 
to  be  the  relative  progress  of  the  Negro  race  in  the  future?  Has 
the  black  man  shown  his  capacity  for  moral  and  economic 
advancement?  This  people  will  be  a  menace  or  a  help  to  the 
United  States  according  to  the  degree  of  the  white  man's  good 
will. 

Superiority   Brings  Responsibility 

The  difference  between  the  races  and  the  nations  rests  largely 
on  the  basis  of  nature  versus  nurture.  "Is  the  superbly  built, 
upstanding,  high-browed  Samoan  of  to-day  a  simple  child  of 
nature  because  he  lacks  capacity  or  because  he  lacks  tradition 
and  stimulus?"  In  other  words,  has  he  been  deprived  of  oppor- 
tunity? If  the  latter  is  true,  superiority  brings  responsibility. 
The  stronger  nation  must  give  to  the  weaker  both  for  its  own 
good  and  for  that  of  the  inferior  people.  Ex-President  Roosevelt 
has  said:  "I  believe  that  I  am  speaking  with  historic  accuracy 
and  impartiality  when  I  say,  the  American  treatment  of  and 
attitude  toward  the  Filipino  people,  in  its  combination  of  dis- 
interested ethical  purpose  and  sound  common  sense,  marks  a 
new  and  long  stride  forward  in  advance  of  all  steps  that  have 
hitherto  been  taken  along  the  path  of  wise  and  proper  treatment 
of  weaker  by  stronger  nations."  In  what  ways  can  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  contribute  to  the  development  of  the  so-called  backward 
races? 

"Come   Over  and   Help  Us" 

A  weaker  and  more  backward  nation  from  a  social  or  a  reli- 
gious standpoint  may  not  realize  its  shortcomings.  The  call  of 
"The  Man  of  Macedonia"  (Acts  16:  9)  was  not  a  cry  of  con- 
scious need  on  the  part  of  the  people.  As  Phillips  Brooks  has 
pointed  out,  "So  far  as  we  can  know  there  was  not  one  man  in 
Macedonia  who  wanted  Paul — not  one  who  met  him  at  the  ship 
and  said,  'Come  we  have  waited  for  you,  we  sent  for  you,  we 
want  your  help.' "  It  was  God's  recognition  of  the  need,  and  it 
was  made  real  to  Paul  in  the  vision  of  a  person.  Alas  for  us 
if  God  helped  us  only  when  we  knew  we  needed  him!  "Alas  for 
us  if  every  need  which  we  know  not,  had  not  a  voice  for  Him 


INTERRACIAL  APPRECIATION  AND  GOOD   WILL     505 

and  did  not  call  Him  to  us!  Did  the  world  want  the  Saviour? 
Was  it  not  into  a  blindness  so  dark  that  it  did  not  know  that 
it  was  blind,  that  the  Saviour  came?  Think  what  the  world 
would  be  if  men  were  like  God  in  this  respect."  To-day  there  is 
a  cry  of  an  unconscious  need  going  up  from  the  Ethiopian  and 
the  Caucasian,  from  the  black  man  and  the  yellow  man;  yes, 
from  the  Jew  and  the  Greek  and  many  another  "foreigner"  who 
is  neighbor  to  the  Anglo-Saxon. 

The  Need  Is  the  Call 

The  very  recognition  by  the  people  of  this  land  that  there  are 
those  who  are  not  their  equal  is  in  itself  the  "cry" — the  call, 
the  demand — to  help  them  to  a  larger  life,  a  better  development, 
a  realization  of  the  "image  of  God,"  the  capacity  for  which  is 
the  birthright  of  every  man.  The  acknowledgment  of  superiority 
brings  with  it  responsibility  for  those  who  are  not  as  we  are. 
"A  man's  obligation  to  the  other  man  is  measured  by  the  need 
of  the  other  man."  (L.  J.  Birney.) 

Peace   to   Men   of   Good   Will 

"We  get  a  flash  of  illumination  from  that  story  in  the  New 
Testament  related  to  the  birth  of  Jesus.  The  shepherds  watched 
their  flocks  by  night  and  the  heavens  opened  and  the  angels 
sang  'Gloria  in  excelsis  Deo!'  Glory  to  God  in  the  highest,  and 
on  earth  peace  to  men  of  His  good  will.  That  is  to  say,  the  men 
who  have  that  divine  good  will  shall  have  peace.  According  to 
this  rendering,  the  song  of  the  angels  did  not  announce  that 
peace  should  be  bestowed  upon  all  men  indiscriminately — that 
presently  there  should  be  universal  peace  among  men — but  peace, 
conditionally  to  men  who  have  the  good  will.  This  is  my  point, 
that  good  will  in  the  strict  sense  is  the  engine  upon  which  we 
must  rely  to  create  peace." 

Good   Will   in  Practice 

"In  the  first  place,  every  one  of  us,  instead  of  writing  letters 
to  the  newspaper  as  to  what  the  Kaiser  or  the  Czar  or  someone 
else  should  do,  may  begin  to  initiate  the  reign  of  peace  by  creat- 
ing in  himself  good  will,  especially  toward  the  people  against 
whom  he  feels  objection.  Some  object  to  colored  people,  some 
to  Jews,  some  to  Poles,  some  to  the  Japanese.  Almost  everyone 
objects  to  one  or  more  other  races,  and  many  people  object  to 
all  races  other  than  their  own.  There  are  also  individuals  that 
repel  us,  there  are  those  whose  mere  faces  create  in  us  dislike. 
We  can  begin  by  overcoming  our  personal  repulsions,  making  it 
our  ethical  purpose,  if  we  feel  strongly  repelled,  to  try  and  take 
a  friendly  view  of  a  man,  to  try  and  see  the  fair  side  of  his 
nature.  Like  Saint  Francis  in  the  legend,  bathe  your  lepers, 
tend  those  who  are  repugnant  to  you.  If  there  is  anyone  whom 
you  particularly  dislike,  think  kindly  of  him  at  this  moment. 
He  is  your  leper — see  whether  you  cannot  imitate  Saint  b  rancif 
and  be  in  thought  and  deed  his  friend"  (Felix  Adler). 


LESSON  IX 

WORLD  FEDERATION  A  MEANS  OF  INTERNATIONAL 
.       JUSTICE 

Study  Psa.  92:  7-15 

A  Nation'*   Ideal 

Where  can  there  be  found  a  moral  ideal  that  is  worthy  to  set 
before  a  Christian  nation?  In  Hebrew  prophecy  there  is  found 
such  an  ideal,  only  it  was  intended  to  be  applied  by  individuals. 
Is  it  equally  applicable  to  nations?  "He  hath  showed  thee,  O 
man,  what  is  good;  and  what  doth  Jehovah  require  of  thee,  but 
to  do  justly,  and  to  love  kindness,  and  to  walk  humbly  with  thy 
God?"  (Micah  6:8.)  "Peace  can  never  be,  except  as  it  is  founded 
upon  justice"  (Elihu  Root).  What  is  just  is  the  question  to  be 
raised  and  settled  in  every  international  dispute  and  claim. 
Resentment  and  animosity  will  be  held  in  abeyance  where  there 
is  a  true  appreciation  of  justice.  With  a  desire  for  peace,  it  is 
most  important  therefore  to  study  justice,  what  is  involved  in  it, 
and  how  it  may  be  obtained.  How  could  such  an  ideal  become 
firmly  established  in  a  nation? 

Cultivating   the   Sense   of   Justice 

Before  a  government  will  be  likely  to  act  justly,  before  official 
representatives  can  be  expected  to  urge  justice,  a  moral  sensitive- 
ness must  be  cultivated  in  the  State  at  large.  An  individual 
standard  may  be  higher  or  lower  than  that  of  the  group;  a  com- 
munity standard  is  usually  dependent  on  that  of  the  majority 
of  the  individuals  or  the  strongest  of  the  leaders  who  form  the 
group.  Therefore  individuals  of  the  state  must  be  educated  so 
as  to  appreciate  national  honor  and  also  what  is  involved  in  it, 
for  national  honor  will  not  be  upheld  unless  the  people  have  a 
sense  of  what  is  honorable.  Children  have  a  keen  sense  of  justice. 
What  is  fair  is  quickly  appreciated  by  a  child  of  six  years  in 
concrete  matters  with  which  he  has  to  do.  This  keen  sense 
needs  to  be  conserved  and  strengthened  as  the  years  go  on.  Noth- 
ing calls  for  more  attention  in  moral  education,  beginning  with 
the  rights  of  ownership,  and  the  respect  of  persons  in  the  home 
and  the  immediate  community,  and  leading  out  to  one's  own 
country  and  other  countries.  Is  justice  instinctive?  How  does 
it  come  about  that  so  many  people  and  nations  tolerate  and 
practice  injustice?  How  can  an  individual  cherish  moral  ideals 
that  are  higher  than  those  of  his  surroundings? 

The  Rights  of  Others 

What  is  justice?     In  particular  instances  it  may  be  hard  to 

506 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OP  JUSTICE         60? 

decide.  But  from  a  general  point  of  view,  it  is  a  consideration 
of  the  rights  of  one  as  much  as  of  another,  and  a  resulting  action 
on  that  basis.  Justice  between  states  is  much  more  complex 
than  justice  between  individuals.  It  is  much  easier  to  determine 
what  is  right  toward  one  as  compared  with  another,  when  circum- 
stances and  environment  are  the  same  in  both  cases  than  when 
they  are  different.  For  instance:  "It  would  require  a  considerable 
training  for  an  Eskimo  to  conceive  of  a  proper  application  to 
an  inhabitant  of  the  tropics,  of  the  injunction,  'Do  unto  others 
as  you  would  that  they  should  do  unto  you.' "  Differences  of 
class,  rank,  etc.,  affect  the  matter  sometimes  rightly,  sometimes 
wrongly.  What  factors  are  there  in  the  present  world  situation 
that  make  it  especially  urgent  to  have  diplomats  and  statesmen 
whose  attitude  toward  other  races  is  that  of  good  will? 

Some   Practical  Difficulties 

"The  actions  and  thoughts  of  states  are  necessarily  com- 
pounded of  the  actions  and  thoughts  of  individual  persons." 
But  statesmen  as  statesmen  cannot  always  be  as  humane  and 
just,  as  direct  and  quick  in  action  as  they  would  be  when  acting 
as  private  individuals.  Much  in  relation  to  habit,  prejudice,  and 
the  effects  of  the  act  in  question  has  to  be  weighed  in  the  balance 
to  determine  what  is  just.  An  illustration  from  the  well-known 
conditions  of  slavery  will  make  this  clear.*  "The  great  obstacles 
to  the  doing  of  things  which  make  for  peace  have  not  been 
the  wish  of  the  diplomatists,  nor  the  policy  of  the  government, 
but  the  inconsiderate  and  thoughtless  unwillingness  of  the  great 
body  of  the  people  of  the  respective  countries  to  stand  behind  the 
man  who  was  willing  for  the  sake  of  peace  and  justice,  to  make 
fair  concessions"  (Elihu  Root).  What  are  some  of  the  other 
difficulties  that  stand  in  the  way  of  international  justice?  How 
can  they  be  solved? 

The  Christian  Guide 

Under  one  interpretation  the  Christian  guide  of  the  Golden 
Rule  goes  beyond  strict  justice.  But  when  wishing  rightly  would 
any  one  wish  others  to  do  to  him  more  than  what  is  just? 
There  can  be  no  need  of  doing  to  others  more  than  what  would 
be  right  for  them  to  do  to  oneself.  Time  is  always  needed  for 
justice.  One  cannot  put  oneself  in  another's  place  without  some 
consideration.  Destruction,  passion,  and  impulsiveness  fre- 
quently interfere  with  just  action.  The  Psalmist  said:  "Mercy 
and  truth  have  met  each  other,  righteousness  and  peace  have 
kissed  each  other"  (Psa.  85:  10).  Is  it  always  true  that  righteous- 
ness results  in  peace?  Senator  Hoar  has  set  the  standard  of 
desire  in  his  now  famous  saying,  "May  I  never  prefer  my  coun- 
try's interests  to  my  country's  honor."  For  fear  that  that  honor 
might  be  lowered  he  would  go  perhaps  beyond  the  just  1 
generous  action.  Would  public  sentiment  in  the  United  States 

*See  William  Whewell,  The  Elements  of  Morality. 


508   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

support  "generous  action"  on  the  part  of  its  statesmen?    Would 
national  injustice  ever  be  condoned? 

Just  and  Unjust  Actions  and  Their  Result  Upon  National  Honor 

Single  instances  of  magnanimity,  for  which  any  nation  has  a 
right  to  be  proud,  stand  out  in  history — notably  the  reduction  by 
the  United  States  of  China's  indemnity  after  the  Boxer  trouble, 
its  educating  of  the  Philippines,  and  its  more  recent  action  in 
regard  to  the  Panama  tolls.  No  victory  at  arms  can  bring  about 
such  glory  to  England  as  that  great  act  of  justice  when  at  a 
cost  of  one  hundred  million  dollars  she  gave  freedom  to  eight 
hundred  thousand  slaves.  On  the  other  hand  in  the  eyes  of 
many,  a  cloud  has  been  cast  on  the  honor  of  the  United  States 
by  her  treatment  of  the  Japanese,  and  on  the  honor  of  England 
by  her  war  with  the  Boers.  While  the  world's  sympathy  may  go 
out  to  Belgium,  it  is  impossible  to  forget  or  to  ignore  the  cruelty 
and  inhumanity  that  characterized  her  treatment  of  her  subjects 
living  in  the  Congo  state.  The  fact  that  such  things  as  the  above 
are  noted  to  a  nation's  honor  or  to  her  shame  is  an  evidence  of  a 
growing  international  conscience. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  present  war,  each  nation  tried  to 
transfer  the  responsibility  for  its  inauguration  to  the  shoulders  of 
some  one  else.  Public  opinion  makes  it  harder  than  ever  before 
for  a  great  nation  to  ill-treat  a  little  one.  The  protest  that  goes 
forth  has  its  effect  to  the  detriment  of  the  wrongdoer.  Frederick 
Lynch  points  out  that  the  influence  the  United  States  has  had 
with  other  nations  has  been  due  to  her  justice  rather  than  her 
arms:  namely,  with  Japan  and  Russia  when  at  war;  with  China 
at  the  time  of  the  Boxer  disturbance,  and  with  the  Powers  at 
the  second  Hague  Conference.  "The  formation  of  the  Pan-Ameri- 
can Union  in  Washington  and  the  building  of  the  palace  by  Mr. 
Carnegie  which  is  its  home  gave  the  United  States  more  influence 
in  South  America  than  twenty  new  battleships  would  have  done." 
Will  God  permanently  prosper  any  nation  that  practices  injus- 
tice? Is  the  prosperity  of  an  unjust  nation  any  more  stable 
than  that  of  a  wicked  individual?  (See  Psa.  94:  3-10). 

A   Chance   to   All 

By  what  other  means  besides  the  raising  of  the  ideal  of  the 
nation  and  the  education  of  its  people  to  a  right  standard  can 
justice  and  peace  be  established?  Appreciation  of  the  contribu- 
tion of  each  nation  to  the  common  good — of  the  smaller  as  well 
as  the  larger — will  tend  to  this  end.  On  the  basis  of  what  is  fair, 
the  stronger  nation  will  let  the  weaker  one  have  a  chance.  Until 
this  is  done  it  is  impossible  to  tell  how  much  a  backward 
people  can  develop  and  what  their  contribution  might  be  to  the 
general  welfare.  In  the  interests  of  fair  play,  if  a  country  needs 
more  territory  she  will  purchase  it  rather  than  fight  for  it;  if 
she  needs  a  port  she  will  pay  for  it  rather  than  seize  it.  Nicholas 
Murray  Butler  emphasizes  the  need  of  what  he  terms  the  Inter- 
national Mind,  which  he  defines  as  a  habit  of  thinking  of  and 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OF  JUSTICE         609 

acting  in  foreign  relations  on  the  basis  that  the  civilized  nations 
of  the  world  are  friendly  and  cooperating  equals  "It  is"  he 
says,  "inconsistent  with  this  international  mind  to  attempt  to 
steal  some  other  nation's  territory,  as  it  would  be  inconsistent 
with  the  principle  of  ordinary  morality  to  attempt  to  steal  some 
other  individual's  purse.  Magnitude  does  not  justify  us  in 
dispensing  with  morals."  But  is  it  as  easy  for  a  nation  to  be 
honest  and  just  as  it  is  for  an  individual?  One  of  the  arguments 
put  forth  in  favor  of  war  is  that  it  has  often  been  the  means 
of  securing  justice  or  of  resisting  injustice.  The  futility  of  such 
reasoning  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  it  is  not  the  one  who  is 
right  who  wins,  but  the  one  who  is  strongest.  "If  justice 
wins  it  is  by  accident."*  Is  it  possible  for  one  nation  to  act 
justly  if  others  are  bent  upon  injustice? 

Approach  to  World  Federation 

The  Federation  of  States  is  the  most  direct  means  for  securing 
international  justice.  Federation,  in  this  connection  and  in  the 
fullest  sense,  signifies  a  juridical  union  between  independent 
states  for  settling  by  peaceful  and  rational  methods  all  questions 
of  mutual  interest.  It  goes  a  step  beyond  arbitration  and  toward 
international  unity  and  justice.  Arbitration  presupposes  arrange- 
ments that  involve  mutual  tolerance;  world  federation,  settle- 
ment by  judicial  decision.  By  the  establishment  of  a  World 
Court  or  Grand  Jury,  justice  would  be  administered  more  certainly 
than  by  special  commissions  of  arbitration.  Reference  would 
be  made  to  law  instead  of  to  force.  Lord  Salisbury  believed, 
with  many  others,  some  such  federal  union  to  be  the  only  way  to 
save  the  civilized  nations  of  the  world  from  the  disaster  of  war. 
Such  a  tribunal  would  be  composed  of  the  highest  judicial  ability 
to  be  found  in  the  states  sharing  in  the  federation.  Interna- 
tional law  would  be  enlarged  and  made  more  beneficial  to  all 
participants  in  such  a  federation,  and  by  this  very  means  the 
instances  requiring  judicial  settlement  would  diminish  in  number. 
The  fact  that  leading  statesmen  and  students  of  international  law 
have  even  considered  such  plans  augurs  well  for  their  develop- 
ment. How  can  public  opinion  in  favor  of  World  Federation  be 
stimulated?  What  can  be  done  to  further  it  in  our  own  nation? 

Existing  International   Federations 

The  interparliamentary  union  is  the  most  significant  approach 
to  federation  because  it  is  composed  of  parliamentarians  who  can 
view  problems  more  clearly  from  an  international  standpoint 
than  can  other  international  organizations  whose  members  are 
apt  to  have  a  limited  national  view.  This  union  was  organized 
in  1889,  though  it  had  been  proposed  as  far  back  as  1875;  it  has 
a  membership  numbering  more  than  three  thousand  and  repre- 
senting twenty-two  nations.  Ideals  of  peace  and  arbitration 

*On  this  point  see  Hiram  M.  Chittenden,  Brigadier  General  U.  8.  A.,  War  or 
Peace. 


510   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

first  brought  forward  only  by  peace  societies  are  now  considered 
by  this  group  of  statesmen.  It  also  urges  that  the  voice  of  the 
people  be  expressed  in  regard  to  international  relations. 

Rapid  Growth  of   International   Federation 

The  growth  of  international  federations  for  one  purpose  and 
another  has  been  remarkable  in  recent  years.  The  feeling  of 
unity  is  manifested  by  the  range  of  subjects  in  the  interest  of 
which  they  are  maintained:  including  the  sciences  and  arts,  com- 
merce and  trade,  education,  crime,  labor,  philanthropies,  and  reli- 
gion. The  government  organizations,  such  as  the  Postal  Union, 
the  Telegraph  Union,  the  Union  for  Transportation  of  Mer- 
chandise, etc.,  show  the  need  of  international  justice  in  regard 
to  weights,  measures,  etc.  Is  it  probable  that  these  practical 
necessities  will  finally  force  the  nations  to  arbitrate  their  political 
differences? 

Future   Possibilities   of   Federation 

What  are  the  possibilities  of  the  Federation  of  States  in  the 
future?  Citizens  of  a  state  can  do  much  to  develop  the  strength 
and  scope  of  international  law:  they  can  influence  those  in 
authority  to  see  that  it  controls  separate  nations  just  as  the 
municipal  law  of  a  community  controls  its  separate  citizens. 
It  would  be  useless  for  the  governments  to  provide  for  tribunals 
for  securing  international  justice  if  public  opinion  should  not 
support  such  action.  The  people  must  be  educated  on  these 
subjects  to  make  federation  possible.  A  remarkable  instance  of 
the  interest  in  "International  Brotherhood"  was  reported  by  the 
late  Samuel  B.  Capen  when  in  his  recent  visit  to  India  he  was 
requested  to  speak  on  this  topic  by  leading  Hindus  in  various 
places.  Recent  developments  signify  that  the  American  world 
stands  on  the  threshold  of  a  new  era.  A  leading  representative 
of  South  America  urges  an  "All  American  Peace  Understanding" 
and  a  conclave  of  the  American  world  proclaiming  a  new  Gospel 
of  Peace,  of  "All  for  all  and  each  for  the  other."  Can  there  be 
a  true  gospel  of  peace  that  does  not  recognize  the  Christian 
principles  of  brotherhood  and  of  justice?  Are  the  American 
nations  sufficiently  Christian  to  make  it  possible  at  present  to 
enter  into  such  a  "Peace  Understanding"  as  the  one  proposed? 

Evolving   a    System   of   Justice 

Theodore  Marburg  says:  "The  work  of  evolving  between 
nations  a  system  of  justice  such  as  obtains  within  the  nations  is 
still  before  us.  We  have  still  to  lay  down  the  principle  that  a 
wrong  by  one  state  against  another  is  a  matter  with  which  the 
society  of  nations  must  concern  itself;  that  the  International 
Commission  of  Inquiry,  like  the  grand  jury  in  English  Municipal 
law,  must  not  stop  with  the  inquiry  but  must  evolve  eventually 
a  body  which  shall  exist  for  the  purpose  of  passing  upon  inter- 
national wrong-doing,  and  must  present  the  culprit  for  trial  by 
a  permanently  constituted  tribunal;  that,  in  other  words,  the 


WORLD  FEDERATION— MEANS  OF  JUSTICE         511 

society  of  nations,  and  not  the  individual  nation,  will  set  right 
an  international  wrong.  Under  such  a  system  occasional  mis- 
carriage of  justice  may  be  expected  exactly  as  in  municipal  law, 
but  how  insignificant  will  this  be  when  compared  with  the  whole- 
sale injustice,  private  and  public,  which  flows  from  war.  So,  too, 
must  we  expect  an  occasional  war  on  a  mighty  scale  when  num- 
bers of  states  shall  be  divided  on  a  question,  just  as  we  have 
civil  war  to-day  within  the  state;  but  such  catastrophes  should 
be  increasingly  rare."  What  reasons  are  there  to  hope  that  even 
this  possibility  might  finally  disappear?  Some  leaders  advocate 
a  voluntary  association,  an  organization  of  free  choice  irrespec- 
tive of  accidents  of  birth,  color,  or  residence.  The  Association 
State  is  to  be  a  federation  of  those  who  voluntarily  combine  for 
mutual  interests.* 

Evolution    from   Strife   to   Order 

Progressive  thought  gives  a  new  conception  of  the  state — not 
as  a  "power"  but  as  a  center  of  jurisdiction,  in  which  emphasis 
will  be  placed  not  on  the  possibilities  of  enlarging  its  boundaries 
but  on  its  function  to  maintain  justice,  peace,  and  prosperity 
within  its  borders.  The  history  of  civilization  proves  that  strife 
has  decreased,  and  order  has  become  more  and  more  established 
through  the  years.  The  Peace  Movement  stands  for  the  substitu- 
tion of  law  for  war,  for  the  development  of  order  instead  of  strife. 
"It  is  all  a  question  of  evolution  and  the  time  of  day.  It  is  grow- 
ing late  to  take  the  hell  way  to  heaven.  To-day  is  to-day,  and  we 
are  living  in  to-day.  War  was  yesterday's  way.  There's  a  new 
preposition  creeping  into  the  language,  or  rather,  an  old  prepo- 
sition creating  new  prefixes — the  preposition  'inter.'  It  is  com- 
ing into  the  language  because  its  significance  is  coming  into 
consciousness  as  never  before — intercourse,  intercommunication, 
interdependence,  interstate,  international,  interracial  even.  These 
words  and  conceptions  are  growing  familiar,  and  together  they 
mean — World  Peace  is  coming"  (William  C.  Gannette).  Is  the 
progress  of  World  Federation  an  evidence  of  the  development 
of  the  Kingdom  of  God?  After  the  Kingdom  of  God  has  been 
established  will  there  be  such  a  thing  as  World  Federation  as  a 
means  of  international  justice?  What  is  meant  by  the  Scripture 
passage  "the  Kingdom  of  God  is  righteousness  and  peace  and  joy 
and  holiness  of  spirit"?  (Romans  14:  17). 

The   Permanency   of   Righteousness 

Christianity  teaches  that  there  is  a  permanency  which  belongs 
to  righteous  conduct  which  is  greater  than  that  of  wickedness. 
Destruction  is  sure  to  come  to  those  who  disobey  the  laws  of 
God.  "When  the  wicked  spring  as  the  grass,  And  who-  all  the 
workers  of  iniquity  do  flourish;  it  is  that  they  shall  be  destroyed 
for  ever;  But  thou,  O  Jehovah,  art  on  high  for  evermore.  For, 
lo,  thine  enemies,  O  Jehovah,  for,  lo,  thine  enemies  shall  perish; 

*  See  T.  Baty,  International  Law. 


512   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

all  the  workers  of  Iniquity  shall  be  scattered.  But  my  horn  hast 
thou  exalted  like  the  horn  of  the  wild-ox:  I  am  anointed  with 
fresh  oil.  Mine  eye  also  hath  seen  my  desire  on  mine  enemies, 
mine  ears  have  heard  my  desire  of  the  evil  doers  that  rise  up 
against  me.  The  righteous  shall  flourish  like  the  palm  tree; 
He  shall  grow  like  a  cedar  in  Lebanon.  They  are  planted  in  the 
house  of  Jehovah;  they  shall  flourish  in  the  courts  of  our  God. 
They  shall  still  bring  forth  in  old  age;  they  shall  be  full  of 
sap  and  green:  to  show  that  Jehovah  is  upright;  He  is  my  rock, 
and  there  is  no  unrighteousness  in  him"  (Psa.  92:  7-15).  What 
aspects  of  society  would  become  more  permanent  if  there  were 
formed  a  World  Federation  in  the  interest  of  justice  as  opposed 
to  force? 


LESSON  X 

THE   PEACE   MOVEMENT   AND   OTHER   PEACE   AGENCIES 
Study  Mark  4:  26-32 

Educating   Public   Opinion 

The  power  of  public  opinion,  issuing  in  the  common  will  and 
social  custom,  will  be  emphasized  in  a  later  lesson.  Before  taking 
up  that  subject  there  should  be  considered  the  education  of  public 
opinion  that  it  may  will  and  act  in  ways  that  are  right.  How 
is  it  possible  to  get  a  clearer  understanding  of  affairs  as  they 
now  are,  that  opinion  may  be  formed  on  the  basis  of  intelligence 
and  of  keen  moral  sense?  Pour  things  are  necessary  to  reach 
this  end:  first,  to  foster  respect  for  those  exalted  human  senti- 
ments which  are  found  in  the  Declaration  of  1776;  second,  to 
develop  a  just  appreciation  of  international  rights  and  duties; 
third,  to  spread  a  knowledge  of  the  principles  and  rules  of  inter- 
national law;  fourth,  to  cultivate  the  true  Christian  spirit  of 
interracial  brotherliness.  The  four  great  channels  for  doing 
these  things  are  the  pulpits,  the  university  courses,  the  news- 
papers and  magazines,  and  the  study  classes.  The  opportunities 
are  many  to-day  for  a  more  rational  understanding  of  peace  and 
war  through  the  several  organizations  that  are  putting  forth 
effort  to  this  end.  "When  the  people  want  peace,  they  will  have 
peace;  when  they  want  war,  they  will  have  war,  and  they  are 
likely  to  want  that  of  which  most  is  sung  and  written  and 
spoken.  The  more  we  talk  about  peace  the  less  our  chance  of 
war"  (Rear- Admiral  C.  F.  Goodrich). 

Education  of  Youth 

The  greatest  asset  for  the  future  is  in  the  education  of  youth 
on  this  matter.  If  a  standard  different  from  the  present  one 
should  be  raised  in  schools  and  colleges  the  next  generation 
would  not  see  war.  The  idea  of,  and  the  ideal  for  soldierly 
characteristics  have  been  emphasized  in  song  and  exercise;  the 
events  of  war  have  been  studied  and  the  glories  of  victory  made 
vivid;  speakers  have  addressed  schools  on  war  reminiscences, 
but  who  has  shown  the  values  of  peace?  Would  a  discussion  or 
debate  on  the  following  question  have  a  moral  value  for  high 
school  students:  "Have  the  wars  of  recent  centuries  been  neces- 
sary or  useful  to  mankind?"  Heroism  and  the  glory  of  self- 
sacrifice  for  a  worthy  cause  need  to  be  inbred  into  the  fiber  of 
youth,  but  there  is  a  heroism  unstained  by  blood  or  by  the 
suppression  of  the  weak  by  the  strong,  that  has  been  largely 
passed  by  in  schools  and  school-books.  What  is  necessary  before 
the  right  interpretations  of  history  can  be  introduced  into  our 

613 


514   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

schools?  What  has  public  opinion  to  do  with  the  matter?  Does 
a  voter  meet  his  full  responsibility  simply  by  voting  for  members 
of  the  School  Board? 

Heroes   of  Peace 

Milton  was  right  when  he  said:  "Peace  hath  her  victories 
no  less  renowned  than  war."  Would  you  give  your  boy 
the  most  inspiring  hero  stories  of  to-day?  Tell  him  the 
stories  of  Craig  and  Ross,  who  gave  up  their  lives  in  Cuba 
that  the  ghastly  yellow  fever  might  be  disarmed.  Tell  him  of 
that  young  rector  in  New  Orleans  who,  when  the  storm  had 
again  overflowed  the  cisterns  and  filled  the  streets  with  water, 
giving  new  life  to  the  insidious  mosquito,  rallied  his  forces  again 
under  the  motto,  "Wear  a  flower  in  your  buttonhole  and  a  smile 
on  your  face  and  go  to  work  again."  Tell  him  of  Billy  Rugh 
of  Gary,  the  poor  crippled  newsboy  who  gave  the  skin  from  his 
own  limb  to  save  the  life  of  a  young  woman  whom  he  had  never 
known,  the  sweetheart  of  another.  The  sweetheart  lived  but  the 
boy  died.  "Greater  love  hath  no  man  than  this,  that  he  lay 
down  his  life  for  his  friends."  Tell  your  boy  of  the  wireless 
operator  in  midocean  who  flashes  into  space  his  C.  Q.  D.  while 
the  ship  is  sinking.  Tell  him  of  the  "hello  girl"  at  the  switch- 
board in  the  upper  story  who  sends  the  message  that  outspeeds 
Paul  Revere — "The  dam  is  broken,  flee  for  your  lives" — while 
the  devastating  current  is  sweeping  beneath  her  own  feet.  Tell 
your  boy  the  story  of  Captain  Scott,  writing  away  with  his 
frozen  hand  on  the  record  of  the  brave  triumph  that  overcame 
the  dismal  solitudes  of  the  South  Pole — writing  and  writing  to 
his  death.  Tell  your  boy  of  that  brave  comrade  of  Commander 
Scott  who  said,  "I  am  going  to  take  a  little  walk,"  as  he  passed 
out  of  the  tent,  knowing  he  would  never  return,  that  the  scanty 
supply  might  go  the  farther  in  sustaining  the  remnant  of  that 
brave  band  in  the  Antarctic  desolation"  (Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones). 

Constructive   Workers 

Besides  these  special  instances  of  heroism  young  people  should 
be  made  familiar  with  continued  work  done  for  the  world's  better- 
ment and  with  lives  of  patient  devotion  to  a  great  cause.  There 
is  the  work  of  peaceful  explorers  of  whom  Livingstone  will  serve 
as  a  great  example;  the  work  of  industrial  pioneers,  in  railway- 
making,  cable-laying,  the  construction  and  care  of  light-houses 
and  the  patroling  of  the  coast,  the  labor  of  mining,  forestry,  etc.; 
the  work  of  great-hearted  missionaries  who  besides  giving  them- 
selves to  religious  teaching  have  helped  forward  civilization  and 
peace;  the  work  of  women  in  social  service,  such  as  Elizabeth 
Fry,  Harriet  Beecher  Stowe,  Baroness  Von  Suttner,  Jane  Addams, 
and  many  others;  the  work  of  scientific  discoverers  such  as 
Galileo,  Newton,  Edison,  Burbank,  Lister,  Pasteur,  Rontgen,  and 
Ross.  It  is  difficult  to  single  out  the  few  from  the  many  of  the 
world's  peace  heroes  and  benefactors.  Do  you  know,  personally, 
of  such  examples  of  heroic  "constructive  workers"?  To  whom 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  515 

do  the  people  of  your  community  look  up  with  greatest  annreoia. 
tion  and  highest  regard?  Who  are  the  local heroes?  Does  your 
community  appreciate  its  real  heroes? 

Friendship   of  Nations 

In  both  the  day  school  and  the  Sunday  school  there  should  be 
cultivated  interracial  good  feeling.  Boys  and  girls  should  be 
trained  to  a  right  appreciation  of  "the  stranger  within  our  gates  " 
to  note  those  qualities  of  the  Jew,  the  Russian,  the  Italian,  or  the 
Japanese  that  are  superior  to  those  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  A  com- 
mandment excellent  for  the  public  school  and  the  religious  school 
is  that  old  one  given  originally  to  the  Jewish  people-  "If  a 
stranger  sojourn  with  thee  in  thy  land  thou  shalt  not  do  him 
wrong."  Instead  of  teaching  children  to  dislike  the  English 
people,  for  instance,  they  should  be  taught  that  Americans  could 
not  be  what  they  are,  but  for  their  English  heritage,  and  that  of 
all  people  they  are  nearest  to  ourselves  in  kinship,  language, 
and  customs.  What  would  you  say  of  a  person  who  gives  money 
to  support  "foreign"  missionaries,  but  who  would  not,  under  any 
circumstances,  undertake  to  teach  a  Chinese  living  nearby  the 
English  language  or  to  teach  a  mother  in  a  local  Italian  home 
how  better  to  take  care  of  her  children? 

History   from  a  New  Viewpoint 

What  would  be  the  effect  if  in  the  teaching  of  history,  text- 
books should  show  war  as  a  calamity,  as  destructive  in  its  out- 
come, and  should  record  and  emphasize  the  great  arbitrations  as 
well  as  the  great  battles,  the  successful  peace-makers  as  well  as 
the  successful  warriors?  A  change  is  already  apparent,  in  that 
less  space  and  time  than  in  earlier  days  is  now  devoted  by  books 
and  teachers  to  the  study  of  the  periods  of  war  and  more  to  the 
general  progress  of  a  nation.  But  a  different  point  of  view  is 
needed  in  the  presentation  and  the  study  of  history.  How  is  it 
possible  for  teachers,  preachers  and  parents  to  bring  about  this 
change?  How  does  a  genuine  Christian  faith  help  one  to  under- 
stand the  story  of  advancing  civilization? 

American   School   Peace   League 

*There  are  forces  quietly  at  work  for  creating  a  new  standard 
in  regard  to  war  and  peace.  Instead  of  thinking,  Blessed  is  the 
victorious  Conqueror,  public  opinion  will  join  in  saying  "Blessed 
are  the  peacemakers."  "The  American  School  Peace  League" 
was  organized  some  years  ago  and  has  been  carried  on  largely 
through  the  ability  of  one  woman  and  the  generosity  of  another, 
for  the  purpose  of  the  instruction  and  the  cooperation  of  the 
growing  generation  in  the  cause  of  peace.  The  National  Educa- 
tion Association  has  indorsed  the  principles  and  efforts  of  this 
organization,  by  appointing  a  special  committee  to  cooperate 
with  it. 

*  It  is  suggested  that  in  the  study  of  the  following  organizations  for  the  promotion 
of  peace,  different  members  of  a  class  obtain  and  contribute  information  regarding 
these  movements. 


516   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Intercollegiate  Peace  Association 

Still  more  important  as  far  as  direct  action  and  study  of  the 
subject  are  concerned  is  the  work  done  in  the  colleges  and  uni 
versities.  The  Intercollegiate  Peace  Association  includes  colleges 
in  sixteen  states  of  this  country:  it  seeks  to  promote  organized 
activities  among  students  and  educators  in  support  of  inter- 
national arbitration  and  the  peace  movement.  A  memorial  from 
this  association  was  offered  at  the  second  Hague  Conference 
representing  twenty-two  thousand  students  and  sixteen  thousand 
teachers.  While  individual  students  in  large  numbers  will  not 
trouble  themselves  with  more  than  a  surface  investigation  of  the 
subject  involved,  the  great  gain  through  such  means  as  this  is 
in  the  enlistment  of  intelligent  sympathy. 

The  Christian  Students'   Federation 

In  the  Federation  of  Christian  Students  there  is  a  great  inter- 
national force.  Its  leader  and  general  secretary,  John  R.  Mott, 
has  been  in  forty-four  countries  during  twenty-five  years  of 
service,  and  its  members  are  led  to  a  definite  realization  of  the 
brotherhood  of  man  through  the  breadth  of  the  Federation  and 
its  meaning.  The  international  conventions,  conferences,  and 
committees,  all  working  in  the  interest  of  the  advancement  of 
the  Kingdom  of  God,  have  resulted  in  the  forming  of  close  per- 
sonal ties  among  Christian  leaders  in  all  of  the  leading  nations. 
The  movement  has  been  characterized  by  mutual  appreciation 
and  high  personal  regard  among  these  leaders.  Thus  strong 
men  of  many  different  nations  have  learned  to  respect  and  trust 
and  pray  for  each  other. 

The    Cosmopolitan  Clubs 

The  Cosmopolitan  Club  is  a  movement  among  the  students  of 
the  United  States  who  are  particularly  interested  in  inter- 
racial affairs.  It  unites  in  a  league  of  brotherhood  students  of 
every  race,  color,  and  creed  and  assumes  all  races  and  peoples 
to  be  on  a  footing  of  equality.  It  had  its  origin  in  the  fact  that 
of  recent  years  thousands  of  Orientals,  Latin-Americans,  and 
Europeans  have  entered  the  schools  of  learning  of  this  country. 
It  is  reported  that  in  ten  years  the  number  of  foreign  students  in 
the  University  of  Wisconsin  increased  from  seven  to  one  hundred 
and  seven.  Such  an  increase  is  typical  of  every  large  American 
University.  A  National  Association  of  Cosmopolitan  Clubs  was 
founded  in  1907;  it  has  a  membership  of  over  two  thousand, 
representing  sixty  different  countries;  two  years  later  an  affilia- 
tion was  made  with  the  Corda  Fratres,  an  international  federa- 
tion of  students,  so  that  a  large  door  is  open  for  interracial 
cooperation  among  the  student  bodies  of  the  world.  The  motto 
of  this  association  is:  "Above  all  Nations  is  Humanity."  Its 
purpose:  "To  bring  together  college  young  men  from  different 
countries,  to  aid  and  direct  foreign  students  coming  to  the 
United  States,  to  cultivate  the  arts  of  peace  and  to  establish 
strong  international  friendships." 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  517 

The  Growth  of  the  Seed 

The  familiar  parable  of  the  grain  of  mustard  seed,  to  the 
development  of  which  the  Kingdom  of  God  is  likened,  is  a  good 
illustration  of  the  growth  of  the  peace  movement  as  a  part  of 
that  kingdom.  Jesus  said,  as  recorded  in  Mark  4-  26-32  and 
translated  by  Weymouth,  "The  Kingdom  of  God  is  as  if  a  man 
scattered  seed  over  the  ground:  he  spends  days  and  nights  now 
awake,  now  asleep,  while  the  seed  sprouds  and  grows  tall,  he 
knows  not  how.  Of  itself  the  land  produces  the  crop — first' the 
blade,  then  the  ear;  afterwards  the  perfect  grain  is  seen  in  the 
ear.  But  no  sooner  is  the  crop  ripe,  then  he  sends  the  reapers, 
because  the  time  of  harvest  has  come."  Another  saying  of  His 
was  this:  "What  is  the  Kingdom  of  God  like?  and  to  what  shall 
I  compare  it?  It  is  like  a  mustard-seed  which  a  man  drops  into 
the  soil  in  his  garden,  and  it  grows  and  becomes  a  tree  in  whose 
branches  the  birds  roost"  (Luke  13:  18,  19). 

The  Development  of  the  Peace  Movement 

When  was  the  seed  of  peace  planted?  For  long  years  it  was 
buried.  *The  first  unfolding  of  the  idea  of  international  peace 
in  any  full  sense  is  to  be  noted  in  the  seventeenth  century.  Four 
events  occurring  at  that  time  in  four  different  countries,  and  as 
the  work  of  four  eminent  men,  have  been  called  "the  cornerstones 
of  the  structure  of  modern  peace  work."  The  first  of  these  was 
the  Great  Design  of  Henry  IV  of  France  for  the  federation  and 
peace  of  Christian  Europe.  The  second  was  the  famous  book 
of  Hugo  Grotius,  "On  the  Rights  of  War  and  Peace,"  in  which 
he  pleaded  for  arbitration  and  his  arguments  made  a  deep  im- 
pression upon  Europe.  The  third  great  work  for  peace  was  that 
of  George  Fox  who  instituted  the  Society  of  Friends,  which  to 
this  day  has  held  a  high  ideal  of  universal  peace  before  the  world. 
William  Penn's  "Holy  Experiment  in  Government  on  Peace 
Principles"  was  the  fourth  of  these  events;  this  practical  experi- 
ment lasted  more  than  fifty  years  and  continues  to  have  its  moral 
influence.  The  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  gave  the  world 
Kant's  great  treatise  on  "Perpetual  Peace";  in  this  "was  uttered 
for  the  first  time  the  idea  of  a  federation  of  the  world  in  an  inter- 
national state  built  upon  republican  principles."  The  movement 
for  the  abolition  of  war  and  that  for  human  liberty  went  hand 
in  hand  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  names 
of  the  idealists  and  practical  workers  for  peace  of  that  time  are 
many.  The  first  International  Peace  Congress,  initiated  by  the 
American  Peace  Society,  was  held  in  London  in  1843  with  some 
three  hundred  persons  in  attendance;  five  years  later  a  second 
was  held  in  Brussels,  and  the  following  year  a  third  in  Paris 
with  two  thousand  delegates  attending.  In  this  pioneer  work 
Elihu  Burritt,  "the  learned  blacksmith,"  was  a  recognized  leader. 
The  first  resolution  in  favor  of  the  principle  of  arbitration  passed 


*  For  an  interesting  historical  outline  of  the  Peace  Movement  see  extracts  from 
Benjamin  Trueblood. 


518   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

by  any  government  was  that  by  the  House  of  Commons  in  1873 
through  the  efforts  of  Henry  Richard,  who  for  forty  years  was 
secretary  of  the  London  Peace  Society  and  for  twenty  years  a 
member  of  Parliament. 

Peace    Movement   in   the   United   States 

From  the  planting  of  the  seed  in  this  country  by  a  small  group 
of  pioneer  workers  in  the  early  part  of  the  last  century,  the 
work  of  the  peace  movement  has  gone  steadily  forward  until  in 
recent  years  it  has  spread  its  branches  far  and  wide.  The 
American  Peace  Society,  founded  by  William  Ladd  in  1815,  from 
its  headquarters  in  Washington  seeks  to  influence  legislation 
in  favor  of  arbitration  and  international  good  will;  it  organizes 
the  American  Peace  Congresses,  carries  on  a  lecture  bureau  and 
library,  and  issues  a  paper,  "The  Advocate  of  Peace,"  as  well  as 
a  large  amount  of  other  literature.  It  cooperates  with  the  Inter- 
national Peace  Bureau  at  Berne,  the  Associations  for  Interna- 
tional Conciliation,  the  World's  Peace  Foundation,  and  the 
Carnegie  Endowment  for  International  Peace.  The  World  Peace 
Foundation  developed  from  the  late  Edwin  Ginn's  idea  of  an 
"International  School  of  Peace"  and  is  supported  by  his  gener- 
osity. He  was  the  first  man  to  give  a  large  amount  of  money  to 
the  propagating  of  peace;  his  gift  made  provision  for  $50,000 
a  year  and  an  ultimate  endowment  of  $1,000,000  for  the  Founda- 
tion. Its  special  purpose  is  educational;  it  has  a  department 
for  work  in  colleges  and  universities;  it  aids  the  School  Peace 
League  and  cooperates  with  the  students'  organizations.  The 
Foundation  publishes  "The  International  Library,"  which  in- 
cludes some  of  the  most  important  writings  on  peace,  and  it 
supplies  much  printed  material  for  use  in  the  study  of  the  sub- 
ject. Soon  after  Mr.  Ginn's  endowment  a  gift  of  $10,000,000  was 
made  by  Andrew  Carnegie  to  establish  the  Carnegie  endowment 
for  International  Peace.  With  headquarters  in  Washington  and 
under  the  leadership  and  control  of  able  statesmen  and  business 
men,  it  devotes  itself  largely  to  investigations  through  commis- 
sions on  international  law,  the  causes  of  war,  etc. 

The   Federal    Council   of   the   Churches   of   Christ   in   America 

The  common  conscience  and  message  of  thirty  "Protestant  de- 
nominations on  the  subject  of  interracial  brotherliness  is  being 
voiced  through  the  work  of  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches 
of  Christ  in  America.  This  work  is  being  carried  on  by  three 
significant  commissions  called  the  Commission  on  Peace  and 
Arbitration,  with  Rev.  Charles  S.  Macfarland,  Secretary,  and  Rev. 
Sidney  L.  Gulick,  Associate  Secretary;  Commission  on  Relations 
with  Japan,  with  Rev.  Sidney  L.  Gulick  as  special  representative; 
and  the  Commission  on  Christian  Education,  with  Rev.  Henry  H. 
Meyer  as  Secretary.  The  first  of  these  commissions  has  been 
active  in  urging  the  observance  of  Peace  Sunday,  in  cooperating 
with  various  relief  agencies  and  in  creating  the  World  Alliance 
of  the  Churches  for  Promoting  International  Friendship.  The 


PEACE  MOVEMENT  AND  OTHER  PEACE  AGENCIES  519 

second  conducted  a  careful  investigation  of  the  Japanese  situation 
Professor  Shailer  Mathews  and  Rev.  Gulick  were  sent  as  its  spe- 
cial ambassadors  to  Japan,  to  convey  the  good  will  of  the  Ameri- 
can churches.  The  third,  through  its  special  committee  on  Peace 
Instruction,  has  issued  a  course  of  lessons  on  International  Peace, 
a  Study  in  Christian  Fraternity,  which  has  been  widely  used.  The 
Federal  Council,  through  its  commissions,  is  cooperating  with  the 
Church  Peace  Union  and  other  agencies,  to  the  end  that  its  con- 
stituency of  17,000,000  members  may  become  increasingly  effective 
in  opposing  war  and  that  the  American  nations  may  point  the  way 
to  worldwide  tranquillity  among  the  nations. 

The   Church   Peace   Union 

In  February,  1914,  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  transferred  to  a  board 
of  twenty-nine  trustees,  representative  of  several  denominations, 
both  Protestant  and  Roman  Catholic,  the  munificent  sum  of  two 
million  dollars.  The  foundation  thus  created  is  known  as  the 
Church  Peace  Union.  Thus  there  was  established  a  union  of  the 
churches,  devoted  to  the  abolition  of  war.  In  addressing  the  trus- 
tees Mr.  Carnegie  said:  "I  entrust  this  great  mission  to  you,  be- 
lieving that  the  voice  which  goes  forth  from  the  united  churches 
of  the  world  against  war  and  in  favor  of  peace  is  to  prove  the 
most  powerful  voice  of  all."  The  officers  elected  were:  President, 
Rt.  Rev.  David  H.  Greer,  D.D.;  vice-president,  Rev.  William  Pier- 
son  Merrill,  D.D. ;  secretary,  Rev.  Frederick  Lynch,  D.D.;  and 
treasurer,  George  A.  Plimpton,  Esq. 

The   Peace   Movement   and   the   Kingdom   of   God 

The  Kingdom  of  God  is  like  a  planted  seed.  It  grows  gradually 
and  thus,  finally,  it  comes  to  maturity.  The  history  of  the  peace 
movement  shows  that  the  seed  has  already  been  planted  and  that 
its  branches  are  spreading  around  the  world.  It  is  not  merely 
like  the  Kingdom  of  God.  It  is  a  vital  part  of  that  Kingdom. 
Until  wars  shall  have  come  to  an  end,  the  reign  of  righteousness, 
peace,  and  joy  cannot  be  ushered  in.  The  spirit  of  love,  of  mutual 
confidence,  and  kindly  regard  must  gradually  win  its  way  over 
that  of  hatred,  mutual  distrust,  and  the  harsh  use  of  force.  To 
work  for  the  ultimate  triumph  of  peace  is  to  work  for  the  King- 
dom of  God,  for  it  is  one  of  the  aspects  of  that  kingdom — one  of 
the  forms  under  which  it  will  appear.  God  is  in  this  movement. 
His  unfolding  purpose  is  becoming  more  and  more  manifest.  It 
is  on  earth  and  among  men  that  this  kingdom  is  to  be  established. 
How  is  it  that  the  religious  motive  helps  one  to  become  an  advo- 
cate of  lasting  peace?  Why  is  it  necessary  to  have  a  religious 
motive  back  of  the  peace  movement?  How  may  it  be  known  that 
God  is  interested  in  the  ultimate  establishment  of  peace  among 
the  nations?  Do  you  know  of  any  instances  where  the  advocates 
of  peace  have  been  treated  as  though  they  were  visionary  and 
impracticable?  Were  the  apostles  so  treated?  In  what  ways  is 
Christianity  now  helping  on  the  whole  peace  movement? 


LESSON  XI 

THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY:  THE  SPIRIT  OF 
CHRIST  PERMEATING  THE  NATIONS 

Study  Matt.  25:  31-46 

Contrast*  in  the  Socializing  of  Christianity 

Sir  Charles  Warren,  Governor  of  Natal,  after  studying,  at  close 
range,  the  spirit  of  hostility  that  had  become  intense  among  the 
people  over  whom  he  ruled,  said:  "For  the  preservation  of  peace 
between  colonists  and  natives  one  missionary  is  worthy  a  bat- 
talion of  soldiers."  Some  of  the  people  living  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  Hull  House  Settlement,  Chicago,  of  which  Jane 
Addams  is  the  head,  were  once  overheard  saying:  "We  will  have 
Saint  Jane's  Christ,  but  not  the  Christ  of  the  Christians."  Two 
very  important  facts  are  here  brought  out,  namely,  the  Spirit 
of  Christ,  when  expressed  sincerely,  in  the  conduct  of  His  fol- 
lowers, strengthens  the  social  bonds  between  those  followers  and 
their  neighbors.  But  no  amount  of  mere  profession  to  be  His 
disciples  can  take  the  place  of  genuine  Christian  conduct.  Hypoc- 
risy destroys  the  social  bonds. 

The   Essence  of  the  Social   Movement 

Are  the  teachings  of  Christ  practicable  or  impracticable? 
If  the  latter,  why  do  we  call  Him  a  great  teacher?  The  social 
movement  is  the  greatest  movement  of  the  last  twenty  years.  It 
is  a  practical  expression  of  the  life  of  love,  a  life  lived  for  others 
as  well  as  for  self,  and  this  is  the  keynote  of  Jesus  Christ's  teach- 
ings. All  the  law  was  summed  up  in  "Thou  shalt  love" — God 
and  thy  fellow-man.  This  attitude,  or  life  of  love,  has  been  and 
is  now  expressed  by  individuals;  it  is  being  expressed  by 
groups  in  community  life.  It  is  because  so  many  people  are 
living  the  Christian  life  sincerely,  and  because  they  are  beginning 
to  cooperate  in  their  service  of  good  will,  that  there  has  come  to 
be  a  social  service  movement.  But  this  number  of  individuals  is 
not  yet  great  enough.  The  true  Christ  spirit  has  yet  to  be 
expressed  by  nations  in  a  definite  and  connected  way.  This 
means  simply  that  either  there  are  not  enough  individuals  who 
really  believe  in  the  Christian  way  of  doing  things  or  else  that 
such  individuals  lack  sufficient  cooperation  for  this  life  of  love 
to  be  applied  on  a  national  scale.  The  rapidly  multiplying 
number  of  Christians  who  are  true  has  affected  civilization  in 
many  directions.  The  day  will  come  when  the  Christlike  spirit 
will  have  dominated  the  conduct  of  a  majority  of  the  individuals 
in  so  many  nations  that  wars  supported  by  unchristian  motives 
will  have  become  impossible.  Why  is  it  reasonable  to  suppose 

520 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  521 

that  national  conduct  can  be  as  truly  Christian  as  individual 
conduct?  If  the  Spirit  of  Christ  strengthens  the  social  bonds 
between  individuals,  why  not  between  nations?  What  is  national 
hypocrisy?  Give  modern  illustrations  of  so-called  Christian 
nations  the  "conduct"  of  which  has  been  unchristian. 

Social   Custom   More   Than  Law 

"The  Church  of  Christ  cannot  make  laws  but  it  can  make 
customs."  Walter  Rauschenbusch  brings  to  mind  the  old  saying 
"quid  leges  sine  moribusf" — Of  what  avail  are  laws  without  cus- 
toms? "Our  two  words,  'morals'  and  'ethics,'  the  one  from  the 
Latin  and  the  other  from  the  Greek,  both  mean  that  which  is 
customary.  The  law  is  a  moral  agency;  ...  it  furnishes  the 
stiff  skeleton  of  public  morality  which  supports  the  finer  tissues, 
but  these  tissues  must  be  deposited  by  other  forces."  The  spirit 
of  Christ  permeating  through  social  customs  will  form  the  finer 
tissues  preventing  war.  The  moral  impulse  of  the  common  will 
of  organized  society  is  the  force  that  is  greater  than  international 
law,  though  law  may  be  the  transmitter  of  that  common  will. 
On  the  one  hand,  there  is  the  tribunal  of  law,  on  the  other,  the 
tribunal  of  the  individual  conscience.  In  between  these  is  an 
influence  that  is  greater  than  either  for  which  the  English 
language  has  no  one  word,  but  which  the  Germans  express  in 
"Sittlichkeit,"  implying  custom  and  a  habit  of  mind  and  action. 
It  has  reference  to  "those  principles  of  conduct  which  regulate 
people  in  their  relations  to  each  other,  and  which  have  become 
matter  of  habit  and  second  nature  at  the  stage  of  culture  reached, 
and  of  which,  therefore,  we  are  not  explicitly  conscious."  If  a 
custom  that  is  contrary  to  a  civic  law  becomes  permanently  estab- 
lished, what  will  ultimately  become  of  the  law?  How  would  an 
international  custom  affect  an  international  law  that  should  stand 
opposed  to  it? 

Social  Conscience  Illustrated 

A  careful  student  of  "social  conscience"  has  said  that  a  man 
may  be  impelled  to  action  of  a  higher  order  by  his  sense  of  unity 
with  the  society  to  which  he  belongs,  action  of  which,  from  the 
civic  standpoint,  all  approve.     What  he  does  in  such  a  case  is 
natural  to  him,  and  is  done  without  thought  of  reward  or  punish- 
ment; but  it  has  reference  to  standards  of  conduct  set  up  not  by 
himself  but  by  society  and  accepted  by  him  just  because  society 
has  set  them  up.     This  principle  is  illustrated  by  a  characte 
described  in  a  poem  by  Sir  Alfred  Lyall.     An  Englishman  has 
been  taken  prisoner  by  Mahometan  rebels  in  the  Indian  Mutiny. 
He  is  face  to  face  with  a  cruel  death.    They  offer  him  his 
if  he  will  repeat  something  from  the  Koran.    If  he  complies,  n 
one  is  likely  ever  to  hear  of  it,  and  he  will  be  free  to  return 
to  England  and  to  the  woman  he  loves.    Moreover,  and  here 
the  real  point,  he  is  not  a  believer  in  Christianity,  so  that  it  is 
no  question  of  denying  one  whom  be  considers  to  be  his  Saviour. 
What  ought  he  to  do?    Deliverance  is  easy,  and  relief  ana  aa- 


522   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

vantage  would  be  unspeakably  great.  But  he  does  not  yield: 
Even  when  he  hears  his  fellow-prisoner,  a  half-caste,  pattering 
eagerly  the  words  demanded,  he  remains  true  to  the  religious 
ideals  of  his  nation.  As  an  individual,  he  is  held  by  the  influence 
of  the  society  of  which  he  is  a  part.  Picture  the  situation  where 
the  majority  of  the  members  of  a  certain  society  are  opposed  to 
war,  but  where  certain  scattered  individuals  are  in  favor  of 
armed  hostility.  Will  there  always  be  such  individuals,  who 
will  be  compelled  to  yield  to  the  social  will? 

The   Common    Welfare 

Three  great  forces  in  society  are  moving  to  this  end.*  Business 
Interests,  laborers,  and  woman.  Merchants  are  generally  opposed 
to  war.  Mr.  Carnegie  has  said  that  if  any  controversy  arose 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  it  could  be  intrusted 
to  the  merchants  of  London  and  New  York,  who  would  settle  it 
peacefully  and  with  honor  to  both  nations.  The  labor  party  and 
labor  unions  have  continually  declared  in  favor  of  peace.  Keir 
Hardie,  the  leader  of  that  party  in  the  English  Parliament,  stated 
some  time  ago  that  the  laborers  of  the  world  were  all  opposed  to 
war.  Woman  has  been  and  always  will  be  against  war:  the 
more  actively  she  engages  in  world  interests,  the  more  will  she 
oppose  war  from  the  standpoint  of  the  home  and  of  society  at 
large.  She  is  now  actively  interested  in  the  proposition  of  a 
Peace  Congress  and  other  instrumentalities  looking  toward  per- 
manent peace.  One  of  the  latest  movements  is  among  the  women 
of  the  churches.  It  seeks  to  emphasize  Christian  ideals  of  peace; 
its  purpose  being  expressed  in  the  following  terms:  "We  do  not 
propose  to  enter  into  the  political  side  of  the  question,  but  will 
confine  our  efforts  to  a  peace  propaganda  based  on  the  teaching 
and  spirit  of  Jesus.  We  submit  no  elaborate  program,  but  we 
will  promise  to  enlist  individuals  and  societies  to  pray  for  an  end 
of  war.  We  will  teach  the  children  in  our  homes  and  churches 
Christian  ideals  of  peace  and  heroism.  We  will  study  the  New 
Testament  and  accept  its  teachings  concerning  peace.  We  will 
endeavor  to  promote  the  understanding  and  friendliness  of  the 
nations  by  thinking  of  none  as  alien,  but  all  as  children  of  our 
Heavenly  Father."  Why  is  it  that  business  men  are  opposed  to 
war?  Is  it  because  of  selfish  motives  that  labor  organizations 
object  to  the  settlement  of  international  difficulties  by  appeals  to 
organized  force? 

Increasing  Christian  Social   Consciousness 

An  ideal  that  has  become  actual  even  to  a  small  degree,  that 
has  passed  from  individual  to  community  group,  and  from  com- 
munity group  to  nation,  will  not  stop  at  national  borders,  but  will 
go  on  until  it  becomes  an  international  reality.  If  the  higher 
moral  sense  awakened  in  the  United  States  in  recent  years  in- 
creases,  it  must  affect  other  nations  whose  standards  are  not  on 

*  For  fuller  discussion  of  this  point  see  Justice  David  J.  Brewer,  the  Mission  of 
the  United  States. 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  523 

the  same  plane,  for  "a  little  leaven  leaveneth  the  whole  lumo  " 
A  great  change  is  visible*  "to  any  one  who  watches  the  lite  of 
this  nation  with  an  eye  for  the  stirring  of  God  in  the  souls 
men.  There  is  a  new  shame  and  anger  for  oppression  and  mean 
ness;  a  new  love  and  pity  for  the  young  and  frail  wSose  sender 
shoulders  bear  our  common  weight;  a  new  faith  in  luman 
brotherhood;  a  new  hope  of  a  better  day  that  is  even  nowT 
sight  We  are  nven  ing  new  phrases  to  name  this  new  thing 
We  talk  of  the  social  feeling'  or  'the  new  social  consciousness ' 
We  are  passing  through  a  moral  adolescence.  When  the  spirit  of 
manhood  comes  over  a  boy,  his  tastes  change.  The  old  doings 
of  his  gang  lose  interest.  A  new  sense  of  duty,  a  new  openness 
to  ideal  calls,  a  new  capacity  of  self-sacrifice  surprise  those  who 
used  to  know  him.  So  in  our  conventions  and  clubs,  our  cham- 
bers of  commerce  and  our  legislatures,  there  is  a  new  note,  a 
stiffening  of  will,  an  impatience  for  cowardice,  an  enthusiastic 
turning  toward  real  democracy.  The  old  leaders  are  stumbling 
off  the  stage  bewildered.  There  is  a  new  type  of  leaders  and  they 
and  the  people  seem  to  understand  one  another  as  if  by  magic. 
Were  you  ever  converted  to  God?  Do  you  remember  the  change 
in  your  attitude  to  all  the  world?  Is  not  this  new  life  which  is 
running  through  our  people  the  same  great  change  on  a  national 
scale?  This  is  religious  energy,  rising  from  the  depth  of  the 
infinite  spiritual  life  in  which  we  all  live  and  move  and  have 
our  being.  This  is  God."  Why  is  it  that  in  the  twentieth  century 
there  is  this  new  and  intelligent  appreciation  of  Christianity?  Is 
Christianity  thus  socially  applied  stronger  or  weaker  as  a  peace 
agency  than  it  was  when  the  emphasis  was  placed  upon  mere 
individual  belief?  Why? 

The   Unifying   Influence   of   Religion 

Is  it  true  to-day  that  "Religion  is  the  Divider  of  Mankind?" 
What  concrete  illustrations  can  be  given  of  its  unifying  effect? 
Why  is  the  increase  of  the  federation  of  the  churches  one  evi- 
dence of  the  socializing  of  Christianity?  The  fact  that  to-day 
there  is  a  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  representing 
thirty-two  denominations  weakens  the  statement  that  "Religion 
is  the  Divider  of  Mankind"?  The  fact  that  recently  the  three 
churches  of  one  town,  a  Baptist,  a  Unitarian,  and  a  Congrega- 
tionalist,  observed  together  a  Communion  Service  in  Passion 
week,  and  that  one  deacon  from  each  church  served  the  sacra- 
ments is  one  of  many  illustrations  of  its  kind,  and  shows  that 
the  time  is  advancing  when  "they  shall  all  be  one."  It  is  for  the 
united  church  to  socialize  the  Spirit  of  Christ  among  the  nations. 
What  will  be  the  effect  of  this  rapidly  developing  spirit  of  mutual 
friendliness  among  the  churches,  upon  the  Peace  Movement? 

Responsibilities  of  a  Christian  Society 

Society  as  a  whole,  and  therefore  the  Christian  groups  form- 

*  Walter  Rauschenbusch,  Christianizing  the  Social  Order. 


524   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

ing  a  part  of  society,  are  responsible  for  the  injury  of  any  indi- 
vidual who  forms  a  part  of  the  whole:  for  the  baby  who  dies 
in  its  cradle,  and  the  child  who  is  made  old  by  labor,  for  the 
youth  who  is  killed  by  consumption,  and  the  young  girl  whose 
purity  is  destroyed,  for  the  degenerate  who  becomes  a  criminal 
and  the  soldier  who  is  crippled  for  life,  for  the  mother  whom  a 
battle  robs  of  her  son  and  for  the  widow  and  the  orphans  made 
such  by  a  government's  continuation  of  war.  Society  ruled  by 
the  Spirit  of  Christ  cannot  shift  responsibility  for  any  and  for 
all  of  these  things. 

Expressions  of  Love   for  Humanity 

A  Bureau  of  Child  Welfare,  playground  associations,  open-air 
sanitariums,  social  settlements,  and  hundreds  of  other  preven- 
tive means  show  a  recognition  by  the  state  and  the  community 
of  such  responsibility.  Many  are  the  evidences  of  the  concern 
of  Christendom  regarding  the  present  European  war  and  many 
are  the  efforts  for  ameliorating  its  horrors.  The  contributions 
that  have  poured  in  from  far  distant  peoples  for  the  aid  of  the 
sufferers  indicate  the  bond  of  humanity  felt  to-day  more  strongly 
than  ever,  and  will  strengthen  that  bond  for  the  years  to  come. 
"The  Christmas  ship"  sent  from  the  United  States  served  as  a 
concrete  expression  of  the  Christ  spirit.  The  "Red  Cross"  stands 
out  as  the  glory  of  the  age,  so  long  as  war  has  to  be,  but  the 
humane  feeling  that  originated  and  perpetuates  it  will  surely 
seek  to  reduce  the  occasion  for  its  existence.  Amelioration  must 
be  followed  by  prevention  in  war  as  in  other  social  relations. 
"If  the  church  cannot  be  content  to  be  a  mere  ambulance  corps 
of  civilization  it  must  be  ambitious  to  carry  over  into  interna- 
tional politics  those  principles  which  are  fundamental  in  its 
religion"  (Shailer  Mathews). 

"The  Sheep  and  the  Goats" 

How  do  these  expressions  of  the  spirit  of  human  sympathy 
compare  with  those  referred  to  by  Christ  in  the  following: 

"When  the  Son  of  Man  comes  in  His  glory,  and  all  the  angels 
with  Him,  then  will  He  sit  upon  His  glorious  throne,  and  all  the 
nations  will  be  gathered  into  His  presence.  And  He  will  separate 
them  from  one  another,  just  as  a  shepherd  separates  the  sheep 
from  the  goats;  and  will  make  the  sheep  stand  at  His  right 
hand,  and  the  goats  at  His  left. 

"Then  the  King  will  say  to  those  at  His  right, 

"  'Come,  my  Father's  blessed  ones,  receive  your  inheritance  of 
the  Kingdom  which  has  been  divinely  intended  for  you  ever 
since  the  creation  of  the  world.  For  when  I  was  hungry,  you 
gave  me  food;  when  I  was  thirsty,  you  gave  me  drink;  when 
I  was  homeless,  you  gave  me  welcome;  when  I  was  ill-clad,  you 
clothed  me;  when  I  was  sick,  you  visited  me;  when  I  was  in 
prison,  you  came  to  see  me.' 

"  'When,  Lord,'  the  righteous  will  reply,  'did  we  see  Thee 
hungry,  and  feed  Thee;  or  thirsty,  and  give  Thee  drink?  When 


THE  SOCIALIZING  OF  CHRISTIANITY  625 

did  we  see  Thee  homeless,  and  give  Thee  a  welcome?  or  ill-clad 
and  clothe  thee? 

"But  the  King  will  answer  them, 

"  'In  solemn  truth  I  tell  you  that  in  so  far  as  you  rendered 
such  services  to  one  of  the  humblest  of  these  my  brethren  you 
rendered  them  to  me.' 

"Then  will  He  say  to  those  at  His  left, 

"  'Begone  from  me,  with  the  curse  resting  upon  you,  into  the 
Fire  of  the  Ages,  which  has  been  prepared  for  the  Devil  and 
his  angels.  For  when  I  was  hungry,  you  gave  me  nothing  to 
eat;  when  thirsty,  you  gave  me  nothing  to  drink;  when  home- 
less you  gave  me  no  welcome;  ill-clad,  you  clothed  me  not;  sick 
or  in  prison,  you  visited  me  not.' 

"Then  will  they  also  answer, 

"  'Lord,  when  did  we  see  Thee  hungry,  or  thirsty,  or  homeless, 
or  ill-clad,  or  sick,  or  in  prison,  and  not  come  to  serve  Thee?' 

"But  he  will  reply, 

"  'In  solemn  truth  I  tell  you  that  in  so  far  as  you  withheld  such 
services  from  one  of  the  humblest  of  these,  you  withheld  them 
from  me.' 

"And  these  shall  go  away  into  the  Punishment  of  the  Ages, 
but  the  righteous  into  the  Life  of  the  Ages"  (Matt.  25:  31-46). 

The  Social  Duties  of  a  Christian  Nation 

Nations  nominally  Christian  cast  reflection  on  the  Christian 
religion  by  a  failure  to  recognize  or  perform  social  duties  in 
relation  to  other  peoples.  Of  all,  at  certain  times,  it  has  been 
truly  said,  "They  wish  to  be  free,  but  know  not  how  to  be  Just." 
Kesub  Chunder  Sen,  a  leader  in  India,  showed  a  keen  insight 
when  he  said,  "To  be  a  Christian,  then,  is  to  be  Christlike — 
not  acceptance  of  Christ  as  a  proposition,  or  as  an  outward 
representation;  but  spiritual  conformity  with  the  life  and  charac- 
ter of  Christ.  .  .  .  Allow  me,  friends,  to  say  that  England  is 
not  yet  a  Christian  nation."  It  is  reported  that  when  Dr.  David 
Starr  Jordan  went  from  the  United  States  to  Japan  as  a  repre- 
sentative of  the  World  Peace  Foundation  he  was  cordially  re- 
ceived, but  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  Japanese  press 
remarked  the  inconsistency  of  a  country  that,  while  holding  peace 
congresses  and  sending  out  workers  in  the  interests  of  peace, 
should  continue  to  increase  equipments  for  war.  In  what  ways 
can  Christianity  be  applied  by  nations  that  are  truly  Christian? 

The  Latest  Peace  Movement 

The  latest  and  most  important  action  toward  sustaining 
amicable  relations  and  averting  war  between  the  United  States 
and  other  nations,  known  as  the  Wilson-Bryan  Peace  Plan,  came 
to  a  remarkable  consummation  in  the  first  months  of  the  Euro- 
pean War.  It  makes  use  of  the  Commission  of  Inquiry,  which 
as  a  pacific  method  had  been  discussed  in  the  Hague  Conferences 
and  was  first  brought  forward  by  the  late  Frederick  de  Martens, 
the  great  Jurisconsult  of  the  Russian  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs, 


526   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

whose  work  in  international  law  will  contribute  much  in  future 
developments.  Sucji  a  commission  has  three  distinct  advantages; 
it  secures  an  investigation  of  the  disputed  facts,  it  gives  time 
for  consideration  before  war  is  declared,  and  it  allows  for  the 
influence  of  public  opinion.  The  proposed  peace  plan  suggested 
one  year  for  investigations  before  any  hostile  action  should  begin, 
and  the  remarkable  result  attained  by  March,  1915 — just  two 
years  after  the  first  proposition — shows  "Treaties  of  Delay"  in 
force  with  eleven  states,  signed  by  twenty  others,  while  accept- 
ance in  principle  has  been  made  by  an  additional  five — in  all 
thirty-six  governments  which  are  willing  to  learn  the  facts  before 
deciding  to  enter  on  war.*  In  leading  in  this  action  the  United 
States  has  fulfilled  an  international  social  duty  toward  the  larger 
and  the  smaller  nations  that  may  be  followed  by  others,  until,  in 
the  very  postponement  of  war  through  righteous  methods,  peace 
shall  be  established.  The  fact  that  so  many  of  the  people  of  this 
country  are  connected  by  ties  of  blood  with  those  of  the  Old 
World  makes  it  the  more  likely  that  the  sentiments  nourished 
here  may  have  their  influence  there. 

The    Kingdom    of   God   on    Earth 

Christian  society  at  large  has  often  lost  sight  of  its  ideal — 
the  kingdom  of  God  on  earth — but  the  day  is  dawning  even  amid 
dark  and  heavy  clouds,  when  after  great  upheaval  and  much 
sacrifice,  the  ideal  shall  become  a  reality.  The  supreme  motive 
and  aspiration  of  Jesus  was  "the  Reign  of  God,"  and — "God  is 
love."  What  is  it  that  will  bring  the  answer  to  the  prayer  "Thy 
Kingdom  come"?  When  the  law  of  love  is  fulfilled  in  social 
relations  the  cities  of  the  State  will  become  "The  City  of  God." 

"Trumpeter,  sound  for  the  splendor  of  God ! 
Sound  the  music  whose  name  is  law, 
Whose  service  is  perfect  freedom  still, 
The  order  august  that  rules  the  stars ! 
Bid  the  anarchs  of  might  withdraw. 
Too  long  the  destroyers  have  worked  their  will. 
Sound  for  the  last,  the  last  of  the  wars ! 
Sound  for  the  heights  that  our  fathers  trod, 
When  truth  was  truth  and  love  was  love, 
With  a  hell  beneath,  but  a  heaven  above, 
Trumpeter,  rally  us,  rally  us,  rally  us, 
On  the  city  of  God." 


*  Full  information  on  the  Commission  of  Inquiry  and  the  Wilson-Bryan  Peace 
Plan  may  be  obtained  from  a  pamphlet  by  Denya  P.  Myers,  distributed  freely  by  the 
World  Peace  Foundation,  Boston. 


LESSON  XII 

THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OP  THE  CHRISTIAN 
Study  Matt.  23:  29-39 

The   Meaning   of   Christian   Patriotism 

What  is  Christian  patriotism?  Is  there  any  allegiance  that 
is  broader  than  that  which  an  individual  owes  to  his  country? 
Does  being  a  Christian  modify  one's  patriotism?  If  so,  how? 
What  are  the  relations  which  a  true  follower  of  Jesus  Christ 
sustains  toward  the  other  human  beings  and  which  would  inter- 
fere with  his  recognizing  only  those  bonds  that  bind  him  to  his 
fellow  citizens?  Charles  Sumner  once  said:  "Not  that  I  love 
country  less,  but  humanity  more,  do  I  now  and  here  plead  the 
cause  of  a  higher  and  truer  patriotism.  I  cannot  forget  that  we 
are  men  by  a  more  sacred  bond  than  we  are  citizens — that  we  are 
children  of  a  common  Father  more  than  we  are  Americans." 
There  are  common  interests  that  bind  together  all  Americans. 
What  are  some  of  the  common  interests  that  should  bind  together 
the  members  of  the  whole  human  family  regardless  of  nationality? 

The   Practical   Difficulty 

The  great  difficulty  seems  to  be  not  so  much  that  of  pointing 
out  the  human  bonds  that  transcend  all  nationalities  and  races 
as  it  is  that  of  securing  practical  recognition  of  these  bonds  in 
the  everyday  affairs  of  men.  Men  seem  to  understand — to  know 
— that  they  all  are  brothers,  but  their  hearts  contain  so  many 
selfish  sentiments  that  in  actual  conduct  these  ideas  are  crowded 
aside.  The  art  of  being  kind  is  not  mastered  because  the  art 
of  making  money  or  of  achieving  leadership  monopolizes  prac- 
tically all  of  one's  time  and  thought.  Individual  welfare  comes 
before  race  welfare  so  much  of  the  time  that  the  majority  of 
man's  sentiments  are  built  up  around  the  former  rather  than  the 
latter.  Thus  these  narrower  ideas  and  sentiments  become 
dominant  The  ordinary  citizen  is  so  limited  in  his  range  of 
observation,  interest,  and  sympathy  that  world-ideas  and  world- 
sentiments  fail  to  be  built  up  in  his  life. 

A   Limited   Sense   of  Responsibility 

The  world  as  a  whole  has  not  been  brought  to  the  attention 
of  the  ordinary  citizen  in  such  a  way  that  he  feels  world-responsi- 
bility. He  knows  his  home  and  is  interested  in  it.  He  loves  it 
and  works  for  it.  He  knows  his  community  also— not  as  well 
his  home,  perhaps,  but  nevertheless,  well  enough  to  feel  a  sense 
of  responsibility  for  its  welfare.  Now  and  then  national  affairs 
are  brought  to  his  attention  and  he  takes  a  part  in  them. 

627 


528   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

sense  of  responsibility  as  a  citizen  is  seen  on  election  days  and 
national  holidays.  But  the  world,  as  such,  has  no  anniversaries 
or  election  days.  It  is  not  as  easy  to  act  the  part  of  a  world- 
citizen  as  it  is  that  of  a  citizen  of  a  certain  nation  or  city.  There 
are  fewer  ideas  upon  which  or  out  of  which  to  create  intelligent 
interest  in  and  a  sense  of  duty  toward  all  the  nations.  Can  a 
man's  sense  of  responsibility  reach  beyond  his  information?  If 
he  does  not  know  the  world,  as  a  whole  world,  can  he  be 
expected  to  be  active  in  its  behalf?  How  may  this  sense  of  world 
responsibility  best  be  developed? 

The  Responsibility  of  the  Obscure  Christian  Citizen 

In  view  of  the  past  history  of  the  relations  between  nations,  it 
is  not  strange  that  the  "ordinary  modest  citizen  in  humble 
private  station,  remote  from  the  diplomatic  circles  of  Washing- 
ton, is  inclined  to  imagine  that  affairs  of  international  magnitude 
do  not  concern  him,  that  they  belong  to  the  secrets  of  state,  that 
his  ignorance  and  lack  of  political  influence  excuse  him  from 
responsibility  in  such  high  and  complicated  matters."  But  one 
of  the  great  needs  of  the  present  hour  is  to  make  all  such  private 
citizens  see  their  vital  relation  to  such  affairs.  In  a  nation  where 
the  government  is  of  the  people,  by  the  people  and  for  the  people, 
all  of  the  activities  of  the  government,  international  as  well  as 
internal,  should  be  a  concern  of  the  people.  The  government 
should  be  servant  and  not  master.  It  should  be  treated  as  such. 
The  obscurity  of  a  citizen  does  not  sever  his  vital  relationships 
to  his  government.  The  international  relations  of  a  nation 
should  reflect  the  conscience  and  the  intelligence  of  its  citizens. 
The  question  is:  What  do  the  people  want  and  how  badly  do  they 
want  it? 

How  Can  Good   Will   Become  Efficient? 

The  individual  whose  spirit  is  that  of  helpfulness  and  brotherli- 
ness  is  confronted  with  a  task  unknown  in  ancient  times.  It 
is  this:  How  can  I  project  this  attitude  of  good  will,  of  intelligent 
interest  so  that  it  will  benefit  all  those  who  are  within  reach? 
In  his  "Psalm  of  the  Helpers,"  Henry  van  Dyke  writes: 

He  that  turneth  from  the  road  to  rescue  another, 
Turneth  toward  his  goal ; 

He  shall  arrive  in  due  time  by  the  foot-path  of  mercy, 
God  will  be  his  guide. 

He  that  taketh  up  the  burden  of  the  fainting, 
Lighteneth  his  own  load  ; 

The  Almighty  will  put  His  arms  underneath  him, 
He  shall  lean  upon  the  Lord. 

He  that  speaketh  comfortable  words  to  mourners, 
Healeth  his  own  heart ; 

In  times  of  grief  they  will  return  to  remembrance, 
God  will  use  them  for  balm. 


THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN          629 

He  that  careth  for  the  sick  and  wounded, 
Watcheth  not  alone : 
There  are  three  in  the  darkness  together 
And  the  third  is  the  Lord. 

Blessed  is  the  way  of  the  helpers : 
The  companions  of  the  Christ 

For  one  individual  to  help  another  in  this  direct  way  seems  to 
be  a  simpler  matter  than  it  was  before  the  time  of  the  complex 
modern  relationships.  But  rescue  work  is  now  done  by  well 
organized  missions.  It  is  in  the  hospitals  that  the  sick  and 
wounded  are  best  cared  for.  The  ultimate  causes  of  the  excessive 
burdens  carried  by  the  fainting— who  can  discover?  The  efficient 
moral  as  well  as  industrial  units  are  constantly  enlarging.  In 
national  affairs,  the  one  who  seeks  to  work  independently  of  his 
fellow  citizens,  lacks  prudence.  Cooperation  is  the  watchword 
of  the  hour.  To  further  the  cause  of  peace  most  effectively,  it  is 
necessary  to  work  with  peace  agencies.  The  man  with  a  right 
motive  must  still  find  the  right  group  with  whom  to  work.  To 
what  extent  is  the  opposition  to  the  Peace  Movement  organized? 
What  are  some  of  the  methods  of  this  opposition?  How  can  they 
be  met? 

Practical   Idealism 

The  progress  of  civilization  reveals  the  fact  that  an  increas- 
ingly large  number  of  people  are  looking  upon  social  ideals  from 
the  standpoint  of  actual  present  conditions.  It  is  not  the  one 
who  has  the  greatest  and  most  remote  visions  who  is  apt  to 
secure  the  largest  number  of  followers.  The  one  who  is  merely 
visionary  is  sure  to  be  unpopular.  He  is  looked  upon  with 
suspicion.  The  other-worldly  saint  is  sure  to  be  reminded  of  the 
victories  and  defeats  of  the  cause  of  truth  in  this  world.  The 
true  saint  does  not  pray  to  be  taken  out  of  the  present  world,  but 
to  be  saved  from  the  evil  that  is  near  at  hand.  The  real  task  is 
to  Christianize  the  present  order  of  affairs.  God  is  deeply  inter- 
ested in  things  as  they  are.  He  is  immanent  in  the  present-day 
forces  that  make  for  peace  and  righteousness.  To  ignore  these 
forces  is  to  ignore  Him.  Wholly  to  separate  oneself  from  the 
world  is  to  make  cooperation  with  God  impossible.  Sainthood, 
to  be  genuine,  must  have  practical  value.  How  can  Christian 
people  be  made  to  feel  that  they  are  a  vital  part  of  the  Kingdom- 
of-God  enterprise,  and  that  the  defeat  of  the  cause  of  peace 
is  in  a  true  sense  their  own  personal  and  individual  defeat? 
How  can  they  be  made  to  feel  their  responsibility  for  the  Bins 
of  international  hatred  and  revenge? 

The  Life  of  the  Patriot 

The  death  of  the  patriot  on  the  battlefield  Is  no  longer  looked 
upon  as  the  symbol  of  the  highest  patriotic  devotion  of  a  citizen. 
The  nation's  crises  are  not  always  sudden  and  spectacular.  The 


530   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

most  gigantic  conflicts  are  often  those  that  involve  ideas  and 
convictions  that  have  slowly  become  enthroned  in  the  hearts  of 
a  multitude  and  crystallized  in  a  morally  courageous  leader. 
Jenkin  Lloyd  Jones  sings: 

So  he  died  for  his  faith.    That  is  fine — 
More  than  most  of  us  do. 
But  stay,  can  you  add  to  that  line 
That  he  lived  for  it,  too? 

It  is  easy  to  die.    Men  have  died 
For  a  wish  or  a  whim — 
From  bravado  or  passion  or  pride. 
Was  it  harder  for  him? 

But  to  live ;  every  day  to  live  out 

All  the  truth  that  he  dreamt, 

While  his  friends  met  his  conduct  with  doubt 

And  the  world  with  contempt — 

Was  it  thus  that  he  plodded  ahead, 
Never  turning  aside? 
Then  we'll  talk  of  the  life  that  he  led — 
Never  mind  how  he  died. 


What  facts  make  it  easier  to  die  for  one's  country  than  to  live 
for  it?  How  can  patriotic  living  become  more  popular  and  prev- 
alent than  it  now  is?  Until  men  and  women  catch  the  spirit 
of  Paul  and  are  willing  to  die  daily  (see  1  Cor.  15:  31)  for  the 
cause  of  Christ,  the  greatest  enemies  of  humanity  will  not  be 
overthrown. 

Does   God   Use   Nations   as    Instruments   of   Righteousness? 

Is  it  right  for  a  Christian,  under  any  circumstances,  to  take 
up  arms?  If  so,  what  are  some  of  those  circumstances?  If  a 
nation  is  bent  on  evil  and  undertakes,  aggressively,  to  place  its 
own  interests  in  opposition  to  those  of  the  Kingdom  of  God,  what 
else  is  there  for  a  Christian  citizen  to  do  but  to  become  a  part 
of  an  organized  force  that  seeks  to  resist  the  aggressor?  Chan- 
ning  once  said:  "When  a  government  becomes  an  engine  of 
oppression  the  Scriptures  enjoin  subjection  no  longer.  Expedi- 
ency may  make  it  our  duty  to  obey,  but  the  government  has  lost 
its  rights;  it  can  no  longer  urge  its  claims  as  an  ordinance  of 
God."  The  prophets  of  Israel  were  accustomed  to  think  of  God 
as  using  one  nation  as  an  instrument  by  which  to  punish  another. 
As  a  result  of  the  wickedness  of  Israel,  God,  speaking  through 
his  prophet  Amos,  said:  "For,  behold,  I  will  raise  up  against  you 
a  nation,  O  house  of  Israel,  saith  Jehovah,  the  God  of  hosts;  and 
they  shall  afflict  you  from  the  entrance  of  Hamath  unto  the  brook 
of  the  Arabah"  (Amos  6:  14).  How  is  it  possible  to  reconcile 
this  prophetic  utterance  with  Jesus'  thought  contained  in  the 
parable  of  the  wheat  and  the  tares?  (See  Matt.  13:  24-30.) 


THE  RESPONSIBILITY  OF  THE  CHRISTIAN          531 

A  Divine  Plan   for  Every  Nation 

One  of  the  greatest  immediate  needs  in  the  further  advance- 
ment of  the  cause  of  international  peace  is  that  each  individual 
citizen  find  a  religious,  indeed,  a  Christian  motive  for  all  of 
his  political  acts.  National  consciousness  should  be  permeated 
with  a  sense  of  a  national  destiny  that  is  appointed  of  God  The 
truly  Christian  citizen  should  be  able  to  discover  and  to  appre- 
ciate the  hand  of  God  in  the  history  of  his  own  nation.  In  a 
real  sense  one's  native  country  should  seem  to  be  called  of  God 
to  make  a  definite  contribution  to  the  welfare  of  the  race.  The 
Jews  never  thought  of  their  nation  as  being  outside  of  the  plans 
and  clearly  announced  purpose  of  God.  In  Stephen's  review  of 
his  nation's  history  as  given  in  Acts  7 :  1-60,  notice  how  intimately 
he  considered  God's  purpose  to  have  been  identified  with  the 
history  of  the  Jewish  nation.  Amos,  the  prophet,  had  a  similar 
conception  of  God's  relation  to  his  nation:  "I  brought  you  up 
out  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  led  you  forty  years  in  the  wilder- 
ness, to  possess  the  land  of  the  Amorite.  And  I  raised  up  of 
your  sons  for  prophets,  and  of  your  young  men  for  Nazarites. 
Is  it  not  even  thus,  O  ye  children  of  Israel?"  (Amos  2:  10,  11.) 
Is  there  a  divine  plan  for  every  nation?  If  each  nation  follows 
its  own  God-given  plan,  will  international  strifes  be  avoided? 
What  is  God's  will  for  the  United  States  of  America  as  related 
to  the  other  nations? 

The  Fusing  of  Patriotism  and  Religion 

It  is  this  definite  conception  of  God's  purpose  for  a  nation 
that  helps  to  establish  a  standard  of  national  conduct.  The 
ancient  Hebrew  citizens  and  statesmen  judged  of  the  meaning 
of  the  national  events  from  the  point  of  view  of  their  bearing 
upon  the  nation's  fulfilling  its  divine  mission.  Their  devotion 
to  their  nation  reflected  their  loyalty  to  Jehovah.  The  two  were 
inseparable.  National  prosperity  and  safety  were  thought  of  as 
dependent  upon  obedience  to  God.  God's  particular  interest  in 
them  as  a  nation  increased  their  political  responsibilities.  The 
gravest  national  danger  was  that  the  citizens  might  forget  God. 
The  highest  credential  of  patriotism  was  religious  fidelity.  The 
most  terrible  arraignment  of  the  Jewish  nation  was  spoken  by 
Christ  as  He  viewed  the  capital  city:  "Alas  for  you,  Scribes 
and  Pharisees,  hypocrites,  for  you  repair  the  sepulchres  of  the 
Prophets  and  keep  in  order  the  tombs  of  the  righteous,  and 
your  boast  is,  'If  we  had  lived  in  the  time  of  our  forefathers,  we 
should  not  have  been  implicated  with  them  in  the  murder  of  the 
Prophets.'  So  that  you  bear  witness  against  yourselves  that  you 
are  descendants  of  those  who  murdered  the  Prophets.  Fill  up 
the  measure  of  your  forefathers'  guilt.  O  serpents,  O  vipers' 
brood,  how  are  you  to  escape  condemnation  to  Gehenna?  For 
this  reason  I  am  sending  to  you  Prophets  and  wise  men  and 
Scribes.  Some  of  them  you  will  put  to  death— nay,  crucify;  some 
of  them  you  will  flog  in  your  synagogues  and  chase  from  town 


to  town;  that  all  the  innocent  blood  shed  upon  earth  may  come 
on  you,  from  the  blood  of  righteous  Abel  to  the  blood  of  Zechariah 
the  son  of  Berechiah  whom  you  murdered  between  the  sanctuary 
and  the  altar.  I  tell  you  in  solemn  truth  that  all  these  things 
will  come  upon  the  present  generation.  0  Jerusalem,  Jerusalem, 
thou  who  murderest  the  Prophets  and  stonest  those  who  have 
been  sent  to  thee:  how  often  have  I  desired  to  gather  thy  children 
to  me,  just  as  a  hen  gathers  her  chickens  under  her  wings,  and 
you  would  not  come!  See,  your  house  will  now  be  left  to  you 
desolate!  For  I  tell  you  that  you  will  never  see  me  again  until 
you  say,  'Blessed  be  He  who  comes  in  the  name  of  the  Lord' " 
(Matt.  23:  29-39).  What  are  some  of  the  events  that  have  tem- 
porarily defeated  God's  plan  for  this  nation?  What  national 
events  have  furthered  the  divine  purpose? 


LESSON  XIII 

CHRIST    THE     ULTIMATE     BASIS    AND    ASSURANCE    OF 
PERMANENT  INTERNATIONAL  GOOD  WILL 

Study  Mark  12:  29-31;  Matt  20:  25-28;   Rev.  21:  1-8 

Jesus   Christ   the   Prince   of   Peace 

Of  all  the  leaders  of  the  peace  movement  there  is  none  whose 
influence  is  comparable  with  that  of  Jesus  Christ.  His  influence 
upon  men  is  such  that  he  has  earned  the  title,  Prince  of  Peace. 
One  of  the  fundamental  truths  of  his  kingdom  as  enunciated  in 
the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  is:  "Blessed  are  the  Peacemakers,  for 
it  is  they  who  will  be  recognized  as  sons  of  God."  At  his 
birth  a  multitude  of  the  heavenly  army  sang  a  hymn  of  praise: 
"Glory  to  God  in  the  highest  heavens,  and  on  earth  peace  among 
men  who  please  Him!"  And  the  marvelous  fact  is  that  in  the 
course  of  the  centuries  the  singing  of  this  hymn  on  this  occasion 
is  becoming  more  and  more  widely  recognized  as  being  appro- 
priate in  view  of  his  character  and  ministry.  As  the  world's 
burden  of  militarism  increases  and  as  the  destructiveness  of 
modern  warfare  becomes  more  appalling,  it  is  coming  to  be  more 
evident  that  the  only  adequate  ground  for  hope  of  the  ultimate 
reign  of  peace  on  earth  is  the  one  of  whom  Paul  wrote:  "He  is 
our  peace." 

Jesus's    Emphasis   Upon  Love 

The  message  of  Jesus  to  the  men  of  His  day  was  one  of 
reconciliation  and  restoration.  The  most  emphatic  note  in  his 
message  was  that  of  love  which  unites  man  to  God  and  man  to 
his  fellow-men.  He  intensified  the  bonds  of  brotherhood.  He 
taught  men  to  forgive  one  another.  He  set  before  His  disciples 
a  seemingly  impossible  task  in  the  following:  "I  command  you 
all,  love  your  enemies,  and  pray  for  your  persecutors;  that  so 
you  may  become  true  sons  of  your  Father  in  Heaven"  (Matt. 
5:  44).  The  best  short  summary  of  His  teaching  is  found  in  His 
reply  to  one  of  the  Scribes: 

'"The  chief  commandment,'  replied  Jesus,  'is  this:  "Hear,  O 
ISRAEL!  THE  LOBD  OUR  GOD  is  ONE  LORD;  AND  THOU  SHALT  LOVE 
THE  LORD  THY  GOD  WITH  THY  WHOLE  HEART.  THY  WHOLE  SOUL,  THY 

WHOLE  MIND,  AND  THY  WHOLE   STRENGTH"    (Deut.   6:  4,  5). 

"'The  second  is  this:   "THOU  SHALT  LOVE  THY  FELLOW  MAN  AS 

THOU   LOVEST   THYSELF"    (Lev.    19:   10). 

"  'Other  Commandment  greater  than  these  there  is  none' " 
(Mark  12:  29-31). 

What  is  the  difference  between  "fellow  man"  and  neighbor? 

533 


534   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

Is  it  practicable  always  to  treat  as  fellow  men  all  who  live  in  the 
neighborhood? 

A  Spirit  of  Friendliness 

It  is  significant  that  when  the  hostile  Jews  wished  to  turn 
public  sentiment  against  Jesus,  one  of  the  methods  used  was  to 
accuse  him  of  excessive  hospitality.  He  was  friendly  to  social 
outcasts.  "See  this  man,"  they  exclaimed — "a  friend  of  tax- 
gatherers  and  notorious  sinners"  (Matt.  10:  19).  His  sympathy 
was  so  broad  that  it  included  those  who  were  usually  thought 
of  as  being  unworthy  of  friendly  treatment.  He  drew  men  to 
himself  with  such  bonds  of  personal  loyalty  that  they  faced 
death  rather  than  give  up  their  allegiance  to  Him.  Those  who 
caught  His  spirit  were  bound  together  into  a  society  the  vitality 
of  which  is  seen  in  the  world-wide  Christian  fraternity  of  to-day. 
He  said  to  his  followers:  "You  are  my  friends."  "It  is  not  you 
who  chose  me  but  it  is  I  who  chose  you"  (John  15:  14,  15).  This 
spirit  of  Christian  friendliness  is  gradually  laying  the  foundation 
of  a  social  organization  that  will  endure  forever,  and  which  will 
include  the  entire  human  race.  What  political  kingdom  founded 
at  the  time  of  Jesus'  earthly  ministry  has  continued  until  to-day? 
Has  it  been  historically  true  that  kingdoms  founded  on  love  are 
more  enduring  than  those  founded  upon  force? 

Jesus  as  the   Saviour  from  Sin 

Jesus  Christ  took  upon  himself  the  burden  of  the  world's  sin. 
He  had  a  divine  appreciation  of  the  fact  that  hatred,  strife, 
mutual  distrust,  selfishness,  greed,  and  other  forms  of  sin  stand 
in  the  way  of  the  reign  of  peace  among  men.  Hence  his  passion- 
ate endeavor  to  rid  the  human  heart  of  these  weaknesses.  It  is 
sin  that  makes  it  impossible  for  men  to  appreciate  that  fullness 
of  life,  that  life  in  Christ,  which  is  naturally  peaceable,  gentle, 
kind,  and  charitable.  For  all  individuals  who  have  come  to 
have  an  appreciation  of  the  true  nature  of  sin  and  have  earnestly 
desired  to  be  free  from  its  blighting  influence,  Jesus  Christ  has 
provided  a  way  of  salvation.  It  is  because  of  his  power  to  save 
men  from  those  passions  and  other  weaknesses  that  lead  to  war 
that  he  has  made  possible  a  vision  of  a  world-wide  society 
founded  upon  brotherly  kindness,  justice,  and  righteousness. 
It  is  he  who  has  opened  up  the  way  for  intimate  communion 
and  fellowship  between  every  member  of  all  the  nations  of  earth 
and  the  God  of  justice,  mercy,  and  truth.  He  revealed  a  Father's 
divine  love  and  taught  men  how  to  reciprocate  that  love.  What 
hope  of  final  world  peace  can  there  be  as  long  as  men  in  great 
numbers  are  content  to  live  sinful  lives?  Will  the  awful  destruc- 
tiveness  of  modern  warfare  give  the  world  a  new  appreciation 
of  sin  and  its  results?  Does  war  have  any  effect  upon  the 
religious  life  of  a  nation?  What  hope  is  there  that  the  warlike 
nations  will  ever  repent  of  their  sins? 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  535 

The  Christian  Appreciation  of  Human  Values 

Wherever  the  teachings  of  Christ  have  gone  and  men  have 
seriously  undertaken  to  live  in  accordance  with  them,  there  has 
resulted  a  new  appreciation  of  the  worth  of  human  life.  Tender- 
ness has  marked  the  new  attitude  toward  childhood;  woman- 
kind has  been  treated  with  respect;  the  sacredness  of  the  family 
has  been  established;  a  sense  of  responsibility  for  the  welfare 
of  the  neighborhood  and  community  has  been  quickened;  labor 
has  taken  on  new  dignity;  waste  and  destruction  of  natural 
resources  have  been  condemned;  parenthood  has  been  purified 
and  exalted;  in  fact  all  of  the  natural  human  relationships  have 
had  a  higher  appreciation.  The  result  is  that  anything  that 
tends  to  mar  or  to  destroy  them  meets  with  a  new  resistance. 
In  the  time  of  savagery,  men  did  not  oppose  war  on  moral 
grounds.  Is  it  reasonable  to  suppose  that  with  the  advancement 
of  Christianity  the  opposition  to  war  will  become  increasingly 
determined  and  persistent?  What  assurance  is  there  that  it  will 
finally  become  adequate  to  abolish  war  as  a  method  of  settling 
international  differences?  If  a  nation  does  not  place  a  value 
upon  human  relations  such  as  to  make  it  avoid  war  whenever 
possible,  can  that  nation  be  called  truly  Christian?  Why  is  it 
untrue  to  say  that  Christianity  has  failed  in  those  nations  that 
are  the  aggressors  in  beginning  war? 

Christ's  Law  of  Service 

One  of  the  results  of  the  influence  of  Jesus  Christ  is  that  his 
followers  discover  an  ever  enlarging  number  of  bonds  that  unite 
them  to  all  members  of  the  human  family.  Moreover,  the  bonds 
already  recognized  are  given  a  higher  moral  quality.  There  was 
no  individual  with  whom  Jesus  came  in  contact  who  might  not 
have  been  benefited  by  him.  He  pitied  the  poor  and  the  needy. 
He  comforted  those  in  distress.  He  helped  those  who  were  in 
need  of  assistance.  He  expressed  appreciation  of  and  admiration 
for  those  whose  personal  worth  warranted  it.  The  deepest  motive 
in  all  his  conduct  was  to  do  good  to  others.  His  immediate 
followers  reflected  this  benevolent  attitude.  What  is  to  prevent 
its  becoming  characteristic  of  all  mankind?  Which  will  ulti- 
mately prevail — the  Christian  standard  of  service  or  the  heathen 
standard  of  lordship  and  domination?  "Jesus  called  them  to 
Him,  and  said,  'You  know  that  the  rulers  of  the  Gentiles  lord  it 
over  them,  and  their  great  men  exercise  authority  over  them. 
Not  so  shall  it  be  among  you:  but  whoever  desires  to  be  great 
among  you  shall  be  your  servant,  and  whoever  desires  to  be 
first  among  you  shall  be  your  bondservant;  just  as  the  Son  of 
Man  came  not  to  be  served  but  to  serve,  and  to  give  His  life  as 
the  redemption  price  for  many'"  (Matt.  20:25-28).  Shailer 
Mathews  once  wrote:  "If  the  Golden  Rule  is  inoperative  outside 
pious  books,  let  us  be  honest  with  ourselves  and  say  so. 
reconciliation  between  men  is  less  possible  than  reconciliation 
with  God,  let  us  say  that  also.  Only  let  us  also  not  deceive  our- 


536   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

selves  in  another  particular.     Let  us  be  honest  and  label  our- 
selves heathen." 

Christ  or  Force 

It  would  seem  then  that  Christianity  is  absolutely  opposed  to 
the  principle  of  superiority  through  force.  The  two  are  eternally 
contradictory.  William  Leighton  Grane  says:  "One  thing  seems 
certain.  Not  this  nation  or  that,  but  the  whole  civilized  world 
will  ere  long  be  forced  to  a  decision  between  the  ruinous  worship 
of  Force  and  the  beneficent  worship  of  God.  Two  masters  cannot 
be  served  forever.  Two  opposite  opinions  cannot  be  eternally 
maintained.  The  time  comes  when  it  is  no  longer  possible  to 
continue  to  keep  both,  and  it  is  necessary  to  ally  oneself  with 
either  one  or  the  other.  No  compromise  is  possible  between 
Christ  and  Nietzsche.  Multitudes  even  now  are  mustering  in  the 
Valley  of  Decision.  And  before  them  lies  the  most  momentous 
choice  yet  proposed  in  the  course  of  the  social  evolution  of  the 
world."  What  are  some  of  the  influences  that  are  causing 
multitudes  of  men  to  choose  Christ  and  service  rather  than  Satan 
and  force?  Which  ideal  makes  the  more  profound  appeal  to 
the  imagination  of  the  common  people?  With  the  religion  that 
will  ultimately  become  the  universal  religion,  opposed  to  war,  is 
there  any  advocate  of  force  who  can  ultimately  succeed?  How 
is  it  that  the  nations  who  believe  in  war  will  tend  to  disappear 
as  factors  in  this  final  struggle?  How  will  the  instinctive  love 
of  liberty  finally  affect  this  struggle? 

The   Influence  of  the  Church   of  Christ 

It  is  estimated  that  "the  clergy  of  the  United  States  number 
approximately  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  thousand,  and  there 
are,  perhaps,  about  three  times  as  many  in  Europe,  exclusive  of 
Russia — seven  hundred  thousand  in  all"  (see  George  Holley 
Gilbert,  The  Bible  and  Universal  Peace,  page  202).  The  influence 
of  this  great  body  of  educated  men  upon  public  opinion  is  a  factor 
that  must  be  taken  into  account.  These  ministers  and  their 
successors  will  exert  a  vast  influence  upon  the  thoughts  and  the 
convictions  of  Christendom.  Their  position  and  office  gives  them 
unusual  influence  with  the  masses  of  men.  Their  utterances  are 
for  the  most  part  vitally  related  to  the  immediate  problems  of 
their  people.  The  attitude  of  the  Christian  pulpits  toward  slavery 
did  much  to  reinforce  the  convictions  of  those  who  listened  to 
them.  The  clergy,  for  the  most  part,  may  be  counted  upon  to 
be  true  to  the  message  of  their  divine  Master.  Already  there 
are  signs  of  their  awakening  to  the  great  need  of  the  abolition 
of  war.  Is  there  any  equally  numerous  body  of  men  who  can 
counteract  the  influence  of  the  clergy?  How  will  the  women 
of  the  churches  reenforce  the  messages  of  the  ministers?  In 
what  ways  are  the  churches  already  becoming  active  in  the 
advocacy  of  international  good  will? 


CHRIST  THE  ULTIMATE  ASSURANCE  537 

The   Religious   Motive   of   the   Peace   Movement 

The  powerful  influence  of  religion  as  a  motive  in  conduct  has 
already  been  illustrated  in  the  so-called  "Religious  wars."  Back 
of  the  Crusades  was  the  desire  to  rescue  the  Holy  Land  from 
the  infidels,  who  had  political  control  of  it.  Is  the  desire  to 
protect  human  life  from  the  further  ravages  of  war  a  cause  less 
holy?  Is  God  less  interested  in  it?  Is  He  less  likely  to  be 
thought  of  as  giving  aid  to  those  who  labor  for  it?  If  the  followers 
°t  ^lUSJCLhrist  become  convinced  of  the  fact  that  war  must  be 
abolished  before  the  Kingdom  of  God  can  be  established  among 
men  and  that  in  the  advancement  of  that  kingdom,  their  im- 
mediate duty  is  to  establish  the  substitutes  for  war,  what 
resources  will  become  available  for  the  peace  movement?  If 
all  the  Christian  resources  of  intelligence,  material  wealth,  per- 
sonal influence  with  men,  and  prayer  were  concentrated  upon  the 
solution  of  this  problem,  how  long  would  it  remain  unsolved? 
The  solution  of  every  such  question  is,  ultimately,  moral.  Is 
Christianity  yet  fully  convinced  of  the  inherent  wickedness  of 
war?  What  hope  is  there  that  this  conviction  will  ultimately 
prevail? 

Christian  Morality  the  Touchstone 

"Christian  morality  is  the  touchstone  to  which  war  must  now 
be  brought;  for  if  it  cannot  justify  itself  to  the  modern  Christ, 
it  surely  cannot  any  longer  command  the  approbation  of  modern 
Christendom.  Reference  to  ancient  texts  and  traditions  may 
help  certain  minds,  and  may  have  brought  us  part  of  the  way; 
but  it  is  surely  now  possible  to  take  our  stand  upon  the  historical 
development  of  the  Christian  consciousness,  and  claim  that  it 
demands  the  substitution  of  reason  for  violence,  and  the  triumph 
of  moral  over  physical  forces"  (Moral  Damage  of  War,  Walsh, 
page  4). 


The  New  Faith  and  the  New  Earth 

One  of  the  powerful  forces  now  at  work  in  human  life — in 
as  far  as  that  life  has  come  under  the  sway  of  the  Gospel  message 
— is  the  hope  and  eager  expectation  of  the  final  triumph  of  Jesus 
Christ.  This  vision  of  hope  quickens  the  imagination  and  stimu- 
lates innumerable  desires.  "Come,  Lord  Jesus;  hasten  thy 
coming"  is  the  thought  frequently  heard  from  the  pious  lips  of 
prayerful  Christians.  The  vision  of  John  seems  to  be  not  in- 
appropriate as  one  meditates  on  this  ultimate  triumph  of  good- 
will. "And  I  saw  a  new  heaven  and  a  new  earth;  for  the  first 
heaven  and  the  first  earth  were  gone,  and  the  sea  no  longer 
exists.  And  I  saw  the  Holy  City,  the  new  Jerusalem,  coming 
down  out  of  Heaven  from  God  and  made  ready  like  a  bride 
attired  to  meet  her  husband.  And  I  heard  a  loud  voice,  which 
came  from  the  throne,  say: 


538   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

'God's  dwelling  place  is  among  men 
And  He  will  dwell  among  them 
And  they  shall  be  His  peoples. 
Yes,  God  Himself  will  be  among  them. 
He  will  wipe  every  tear  from  their  eyes 
Death  shall  be  no  more  ; 
Nor  sorrow,  no  wail  of  woe,  nor  pain ; 
For  the  first  things  have  passed  away.' 

"Then  He  who  was  seated  on  the  throne  said, 

"  'I  am  re-creating  all  things.' 

"And  He  added, 

"  'Write  down  these  words,  for  they  are  trustworthy  and  true.' 

"He  also  said, 

"  'They  have  now  been  fulfilled.  I  am  the  Alpha  and  the 
Omega,  the  Beginning  and  the  End.  To  those  who  are  thirsty, 
I  will  give  the  privilege  of  drinking  from  the  well  of  the  Water 
of  Life  without  payment.  All  this  shall  be  the  heritage  of  him 
who  overcomes,  and  I  will  be  his  God  and  he  shall  be  one  of 
My  sons.  But  as  for  cowards  and  the  unfaithful,  and  the  polluted, 
and  murderers,  fornicators,  and  those  who  practice  magic  or 
worship  idols,  and  all  liars — the  portion  allotted  to  them  shall 
be  in  the  Lake  which  burns  with  fire  and  sulphur.  This  is  the 
second  death'"  (Rev.  21:  1-8). 

Jesus  Christ  the   Ultimate   Hope 

It  is  the  Christian's  hope  that  some  day  the  recognized  dwelling 
place  of  God  will  be  among  men.  He  will  dwell  among  them. 
They  shall  be  recognized  as  His  people.  But  before  that  day  the 
intense  spirit  of  modern  nationalism  must  enlarge  until  it  takes 
in  all  nations.  The  vision  of  world-wide  fraternity  will  have 
to  be  universally  appreciated.  The  courage  and  self-sacrifice  now 
finding  expression  in  war  will  find  other  kinds  of  activity  that 
will  in  no  way  lessen  their  moral  value.  World  organization 
must  be  an  accomplished  fact  before  death,  sorrow,  the  wail  of 
woe,  and  pain  shall  have  passed  away.  Interracial  appreciation 
and  good  will  must  gradually  permeate  all  peoples.  At  the  very 
heart  of  this  broad  movement  is  Jesus  Christ.  Its  efficient  cause 
is  found  in  the  individual's  loyalty  to  Him.  Wherever  this  rela- 
tionship is  intelligent  and  vital,  the  conditions  of  permanent 
peace  are  fulfilled.  What  methods  should  the  churches  adopt  in 
order  that  Christ  may  take  up  His  abode  in  the  hearts  of  men? 
Why  is  this  the  great  immediate  task  of  the  church? 


ORGANIZATIONS  SUPPLYING  LITERATURE  ON 
THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT 

American  Association  for  International  Conciliation,  organized 
1906.  Secretary,  Frederick  P.  Keppel,  407  West  117th  Street,  New 
York  City.  Pamphlet  publications,  beginning  in  April,  1907,  dis- 
tributed free  up  to  the  limit  of  editions. 

American  Peace  Society,  founded  1815-1828.  Secretary,  Ben- 
jamin F.  Trueblood;  executive  director,  Arthur  Deerin  Call,  Colo- 
rado Building,  Washington,  D.  C.  The  "Advocate  of  Peace,"  a 
monthly  publication,  is  the  organ  of  the  society.  The  subscription 
price  is  $1  per  year.  From  this  society  may  be  obtained  many 
pamphlets  and  reports. 

American  Society  for  the  Judicial  Settlement  of  International 
Disputes,  founded  in  1910.  Secretary,  James  Brown  Scott,  2  Jack- 
son Place,  Washington,  D.  C.  Pamphlet  publications,  issued  quar- 
terly, are  sent  free  to  any  address.  Applications  should  be  made 
to  the  assistant  secretary,  Tunstall  Smith,  The  Preston,  Balti- 
more, Md. 

Church  Peace  Union,  founded  by  Andrew  Carnegie,  1913.  Sec- 
retary, Rev.  Frederick  Lynch,  D.D.,  70  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York. 
Issues  a  series  of  pamphlets  with  the  general  title  of  "The  Church 
and  International  Peace,"  and  other  publications;  sent  free  on 
request. 

Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America,  105  East 
22d  Street,  New  York  City.  Dr.  Charles  S.  Macfarland,  Secretary. 
Literature  supplied  through  the  Commission  on  Peace  and  Arbi- 
tration. Rev.  Sidney  L.  Gulick,  Associate  Secretary. 

National  Peace  Council.  Secretary,  Carl  Heath,  167  St. 
Stephen's  House,  Westminster,  S.  W.,  London.  A  central  body, 
representing  180  organizations.  Publishes  many  pamphlets. 

The  Peace  Society,  founded  in  1816.  Secretary,  Dr.  W.  Evans 
Darby,  47  New  Broad  Street,  London,  E.  C.  Publishes  many  pam- 
phlets. 

World  Peace  Foundation,  founded  by  Edwin  Ginn,  of  Boston,  in 
1909,  as  the  International  School  of  Peace;  reorganized  and  in- 
corporated under  the  present  name  in  1910.  Chief  director,  Edwin 
D.  Mead,  40  Mt.  Vernon  Street,  Beaton,  Mass.  Publishes  a  series 

539 


540   SELECTED  QUOTATIONS  ON  PEACE  AND  WAR 

of  pamphlets  and  the  volumes  of  an  International  Library.  Single 
copies  of  the  pamphlet  issues  may  be  obtained  gratuitously. 

World's  Student  Christian  Federation  (FM6ration  Universelle 
des  Istudiants  Chretiens ),  the  outgrowth  of  the  international  ac- 
tivities of  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  The  moving  spirit  is  Dr.  John  R.  Mott, 
and  the  central  office  is  in  the  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Building  at  124  East 
28th  Street,  New  York.  Organ:  "The  Student  World,"  quarterly, 
per  annum  25  cents.  Dr.  Mott  is  also  president  of  the  "Continua- 
tion Committee"  of  the  World  Missionary  Conference  of  All  Prot- 
estant Churches,  office  1  Charlotte  Square,  Edinburgh,  which  pub- 
lishes quarterly  "The  International  Review  of  Missions." 

World's  Young  Women's  Christian  Association.  Office  of  gen- 
eral secretary,  26  George  Street,  Hanover  Square,  London.  Organ : 
"The  World's  Y.  W.  C.  A.  Quarterly";  subscription,  per  annum,  6d. 


BOOKS  RELATING  TO  THE  PEACE  MOVEMENT 
OF  THE  CHURCHES 

Published  by  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ 
in  America 

Christian  Unity  at  Work — 4th  Edition.  The  Second  Council,  of 
1912.  Edited  by  Charles  S.  Macfarland,  Secretary  of  the  Federal 
Council.  Price,  $1.00  net;  postpaid,  $1.20. 

The  Fight  for  Peace — An  Aggressive  Campaign  for  American 
Churches.  By  Sidney  L.  Gulick.  Paper,  25  cents;  postpaid,  30 
cents.  Cloth,  50  cents;  postpaid,  55  cents. 

The  Japanese  Problem  in  the  United  States — A  Report  prepared 
for  the  Commission  on  Relations  with  Japan  by  Professor  H.  A. 
Millis.  Price,  $1.50;  postpaid,  $1.60. 

A  Yearbook  of  the  Church  and  Social  Service.  Price,  paper,  30 
cents;  postpaid,  35  cents.  Cloth,  50  cents;  postpaid,  55  cents. 

The  Annual  Reports  of  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of 
Christ  in  America  for  1914.  Postpaid,  20  cents. 

A  Course  of  Twelve  Lessons  prepared  by  the  Commission  on 
Christian  Education,  giving  the  lessons  in  brief  form  and  con- 
taining an  unusually  complete  bibliography  of  the  peace  move- 
ment. 

Pamphlet  literature  is  constantly  issued  by  the  Commission  on 
Peace  and  Arbitration  of  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of 
Christ  in  America. 


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